Kim Il Sung: Difference between revisions
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Archival material suggests<ref name="weathersby432">Weathersby, Kathryn, "The Soviet Role in the Early Phase of the Korean War", ''The Journal of American-East Asian Relations'' 2, no. 4 (Winter 1993): 432</ref><ref name="goncharov">Goncharov, Sergei N., Lewis, John W. and Xue Litai, ''Uncertain Partners: Stalin, Mao, and the Korean War'' (1993)</ref><ref name="mansourov94107">Mansourov, Aleksandr Y., ''Stalin, Mao, Kim, and China’s Decision to Enter the Korean War, 16 September – 15 October 1950: New Evidence from the Russian Archives'', Cold War International History Project Bulletin, Issues 6–7 (Winter 1995/1996): 94–107</ref> that North Korea's decision to invade South Korea was Kim's initiative, not a Soviet one. Evidence suggests that Soviet intelligence, through its espionage sources in the US government and British [[Secret Intelligence Service|SIS]], had obtained information on the limitations of US atomic bomb stockpiles as well as defense program cuts, leading Stalin to conclude that the [[Harry S. Truman|Truman]] administration would not intervene in Korea.<ref>Sudoplatov, Pavel Anatoli, Schecter, Jerrold L., and Schecter, Leona P., ''Special Tasks: The Memoirs of an Unwanted Witness—A Soviet Spymaster'', Little Brown, Boston (1994)</ref> |
Archival material suggests<ref name="weathersby432">Weathersby, Kathryn, "The Soviet Role in the Early Phase of the Korean War", ''The Journal of American-East Asian Relations'' 2, no. 4 (Winter 1993): 432</ref><ref name="goncharov">Goncharov, Sergei N., Lewis, John W. and Xue Litai, ''Uncertain Partners: Stalin, Mao, and the Korean War'' (1993)</ref><ref name="mansourov94107">Mansourov, Aleksandr Y., ''Stalin, Mao, Kim, and China’s Decision to Enter the Korean War, 16 September – 15 October 1950: New Evidence from the Russian Archives'', Cold War International History Project Bulletin, Issues 6–7 (Winter 1995/1996): 94–107</ref> that North Korea's decision to invade South Korea was Kim's initiative, not a Soviet one. Evidence suggests that Soviet intelligence, through its espionage sources in the US government and British [[Secret Intelligence Service|SIS]], had obtained information on the limitations of US atomic bomb stockpiles as well as defense program cuts, leading Stalin to conclude that the [[Harry S. Truman|Truman]] administration would not intervene in Korea.<ref>Sudoplatov, Pavel Anatoli, Schecter, Jerrold L., and Schecter, Leona P., ''Special Tasks: The Memoirs of an Unwanted Witness—A Soviet Spymaster'', Little Brown, Boston (1994)</ref> |
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The [[People's Republic of China]] acquiesced only reluctantly to the idea of Korean reunification after being told by Kim that Stalin had approved the action.<ref name="weathersby432" /><ref name="goncharov" /><ref name="mansourov94107" /> The Chinese did not provide North Korea with direct military support (other than logistics channels) until United Nations troops, largely US forces, had nearly reached the [[Yalu River]] late in 1950. At the outset of the war in June and July, North Korean forces captured Seoul and occupied most of the South, save for a small section of territory in the southeast region of the South that was called the [[Pusan Perimeter]]. But in September, the North Koreans were driven back by the US-led counterattack that started with the UN landing in [[Incheon]], followed by a combined South Korean-US-UN offensive from the Pusan Perimeter. North Korean |
The [[People's Republic of China]] acquiesced only reluctantly to the idea of Korean reunification after being told by Kim that Stalin had approved the action.<ref name="weathersby432" /><ref name="goncharov" /><ref name="mansourov94107" /> The Chinese did not provide North Korea with direct military support (other than logistics channels) until United Nations troops, largely US forces, had nearly reached the [[Yalu River]] late in 1950. At the outset of the war in June and July, North Korean forces captured Seoul and occupied most of the South, save for a small section of territory in the southeast region of the South that was called the [[Pusan Perimeter]]. But in September, the North Koreans were driven back by the US-led counterattack that started with the UN landing in [[Incheon]], followed by a combined South Korean-US-UN offensive from the Pusan Perimeter. The North Korean regime's version of events is that the United States had previously invaded and occupied the South, allegedly with the intention to push further north and into the Asian continent. Based on these assumptions, it portrays the KPA invasion of the South as a counter-attack.