Women in Vietnam

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Women in Vietnam
Ao dai APEC.jpg
Young Vietnamese women in aodai during the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation 2006 event.
Gender Inequality Index[1]
Value 0.299 (2012)
Rank 48th out of 148
Maternal mortality (per 100,000) 59 (2010)
Women in parliament 24.4% (2012)
Females over 25 with secondary education 24.7% (2010)
Women in labour force 73.2% (2011)
Global Gender Gap Index[2]
Value 0.6863 (2013)
Rank 73rd out of 136

Women in Vietnam have played an important role in Vietnam's history. They have served as war heroes, nurses, mothers and wives. Their role in society has changed somewhat over the years, but they have undertaken versatile leadership positions that redefine the women in Vietnam. They do so in an environment that both empowers and disadvantages women through policies, cultural beliefs, and societal norms.

History[edit]

Trung Sisters and Chinese rule[edit]

In 111 B.C., Chinese armies claimed the territory called Nam Viet and tried to integrate it into the Han Empire. During this time, Confucianism was the official ideology, the Chinese language was primarily spoken, and the Chinese occupation had enormous influence on literature and art creations.[3] However, there was resistance to the Chinese rule. In A.D. 40, the Trung sisters Trưng Trắc and Trưng Nhị led a rebellion to get rid of To Dinh, the corrupt Chinese governor occupying Vietnam. They were daughters of a Lac lord in Giao Chi (now Northern Vietnam) and widows of aristocrats. They successfully formed their own kingdom in Mê Linh. While ruling in Me Linh, the sisters abolished taxes, which had been especially cruel under To Dinh. They were defeated in A.D. 43 by Ma Vien, a Chinese general, but are still regarded as female military heroes and national heroines.[4]

Although the Trung sisters are praised for their military skills and bravery, they have also been used to confirm women’s societal role in a different manner. Historians have focused on their physical beauty and emphasized their devotion to family as well as Trung Trac’s romantic relationship with her husband, Lac Lord Thi Sach.[5] The Trung sisters are also a symbol of Vietnamese patriotism. They are used to show how weak Chinese men are, even in comparison to Vietnamese women, as the Chinese men under To Dinh "bowed their heads, folded their arms, and served the northerners; how shameful is this in comparison with the two Trung sisters, who were women!”[6]

After Ma Vien’s defeat of the Trung sisters, the Chinese maintained domination over Vietnam for more than a thousand years. They established a bureaucracy that emphasized Confucianism, and they focused on educating Vietnam’s ruling class with Chinese literature and ideas.[7] Chinese rule ended in 939 AD when the Vietnamese army, under the direction of Ngo Quyen, defeated the Chinese army, which was already troubled by chaos within China. [8] The Ly dynasty was established in 1010, and ruled until 1225. The Ly dynasty continued many of the political, social, and economic institutions that were imposed by the country's former Chinese rulers. For example, only males of the noble class could attend school and become members of the civil service. The Vietnamese continued to fight against Chinese influence, but in 1407 the country was once again under Chinese Rule. They re-won independence in 1428, when the Vietnamese Le dynasty was created. [9]

European rule[edit]

France desired trading freedom in Vietnam. They also wanted to bring more missionaries into the country. The Nguyen dynasty disliked French involvement in Vietnam, and executed several missionaries and Vietnamese coverts. This spurred the French Emperor, Napoleon III, to attack Vietnam and attempt to force the court to accept the title of "French protectorate." The French were successful despite the resistance they encountered, and by the 1880s Vietnam was officially a French protectorate.[10]

Vietnamese women were often married to European men. This was particularly true in the upper-class, where marriage to a European male was seen as an opportunity for advancement. Often, this marriage was a temporary arrangement. A Vietnamese women married a European man for a certain amount of time. Since objects like clothes, coins, or jewelry were given in exchange for sex, women could make a profit in this way. When their European husband left, the woman were often remarried. This was seen as a profitable arrangement for most parties. In fact, Vietnamese nobles had "thought it no Shame or Disgrace to marry their daughters to English and Dutch Seamen, for the Time they were to stay in Tonquin, and often presented their Son in Law pretty hand- somely at their departure, especially if they left their Wives with Child."[11] In this way, the marriage and subsequent departure of a foreign husband was seen as an opportunity for social advancement, and there wasn't a stigma surrounding the "abandoned wife." There was almost an aura surrounding a woman who married a foreign man, rather than a stigma. It was believed that "When [a trader] wants to depart he gives whatever is promised, and so they leave each other in friendship and she may then look for another man as she wishes in all propriety, without scandal."[12]