<ref>Ho Jong-ho et al. (1977) ''[http://www.korea-dpr.com/users/uk/US%20started%20Korean%20War.pdf The US Imperialists Started the Korean War] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110429101010/http://www.korea-dpr.com/users/uk/US%20started%20Korean%20War.pdf |date=29 April 2011 }}''</ref> However, the US was operating, along with many other countries, under the auspices of a UN resolution that responded to the North's invasion of the South. By October, UN forces had retaken Seoul and invaded the North to reunify the country under the South. On 19 October, US and South Korean troops captured P’yŏngyang, forcing Kim and his government to flee north, first to [[Sinuiju]] and eventually into [[Kanggye]].<ref name=mossman>{{cite book |last=Mossman |first=Billy |date=June 29, 2005 |title=United States Army in the Korean War: Ebb and Flow November 1950-July 1951|publisher=University Press of the Pacific |page=51}}</ref><ref name=sandler>{{cite book |last=Sandler |first=Stanley |date=1999 |title=The Korean War: No Victors, No Vanquished |publisher=The University Press of Kentucky |page=108}}</ref> |
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On 25 October 1950, after sending various warnings of their intent to intervene if UN forces did not halt their advance,<ref name="Halberstam 2007">David Halberstam. Halberstam, David (25 September 2007). The Coldest Winter: America and the Korean War. Hyperion. Kindle Edition.</ref>{{rp|23}} Chinese troops in the thousands crossed the Yalu River and entered the war as allies of the KPA. There were nevertheless tensions between Kim and the Chinese government. Kim had been warned of the likelihood of an amphibious landing at Incheon, which was ignored. There was also a sense that the North Koreans had paid little in war compared to the Chinese who had fought for their country for decades against foes with better technology.<ref name="Halberstam 2007"/>{{rp|335–336}} The UN troops were forced to withdraw and Chinese troops retook P’yŏngyang in December and Seoul in January 1951. In March, UN forces began a new offensive, retaking Seoul and advanced north once again halting at a point just north of the 38th Parallel. After a series of offensives and counter-offensives by both sides, followed by a grueling period of largely static trench warfare that lasted from the summer of 1951 to July 1953, the front was stabilized along what eventually became the permanent "[[Military Demarcation Line|Armistice Line]]" of 27 July 1953. Over 2.5 million people died during the Korean war.<ref>Bethany Lacina and Nils Petter Gleditsch, [http://www.eui.eu/Documents/DepartmentsCentres/SPS/Seminars/SeminarsF09/PVSEMF08/LacinaGleditschMonitoringTrendsInGlobalCombatEJP2005.pdf Monitoring Trends in Global Combat: A New Dataset of Battle Deaths] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131012043824/http://www.eui.eu/Documents/DepartmentsCentres/SPS/Seminars/SeminarsF09/PVSEMF08/LacinaGleditschMonitoringTrendsInGlobalCombatEJP2005.pdf |date=12 October 2013 }}, European Journal of Population (2005) 21: 145–166.</ref> |
On 25 October 1950, after sending various warnings of their intent to intervene if UN forces did not halt their advance,<ref name="Halberstam 2007">David Halberstam. Halberstam, David (25 September 2007). The Coldest Winter: America and the Korean War. Hyperion. Kindle Edition.</ref>{{rp|23}} Chinese troops in the thousands crossed the Yalu River and entered the war as allies of the KPA. There were nevertheless tensions between Kim and the Chinese government. Kim had been warned of the likelihood of an amphibious landing at Incheon, which was ignored. There was also a sense that the North Koreans had paid little in war compared to the Chinese who had fought for their country for decades against foes with better technology.<ref name="Halberstam 2007"/>{{rp|335–336}} The UN troops were forced to withdraw and Chinese troops retook P’yŏngyang in December and Seoul in January 1951. In March, UN forces began a new offensive, retaking Seoul and advanced north once again halting at a point just north of the 38th Parallel. After a series of offensives and counter-offensives by both sides, followed by a grueling period of largely static trench warfare that lasted from the summer of 1951 to July 1953, the front was stabilized along what eventually became the permanent "[[Military Demarcation Line|Armistice Line]]" of 27 July 1953. Over 2.5 million people died during the Korean war.<ref>Bethany Lacina and Nils Petter Gleditsch, [http://www.eui.eu/Documents/DepartmentsCentres/SPS/Seminars/SeminarsF09/PVSEMF08/LacinaGleditschMonitoringTrendsInGlobalCombatEJP2005.pdf Monitoring Trends in Global Combat: A New Dataset of Battle Deaths] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131012043824/http://www.eui.eu/Documents/DepartmentsCentres/SPS/Seminars/SeminarsF09/PVSEMF08/LacinaGleditschMonitoringTrendsInGlobalCombatEJP2005.pdf |date=12 October 2013 }}, European Journal of Population (2005) 21: 145–166.</ref> |
Revision as of 22:13, 20 February 2018
Kim Il-sung | |
---|---|
김일성 | |
President of North Korea | |
In office 28 December 1972 – 8 July 1994 | |
Premier | Kim Il Pak Song-chol Li Jong-ok Kang Song-san Li Gun-mo Yon Hyong-muk |
Preceded by | Position created a |
Succeeded by | Position abolished |
Premier of North Korea | |
In office 9 September 1948 – 28 December 1972 | |
Preceded by | Position created |
Succeeded by | Kim Il |
General Secretary of the Workers' Party of Korea | |
In office 11 October 1966 – 8 July 1994 | |
Hierarchy | members of Presidium
|
Preceded by | Himself (as Chairman) |
Succeeded by | Kim Jong-il |
Chairman of the Workers' Party of Korea | |
In office 30 June 1949 – 11 October 1966 | |
Preceded by | Kim Tu-bong |
Succeeded by | Himself (as General Secretary) |
Deputy Chairman of the Workers' Party of Korea | |
In office 28 August 1946 – 30 June 1949 Serving with Chu Yong-ha and Ho Ka-i | |
Chairman | Kim Tu-bong |
Preceded by | Position created |
Succeeded by | Pak Hon-yong (as 1st Deputy Chairman) and Ho Ka-i (as 2nd Deputy Chairman) |
Chairman of the North Korea Bureau of the Communist Party of Korea | |
In office 17 December 1945 – 28 August 1946 | |
General Secretary | Pak Hon-yong |
Preceded by | Kim Yong-bom |
Succeeded by | Kim Tu-bong (as WPNK chairman) |
Deputy to the 1st, 2nd, 3rd, 4th, 5th, 6th, 7th, 8th and 9th Supreme People's Assembly | |
In office 2 September 1948 – 8 July 1994 | |
Chairman of the National Defence Commission | |
In office 27 December 1972 – 9 April 1993 | |
Preceded by | Position created |
Succeeded by | Kim Jong-il |
Supreme Commander of the Korean People's Army | |
In office 4 July 1950 – 24 December 1991 | |
Preceded by | Choe Yong-gon |
Succeeded by | Kim Jong-il |
Personal details | |
Born | Kim Sŏng-ju 15 April 1912 |
Died | 8 July 1994 | (aged 82)
Cause of death | Myocardial infarction |
Resting place | Kumsusan Palace of the Sun, Pyongyang |
Nationality | North Korean |
Political party | Workers’ Party of Korea |
Spouses |
|
Children |
|
Residence(s) | Pyongyang, DPR Korea |
Profession | President of North Korea |
Signature | |
Military service | |
Allegiance | |
Branch/service | Northeast Anti-Japanese United Army Red Army Korean People's Army Ground Force |
Years of service |
|
Rank | Dae wonsu (Grand Marshal) |
Commands | All (Supreme commander) |
Battles/wars | |
| |
'Kim Il-sung or Kim Il Sung' | |
Korean name | |
---|---|
Chosŏn'gŭl | |
Hancha | |
Revised Romanization | Gim Il(-)seong |
McCune–Reischauer | Kim Ilsŏng |
Birth name | |
Chosŏn'gŭl | |
Hancha | |
Revised Romanization | Gim Seong(-)ju |
McCune–Reischauer | Kim Sŏngchu |
Kim Il-sung or Kim Il Sung (/ˈkɪm ˈɪlˈsʌŋ, ˈsʊŋ/;[1] Korean: 김일성, Korean: [kimils͈ʌŋ]; born Kim Sŏng-ju (김성주); 15 April 1912 – 8 July 1994) was the leader of North Korea from its establishment in 1948 until his death in 1994.[2] He held the posts of Premier from 1948 to 1972 and President from 1972 to 1994. He was also the leader of the Workers' Party of Korea (WPK) from 1949 to 1994 (titled chairman from 1949 to 1966 and general secretary after 1966). Coming to power after the end of Japanese rule in 1945, he authorized the invasion of South Korea in 1950, triggering a defense of South Korea by the United Nations led by the United States. Following the military stalemate in the Korean War, a cease-fire was signed on 27 July 1953. He was the second longest-serving non-royal head of state/government in the 20th century, in office for more than 45 years.