According to many historians, European men perceived Southeast Asian women as beautiful, but immodest and not concerned with chastity.[13] This facilitated an environment more open to rape and abduction. European religious leaders began blaming East asian women for being prostitutes, and the temporary marriages came to be seen as shameful instead of honorable. They were labeled as "prostitutes" and assumed to be of the lower-classes. Historian Barbara Andaya said that although "well into the nineteenth century Europeans continued to take concubines, the tendency to see concubines akin to prostitutes meant that the standing of the temporary wife had been fundamentally eroded." [14]

Vietnamese Nationalist movement[edit]

In 1930, urban intellectual elites began to talk about women’s ability to escape their confined social sphere through novels like Nhat Linh’s Noan Tuyet, in which the heroine escapes from a marriage she was coerced into and wins social approval for it. The heroine’s true love was a member of the nationalist party. According to this book and other authors like Phan Boi Chau, there was an evident link between the nationalist movement and an increase in women’s rights. Following the nationalist military leadership of the Trung sisters, other women became heavily involved in non-communist nationalist movements, especially in the Vietnam Nationalist Party. By the end of the 1930s, women’s liberation had become a common topic in the literature written by urban intellectual elites, and women had entered political life.[15]

The Lao Dong party (Vietnam Worker’s Party) was created in 1945 after the Indochinese Party was dissolved. It was led by Ho Chi Minh until his death, and controlled the Democratic Republic of Vietnam. The Lao Dong Party claims to have advanced women’s rights by publicizing Vietnamese women’s achievements and allowing women to serve in the government and communist delegations. The party advocated and pushed for greater equality between the sexes, and said that the prior wave of women’s liberation movements in the upper bourgeoisie during the 1930s was more of an advocacy for quick divorce, and did not attempt to liberate women as a whole.[16] It said,

"petty-bourgeois feminists reduced the cause of the inequality of the sexes and the bondage of women to economic dependence. They timidly suggested that the woman be trained in certain trades 'in keeping with her femininity and not detrimental to her mission as a mother.' (Dam Phuong, The Woman and the Family, 1929). This 'sacred mission' was in fact but domestic slavery, the drudgrey that was the lot of women in patriarchal families, which the feminists did not dare to oppose. And they hardly dared to mention this 'risky' question: that of liberation from foreign rule."[17]

Nationalist movements like the Lao Dong Party used the liberation of women to show where they planned to lead the country and emphasized the poor rights for women during colonial rule and under French influence. These nationalist movements stressed the idea that women were oppressed under the French occupation and espoused the idea that liberation for women could only come through a nationalist revolution. They recognized that gender equality was an issue that cut across social lines and could be used to build nationalist support. However, when the Party Central Committee was asked to rank the ten “essential tasks of the revolution,” it ranked equal rights for women as ninth and its stance on women’s rights was intentionally vague.[18]

Even so, women did participate in the revolution against the French that occupied Vietnam. They served as nurses, guides, couriers, and propagandists. Although they were not allowed in the regular army, they fought in militia and guerrilla units on the home front. The slogan for women in the Resistance was “Let women replace men in all tasks in the rear, which was an accurate description of their main role in the Revolution- laboring in the agricultural sector as Vietnamese men fought for Vietnam’s independence from the French. The Revolution did not result in immediate empowerment, as only 10 of the 403 seats in the 1946 -1960 Nationalist Assemblies were occupied by women. It did spread feminist ideology, however. [19]

The French left Vietnam in 1954, after an eight-year war that split Vietnam in half at the seventeenth parallel. The Vietminh were in the North, and the French and those who supported them were in the south. The North became a communist society, while the South was anti-communist and received support from the United States. Rising unrest in the South, because of religious and social intolerance by President Ngo Dinh Diem, created an opportunity for North Vietnam to try reclaiming the South. This led to a long and bloody conflict, in which American troops became very involved. In 1975, the Communist government was able to take over South Vietnam, despite the American bombing of Northern cities. This division did not remain for long, though, and the two sides were united in the Socialist Republic of Vietnam in 1976. [20]

Vietnam War[edit]

Gender relations before the Vietnam War[edit]