Under his leadership, North Korea became a workers' state with a publicly owned and planned economy. It had close political and economic relations with the Soviet Union. By the 1960s, North Korea enjoyed a relatively high standard of living, outperforming the South, which was affected by political instability and economic crises.[3][4][5] The situation reversed in the 1980s, as a stable South Korea became an economic powerhouse fueled by Japanese and American investment, military aid and internal economic development while North Korea stagnated.[6] Differences emerged between North Korea and the Soviet Union, central among them Kim Il-sung's philosophy of Juche, which focused on Korean patriotism and self-reliance. Despite this, the country received funds, subsidies, and aid from the USSR (and the Eastern Bloc) until the dissolution of the USSR in 1991. The resulting loss of economic aid adversely affected the North's economy. During this period, North Korea also remained critical of United States defense forces presence in the region, which it considered imperialism, and it seized the American ship USS Pueblo (AGER-2) in 1968.
Kim's cult of personality dominated domestic politics in North Korea. At the 6th WPK Congress in 1980, his son Kim Jong-il, was elected as a Presidium member and chosen as his heir apparent to the supreme leadership. Kim Il-sung's birthday is a public holiday in North Korea and it is called the "Day of the Sun". In 1998, Kim Il-sung was given the title "Eternal President of the Republic." North Korea under his reign was characterized, by Freedom House and others, as a totalitarian state with widespread human rights abuses, including mass executions and prison camps.[7][8]
Early life
Controversy about origins
Controversy surrounds Kim's life before the founding of North Korea, with some labeling him an impostor. Several sources indicate that the name "Kim Il-sung" had previously been used by a prominent early leader of the Korean resistance, Kim Kyung-cheon.[9]: 44 The Soviet officer Grigory Mekler, who worked with Kim during the Soviet occupation, said that Kim assumed this name from a former commander who had died.[10] However, historian Andrei Lankov has argued that this is unlikely to be true. Several witnesses knew Kim before and after his time in the Soviet Union, including his superior, Zhou Baozhong, who dismissed the claim of a "second" Kim in his diaries.[11]: 55 Historian Bruce Cumings pointed out that Japanese officers from the Kwantung Army have attested to his fame as a resistance figure.[12]: 160–161 Historians generally accept the view that, while Kim's exploits were exaggerated by the personality cult which was built around him, he was a significant guerrilla leader.[13][14][15]
Family background
Around the time the song Star of Korea was being spread, my comrades changed my name and began to call me Han Byol ... meaning "One Star". It was Pyon Tae U and other public-minded people in Wujiazi and such young communists as Choe Il Chon who proposed to change my name into Kim Il Sung. Thus I was called by three names, Song Ju, Han Byol and Il Sung. ... I did not like to be called by another name. Still less did I tolerate the people extolling me by comparing me to a star or the sun; it did not befit me, [as a] young man. But my comrades would not listen to me, no matter how sternly I rebuked them for it or argued against it....
It was in the spring of 1931 when I spent some three weeks in prison, having been arrested by the warlords in Guyushu, that the name Kim Il Sung appeared in the press for the first time. Until that time most of my acquaintances had called me by my real name, Song Ju. It was in later years when I started the armed struggle in east Manchuria that I was called by one name, Kim Il Sung, by my comrades. These comrades upheld me as their leader, even giving me a new name and singing a song about me. Thus they expressed their innermost feelings.
— Kim Il-sung, With the Century[16]: 110–111
He was born to Kim Hyŏng-jik and Kang Pan-sŏk, who gave him the name Kim Sŏng-ju; Kim also had two younger brothers, Ch’ŏl-chu (or Kim Chul Joo) and Kim Yŏng-ju.[17][better source needed]: 15
Kim's family is said to have originated from Jeonju, North Jeolla Province. His great-grandfather, Kim Ung-u, settled in Mangyong-dae in 1860. Kim is reported to have been born in the small village of Mangyungbong (then called Namni) near Pyongyang on 15 April 1912.[18][17]: 12
According to Kim, his family was not very poor, but was always a step away from poverty. Kim said that he was raised in a Presbyterian family, that his maternal grandfather was a Protestant minister, that his father had gone to a missionary school and was an elder in the Presbyterian Church, and that his parents were very active in the religious community.[19][20][21] According to the official version, Kim’s family participated in anti-Japanese activities and in 1920 they fled to Manchuria. Like most Korean families, they resented the Japanese occupation of the Korean peninsula, which began on 29 August 1910.[17]: 12 Another view seems to be that his family settled in Manchuria, as many Koreans had at the time to escape famine. Nonetheless, Kim's parents, especially Kim's mother Kang Ban Suk, played a role in the anti-Japanese struggle that was sweeping the peninsula.[17]: 16 Their exact involvement—whether their cause was missionary, nationalist, or both—is unclear nevertheless.[11]: 53 Still, Japanese repression of opposition was brutal, resulting in the arrest and detention of more than 52,000 Korean citizens in 1912 alone.[17]: 13 This repression forced many Korean families to flee Korea and settle in Manchuria.
Communist and guerrilla activities
In October 1926 Kim founded the Down-With-Imperialism Union.[22] Kim attended Whasung Military Academy in 1926, but finding the academy's training methods outdated, he quit in 1927. From that time, he attended Yuwen Middle School in Jilin up to 1930,[23] where he rejected the feudal traditions of older-generation Koreans and became interested in Communist ideologies; his formal education ended when the police arrested and jailed him for his subversive activities. At seventeen Kim had become the youngest member of an underground Marxist organization with fewer than twenty members, led by Hŏ So, who belonged to the South Manchurian Communist Youth Association. The police discovered the group three weeks after it formed in 1929, and jailed Kim for several months.[11]: 52 [24]
In 1931 Kim joined the Communist Party of China—the Communist Party of Korea had been founded in 1925, but had been thrown out of the Comintern in the early 1930s for being too nationalist. He joined various anti-Japanese guerrilla groups in northern China. Feelings against the Japanese ran high in Manchuria, but as of May 1930 the Japanese had not yet occupied Manchuria. On 30 May 1930 a spontaneous violent uprising in eastern Manchuria arose in which peasants attacked some local villages in the name of resisting "Japanese aggression."[25] The authorities easily suppressed this unplanned, reckless and unfocused uprising. Because of the attack, the Japanese began to plan an occupation of Manchuria.[26] In a speech before a meeting of Young Communist League delegates on 20 May 1931 in Yenchi County in Manchuria, Kim warned the delegates against such unplanned uprisings as the 30 May 1930 uprising in eastern Manchuria.[27]
Four months later, on 18 September 1931, the "Mukden Incident" occurred, in which a relatively weak dynamite explosive charge went off near a Japanese railroad in the town of Mukden in Manchuria. Although no damage occurred, the Japanese used the incident as an excuse to send armed forces into Manchuria and to appoint a new puppet government.[28] In 1935, Kim became a member of the Northeast Anti-Japanese United Army, a guerrilla group led by the Communist Party of China. Kim was appointed[by whom?] the same year to serve as political commissar for the 3rd detachment of the second division, consisting of around 160 soldiers.[11]: 53 Here Kim met the man who would become his mentor as a Communist, Wei Zhengmin, Kim's immediate superior officer, who served at the time as chairman of the Political Committee of the Northeast Anti-Japanese United Army. Wei reported directly to Kang Sheng, a high-ranking party member close to Mao Zedong in Yan'an, until Wei's death on 8 March 1941.[29]