The Woman’s Union of the 1930s pushed for women’s interests and managed to extend paid maternity leave for government employees. The Woman's Union also received a governmental guarantee that they would be consulted before the government implemented any policies that could affect women’s health.[21] The Woman's Union is one of the few organizations that pushed for such change, and they experienced pushback on their efforts. The paid maternity leave for government employees, which was extended from three to six months, was changed back to three months a few years after its passing. Vietnam was slowly extending greater rights to females. In 1949, the state of Vietnam was created during the first Indochina War, in which Vietnam attempted to gain independence from France. A move towards equality was evident in the original constitution of the 1949 Democratic Republic of Vietnam, which stated that “women are equal to men in all respects.” The Constitution also contained clauses calling for paid maternity leave and equal pay for equal work. The 1959 Marriage and Family Law made further progress as it worked on ending systems of concubines, child marriage and forced marriage. While these changes occurred in large part because socialist leaders wanted women to be able to work in the industrial and agricultural sectors, they did promote rapid change in women’s traditional roles. Under the socialist regime, both male and female literacy increased. [22]

Women in war[edit]

Women played a significant role in defending Vietnam during the Indochina Wars from 1945 to 1975. They took roles such as village patrol guards, intelligence agents, propagandists, and military recruiters. Historically, women have become "active participants" in struggles to liberate their country from foreign occupation, from Chinese to French colonialists. This character and spirit of Vietnamese women were first exemplified by the conduct of the Trung sisters, one of the “first historical figures” in the history of Vietnam who revolted against Chinese control. This trait is also epitomized in the old Vietnamese adage: "When the enemy is at the gate, the woman goes out fighting".[23]

North Vietnamese women were enlisted and fought in the combat zone and provided manual labor to keep the Ho Chi Minh trail open. They also worked in the rice fields in North Vietnam and Viet Cong-held farming areas in South Vietnam's Mekong Delta region to provide food for their families and the communist war effort. Women were enlisted in both the North Vietnamese Army (NVA) and the Viet Cong guerrilla insurgent force in South Vietnam. Some women also served for the North Vietnamese and Viet Cong intelligence services.

In South Vietnam, many women voluntarily serve in the ARVN's Women's Armed Force Corps (WAFC) and various other Women's corps in the military. Some, like in the WAFC, fought in combat with other soldiers. Others have served as nurses and doctors in the battlefield and in military hospitals, or served in South Vietnam or America's intelligence agencies. During Diệm's presidency, Madame Nhu was the commander of the WAFC.

Women's roles during the Vietnam War[edit]

Vietnam split into two parts, North and South Vietnam, in 1954. The revolutionary socialist government in the North wanted to enhance social equity, sometimes by improving women's rights. The 1960 Marriage and Family Law, for example, banned forced marriage, child marriage, wife beating, and concubinage.[24] The regime also focused on moving women outside of the home. They did this for the purpose of industrial development. They promoted the power of the Women's Union, which pushed for women's rights but also rallied support for the Communist government's new laws. The government of North Vietnam influenced the role of women during the war of reunification during the mid-1960s, when mobilizing women was viewed as crucial to winning the war. During this time, the Women's Union encouraged women to fulfill three main responsibilities. These were: encouraging their male relatives to fight in the war, taking all of the household burdens on themselves, and taking jobs in the industrial and agricultural workforces.[25] In 1967, the Communist Party's Central Committee called for formal quotas in employment.[26] The commission asked that women occupy at least 35 percent of all jobs, and 50-70 percent of jobs in education. Most of these quotas were filled by the 1970s.[27]

The Vietnam War, also known as the Second Indochina War, lasted from 1956 to 1975. In 1967, with the Vietnam War well under way, the Communist Party’s Central Committee in North Vietnam passed resolution 153. This resolution passed formal job quotas, requiring women to hold a minimum of 35% of all jobs and 50-70% of job in the educational sector. They passed this resolution because, with so many Vietnamese men away at war, they needed more women to support the economy.[28] A similar infiltration occurred in the political arena, where the “percentage of women on people's councils, the major administrative bodies, increased at the provincial, district, and commune levels from 22.8, 20.8, and 16.5 percent in 1965 to 34.8, 40.0, and 40.9 percent by 1972.”[29] Although this was the greatest involvement of women in the political sphere in Vietnam’s history, men maintained their hold on leadership positions across the board, not only in the political arena. When the war ended, female involvement decreased, actually sinking below its pre-war involvement rates.[30]

Several laws influenced women's rights in the time period following the Vietnam war and reunification. The Family Law of 1986 doubled the length of maternity leave from three to six months, while the 1988 Council of Minster's Decision number 163 gave the Women's Union the right to be involved in any decision relevant to the welfare of women or children. However, the desire for economic efficiency under the free market reforms of the new regime caused some of these reforms to be scaled back. Maternity leave, for example, was shortened to four months when employers began complaining that they lost money by hiring women. There are no other organizations like the Women's Union, as the Vietnamese government is very careful about the nongovernmental organizations they allow to exist. The Vietnamese Women's Association exists largely to increase the power of the Communist Party, so it is not always able to fully support women's interests.[31]

Gender relations in post-war Vietnam[edit]

In Vietnam during the 1960s and 70s, the newly-powerful socialists promoted equal access to education for men and women. The reunification of North and South Vietnam after the Vietnam war, in 1976, also allowed women to take on leadership roles in politics.[32] One author said that Vietnam during the 1980s was "a place where, after exhausting work and furious struggle, women can be confident that they travel the path which will some day arrive at their liberation.”[33]

However, some historians have argued that women's advocates in Vietnam "have been weakened in the postreunification era due in part to the implementation of free market reforms in a nondemocratic political context." [34] The resource constraints were detrimnental to women's rights, as was the political atmosphere after the war. The new state implemented free market economics but political participation was not expanded. The tight political atmosphere and resource-constraints weakened the Vietnam Women's Union, which was accustomed to speaking on behalf of women under Vietnam's single-party rule. After the war was over, it was no longer seen as a crucial organization by the government. [35] Political reunification also resulted in the end of the quota system and the subsequent decrease in women in the National Assembly. There was also an increase in occupational segregation as women returned to more roles within the home and men returned from the war.[36] Free-market policies known as the Doi moi put female-headed households in rural areas at a disadvantage by limiting their access to credit. [37]

Contemporary societal influences[edit]

Role of the family[edit]

Confucianism's emphasis on the family still impacts Vietnamese women’s lives, especially in rural areas, where it espouses the importance of premarital female virginity and condemns abortion and divorce.[38] Women are seen primarily as mothers, and are considered to have shown “respect” to their husband’s lineage if they give birth to a boy.[39] While patrilineal ancestor worship shows girls as “outside lineage” (ho ngoai), it consider boys to be “inside lineage” (ho noi). Vietnamese society tends to follow the ancestral line through males, pushing women to the periphery. Vietnam has a one-or-two child policy. Some families want at least one boy, but would prefer two boys to two girls, so they use ultrasound machines to determine the baby’s sex and then abort female offspring.[40]

Education and poverty[edit]

Local credit associations do not feel secure giving loans to single mothers, which has resulted in a poverty increase for households that are led by a woman.[41] There is a gender gap in education, as males are more likely to attend school-and stay in school- than females.[42] Women and men tend to be segregated into different jobs, with more women serving in educational, communications, and public services than men.

Shift toward gender equality[edit]

While Vietnamese society is still gendered in these ways, gender relations and attitudes have begun to shift rapidly in recent decades. In the 1980s, the Vietnam Women’s Union increased paid maternity leave and received a promise that they would be asked before the government implemented any policies that could potentially affect the welfare of women. However, the increased maternity leave was restored to its original length a few years later. The Vietnam Women’s Union itself, while advocating and pushing for the educational, economic and political progress of Vietnamese women, still instructs women to keep the family hierarchy in place, allowing men to dominate as the Confucian tradition commands.[43] While there are limits in the Vietnam Women’s Union that prohibit gender change in certain areas, there do not seem to be other organized civil society groups that are fighting for women’s rights. This limits the capacity for change.[44]

Another reason for the shift in gender relations and attitudes is the introduction of the Doi moi renovation policy by the Communist Party in 1986.[45] The Doi moi policy opened Vietnam up to global trade, and has resulted in decreased pay disparities between Vietnamese men and women. The average gender pay gap for the wage employed has been cut in two since the policy’s introduction.[46]

This policy allowed Western influences to interact with traditional society. Allowing global influences to enter Vietnam in this manner is changing perceptions of female sexuality in some ways, but there is still a large focus on women’s role in the family. Laws such as the Law on Marriage and Family (revised in 2000) concentrate on continuing the ethical traditions necessary for family building, such as female virginity and heterosexual family structures.[47] The law approves a “voluntary, progressive and monogamous marriage in which husband and wife are equal,” which shows its progressive acceptance of equality between Vietnamese men and women in family life, but reinforces a heterosexual ideal.[48] A Population Council Report says that although “social practices are changing following the introduction of doi moi [...] there is not necessarily an acceptance of these changes in beliefs and/or values.”[49]

The “social evils” campaign conducted by the Vietnamese government in 1995, for example, took down several advertisements from foreign countries.[50] It focused on the female role and morality by trying to block pictures of semi-nude Western models and putting an end to prostitution. Perceptions and actions of female sexuality in Vietnam are influenced by the Vietnamese government’s family laws and social evils campaign, the Confucian doctrine, and societal perceptions of morality and motherhood. These traditions resist the doi-moi law that opened Vietnam up to global society, and result in the preservation of some aspects of Vietnam’s traditional culture.[51]

Human rights[edit]

Since the 1980s, some women from Vietnam have become victims of kidnapping, the bride-buying trade, and human trafficking and prostitution in China.,[52] Taiwan, South Korea, and in the cases of human trafficking, prostitution and sexual slavery, Cambodia. The present-day struggle of the Vietnamese female victims of "bride-brokers" can be summarized by the larger-than-life poem known as the "The Tale of Kieu," which narrates the story of a female protagonist of Vietnam who was purchased by foreigners and was violated, yet kept fighting back against her captors and offenders.[52]

Human traffickers, such as in Bangkok, trick, kidnap and detain the women for the purpose of raping them, making them surrogate mothers, and selling their babies to clients in Taiwan.[53] Other Vietnamese women and, most of the time, their children as well, can become stateless persons as a result of failed transnational marriages[54] because after marrying non-Vietnamese men and settling abroad, the Vietnamese bride often renounces her Vietnamese citizenship to naturalize in her husband's country. Such immigration-related or repatriation problems happen when the marriage fails during the course of the naturalization process in Taiwan. Failed transnational marriages between foreigners and Vietnamese women occur in Taiwan, South Korea, Hong Kong, and Singapore.[54]

Between 2005 and 2009, 6,000 women, as well as younger girls, were found to be in the human trafficking statistic. The majority of the women and girls are trafficked to China, 30% are trafficked to Cambodia, and the remaining 10% are trafficked to the destinations across the world.[55]

See also[edit]

References[edit]

  1. ^ "Human Development Report". United Nations Development Programme. 2013. p. 156. 
  2. ^ "The Global Gender Gap Report 2013". World Economic Forum. pp. 12–13. 
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  4. ^ Womack, Sarah. "THE REMAKINGS OF A LEGEND: Women and Patriotism in the Hagiography of the Tru'ng Sisters." Crossroads: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 9.2 (1995): 31-50. JSTOR. Web. 30 Mar. 2014. <http://www.jstor.org/stable/40860533>.
  5. ^ Womack, Sarah. "THE REMAKINGS OF A LEGEND: Women and Patriotism in the Hagiography of the Tru'ng Sisters." Crossroads: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 9.2 (1995): 31-50. JSTOR. Web. 30 Mar. 2014. <http://www.jstor.org/stable/40860533>.
  6. ^ Ngô Sï Liên, Dai Viet sir ky toàn thw, 3, lb. Cited in The Birth of Vietnam by Keith Weiler Taylor (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983), p. 334.
  7. ^ Womack, Sarah. "THE REMAKINGS OF A LEGEND: Women and Patriotism in the Hagiography of the Tru'ng Sisters." Crossroads: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 9.2 (1995): 31-50. JSTOR. Web. 30 Mar. 2014. <http://www.jstor.org/stable/40860533>.
  8. ^ "Vietnam History, People, Economy, Geography, Government." Vietnam History, People, Economy, Geography, Government. N.p., n.d. Web. 30 Apr. 2014. http://vietventures.com/Vietnam/history_vietnam.asp
  9. ^ "Vietnam History, People, Economy, Geography, Government." Vietnam History, People, Economy, Geography, Government. N.p., n.d. Web. 30 Apr. 2014. http://vietventures.com/Vietnam/history_vietnam.asp
  10. ^ "Vietnam History, People, Economy, Geography, Government." Vietnam History, People, Economy, Geography, Government. N.p., n.d. Web. 30 Apr. 2014. http://vietventures.com/Vietnam/history_vietnam.asp
  11. ^ Andaya, Barbara. "From Temporary Wife to Prostitute: Sexuality and Economic Change in Early Modern Southeast Asia." Journal of Women's History 9 (1998): 11-34. Web. 27 Apr. 2014. <http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/jowh/summary/v009/9.4.andaya.html>.
  12. ^ 0H. A. van Foreest and A. de Booy, eds., De Vierde Schipvaart derNederlanders naar Oost-Indië onder Jacob Wilkens en Jacob van Neck (1599-1604) (The Hague: Linschoten Vereeniging, 1980), 223; and Hamilton, A New Account, 2:115.
  13. ^ 9 Edward H. Schäfer, The Vermilion Bird: Tang Images of the South (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967), 80; Blair and Robertson, eds., The Philippine Islands, 97-98; and Dampier, A New Voyage, 226.
  14. ^ Andaya, Barbara. "From Temporary Wife to Prostitute: Sexuality and Economic Change in Early Modern Southeast Asia." Journal of Women's History 9 (1998): 11-34. Web. 27 Apr. 2014. <http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/jowh/summary/v009/9.4.andaya.html
  15. ^ Turley, William S. "Women in the Communist Revolution in Vietnam." Asian Survey 12.9 (1972): 793-805. JSTOR. Web. 30 Mar. 2014. <http://www.jstor.org/stable/2642829>.
  16. ^ Turley, William S. "Women in the Communist Revolution in Vietnam." Asian Survey 12.9 (1972): 793-805. JSTOR. Web. 30 Mar. 2014. <http://www.jstor.org/stable/2642829>.
  17. ^ Dam Phuong, The Woman and the Family, 1929
  18. ^ Turley, William S. "Women in the Communist Revolution in Vietnam." Asian Survey 12.9 (1972): 793-805. JSTOR. Web. 30 Mar. 2014. <http://www.jstor.org/stable/2642829>.
  19. ^ Turley, William S. "Women in the Communist Revolution in Vietnam." Asian Survey 12.9 (1972): 793-805. JSTOR. Web. 30 Mar. 2014. <http://www.jstor.org/stable/2642829>.
  20. ^ "Vietnam History, People, Economy, Geography, Government." Vietnam History, People, Economy, Geography, Government. N.p., n.d. Web. 30 Apr. 2014. http://vietventures.com/Vietnam/history_vietnam.asp
  21. ^ Andaya, Barbara. "From Temporary Wife to Prostitute: Sexuality and Economic Change in Early Modern Southeast Asia." Journal of Women's History 9 (1998): 11-34. Web. 27 Apr. 2014. <http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/jowh/summary/v009/9.4.andaya.html>.
  22. ^ Goodkind, Daniel. "Rising gender inequality in Vietnam since reunification." Pacific Affairs (1995): 342-359.
  23. ^ Nguyˆen, Van Ky. "Rethinking the Status of Vietnamese Women in Folklore and Oral History". University of Michigan Press. pp. 87–107 (21 pages as PDF file). 
  24. ^ Mai, T., and T. Le. Women in Vietnam. N.p.: Hanoi: Foreign Languages House, n.d. Print.
  25. ^ Mai, T., and T. Le. Women in Vietnam. N.p.: Hanoi: Foreign Languages House, n.d. Print.
  26. ^ Werner, J. "Women, Socialism, and the Economy of Wartime North Vietnam, 1960-1975." Studies in Comparative Communism. N.p.: n.p., 1981. 165-90. Print.
  27. ^ Mai, T., and T. Le. Women in Vietnam. N.p.: Hanoi: Foreign Languages House, n.d. Print.
  28. ^ Jayne Werner, "Women, Socialism, and the Economy of Wartime North Vietnam," Studies in Comparative Communism, vol. 16 (1981), pp. 165-90.
  29. ^ Ibid, pg 292
  30. ^ Goodkind, Daniel. "Rising gender inequality in Vietnam since reunification." Pacific Affairs (1995): 342-359.
  31. ^ Goodkind, Daniel. "Rising gender inequality in Vietnam since reunification." Pacific Affairs (1995): 342-359.
  32. ^ Goodkind, Daniel. "Rising gender inequality in Vietnam since reunification." Pacific Affairs (1995): 342-359.
  33. ^ Arlene Eisen, Women and Revolution in Vietnam (London: Zed Books, 1984).
  34. ^ Goodkind, Daniel. "The Vietnamese Double Marriage Squeeze." International Migration Review 31.1 (1997): 108-127. http://www.jstor.org/stable/2547260
  35. ^ Goodkind, Daniel. "The Vietnamese Double Marriage Squeeze." International Migration Review 31.1 (1997): 108-127. http://www.jstor.org/stable/2547260
  36. ^ Allen, S. Country Gender Analysis: Vietnam. Hanoi: Swedish International Development Authority, 1992. Print.
  37. ^ Tran, T. "The Direct Loan of Capital from the Bank to Develop Production and Gender Equality." Vietnam Social Sciences. N.p.: n.p., 1992. 25-36. Print.
  38. ^ Nguyen Khac Vien (1975) Confucianism and Marxism in Vietnam, in: David Marr & Jayne Werner (Eds) Tradition and Revolution in Vietnam, pp. 15–52 (Berkeley, Indochina Resources Center).
  39. ^ Rydstrøm, Helle. "Sexual desires and ‘social evils’: young women in rural Vietnam." Gender, Place and Culture 13, no. 3 (2006): 283-301.
  40. ^ Zeng Yi et al., "Causes and Implications of the Recent Increase in the Reported Sex Ratio of Birth in China," Population and Development Review, vol. 19 (June 1993), pp. 283-302; Daniel Goodkind, "Rising Sex Ratios at Birth in Confucian Asia: A Summary of Interpretive Puzzles" (Unpublished manuscript, 1994).
  41. ^ T. V. A. Tran, "The Direct Loan of Capital from the Bank to Development Production and Gender Equality," Social Sciences (Vietnam), vol. 34 (1992), pp. 25-26.
  42. ^ Project of Children Statistics, 1989. Profiles of Children and Women zn Vietnam (Nhung van de ve tre em va phu nu Viet Nam) (Hanoi: General Statistical Office, 1989).
  43. ^ Schuler, Sidney Ruth, Hoang Tu Anh, Vu Song Ha, Tran Hung Minh, Bui Thi Thanh Mai, and Pham Vu Thien. "Constructions of gender in Vietnam: in pursuit of the ‘Three Criteria’." Culture, health & sexuality 8, no. 5 (2006): 383-394.
  44. ^ T. N. T. Le, "Demand for children in An Hiep Village," Vietnamese Studies, vol. 3, no. 109 (1993); Allen, Women in Vietna
  45. ^ Duiker, William J. (1995) Vietnam: Revolution in Transition (Boulder, Colorado, Westview Press).
  46. ^ Pham, Thai-Hung, and Barry Reilly. "The gender pay gap in Vietnam, 1993–2002: A quantile regression approach." Journal of Asian Economics 18, no. 5 (2007): 775-808.
  47. ^ Official Gazette (2000)Marriage and Family Law no. 22/2000/QH10. Official Gazette, 28, 9 June. National Assembly of Vietnam.
  48. ^ Official Gazette (2000)Marriage and Family Law no. 22/2000/QH10. Official Gazette, 28, 9 June. National Assembly of Vietnam.
  49. ^ Population Council (1997) A Study of Vietnamese Youth’s decision Making for Health and HIV/AIDS Prevention in Kien giang and Quang Ninh Provinces (Hanoi, Population Council).
  50. ^ Marr, David (1997) Vietnamese youth in the 1990s, Vietnam Review, 2, pp. 288–354.
  51. ^ Rydstrøm, Helle. "Sexual desires and ‘social evils’: young women in rural Vietnam." Gender, Place and Culture 13, no. 3 (2006): 283-301.
  52. ^ a b Marshall, Samantha; Lee-Young, Joanne; Forney, Matt (3 August 1999). "Vietnamese Women are Kidnapped and Later Sold in China as Brides". Wall Street Journal. Retrieved 2 May 2011. 
  53. ^ "Daily Outrage: 14 Vietnamese women rescued from breeding gang". The San Francisco Examiner. 25 February 2011. Retrieved 2 May 2011. 
  54. ^ a b McKinsey, Kitt (14 February 2007). "Divorce leaves some Vietnamese women broken-hearted and stateless". United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. Retrieved 2 May 2011. 
  55. ^ The trafficking of women and children from Vietnam. Child Exploitation and Online Protection Centre in association with the British Embassy, Hanoi. (2011)

Further reading[edit]