In 1935 Kim took the name Kim Il-sung, meaning "Kim become the sun".[30]: 30 Kim was appointed commander of the 6th division in 1937, at the age of 24, controlling a few hundred men in a group that came to be known as "Kim Il-sung's division". While commanding this division he executed a raid on Poch’onbo, on 4 June 1937. Although Kim's division only captured the small Japanese-held town just within the Korean border for a few hours, it was nonetheless considered[by whom?] a military success at this time, when the guerrilla units had experienced difficulty in capturing any enemy territory. This accomplishment would grant Kim some measure of fame among Chinese guerrillas, and North Korean biographies would later exploit it as a great victory for Korea. For their part the Japanese regarded Kim as one of the most effective and popular Korean guerrilla leaders.[12]: 160–161 [31] He appeared on Japanese wanted lists as the "Tiger".[32] The Japanese "Maeda Unit" was sent to hunt him in February 1940, but he was able to destroy it.[32] Kim was appointed commander of the 2nd operational region for the 1st Army, but by the end of 1940 he was the only 1st Army leader still alive. Pursued by Japanese troops, Kim and what remained of his army escaped by crossing the Amur River into the Soviet Union.[11]: 53–54 Kim was sent to a camp at Vyatskoye near Khabarovsk, where the Soviets retrained the Korean Communist guerrillas. Kim became a Major in the Soviet Red Army and served in it until the end of World War II in 1945.
Return to Korea
The Soviet Union declared war on Japan on 8 August 1945, and the Red Army entered Pyongyang on 24 August 1945. Stalin had instructed Lavrentiy Beria to recommend a Communist leader for the Soviet-occupied territories and Beria met Kim several times before recommending him to Stalin.[18][33][34]
Kim arrived in the Korean port of Wonsan on 19 September 1945 after 26 years in exile.[30]: 51 According to Leonid Vassin, an officer with the Soviet MVD, Kim was essentially "created from zero". For one, his Korean was marginal at best; he had only had eight years of formal education, all of it in Chinese. He needed considerable coaching to read a speech (which the MVD prepared for him) at a Communist Party congress three days after he arrived.[9]: 50
In December 1945, the Soviets installed Kim as chairman of the North Korean branch of the Korean Communist Party.[30]: 56 Originally, the Soviets preferred Cho Man-sik to lead a popular front government, but Cho refused to support a UN-backed trusteeship and clashed with Kim.[35] General Terentii Shtykov who led the Soviet occupation of northern Korea, supported Kim over Pak Hon-yong to lead the Provisional People's Committee for North Korea on 8 February 1946.[36] As chairman of the committee, Kim was "the top Korean administrative leader in the North," though he was still de facto subordinate to General Shtykov until the Chinese intervention in the Korean War.[34][30]: 56 [36]
To solidify his control, Kim established the Korean People's Army (KPA), aligned with the Communist Party, and he recruited a cadre of guerrillas and former soldiers who had gained combat experience in battles against the Japanese and later against Nationalist Chinese troops.[37] Using Soviet advisers and equipment, Kim constructed a large army skilled in infiltration tactics and guerrilla warfare. Prior to Kim's invasion of the South in 1950, which triggered the Korean War, Joseph Stalin equipped the KPA with modern, Soviet-built medium tanks, trucks, artillery, and small arms. Kim also formed an air force, equipped at first with Soviet-built propeller-driven fighters and attack aircraft. Later, North Korean pilot candidates were sent to the Soviet Union and China to train in MiG-15 jet aircraft at secret bases.[38]
Leader of North Korea
Early years
Despite United Nations plans to conduct all-Korean elections, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea was proclaimed on 9 September 1948, with Kim as the Soviet-designated premier. In August 1948, the south had declared statehood as the Republic of Korea.
On 12 October, the Soviet Union recognized Kim's government as the sovereign government of the entire peninsula, including the south.[39] The Communist Party merged with the New People's Party to form the Workers Party of North Korea (of which Kim was vice-chairman). In 1949, the Workers Party of North Korea merged with its southern counterpart to become the Workers' Party of Korea (WPK) with Kim as party chairman.[40] By 1949, Kim and the communists had consolidated their rule in North Korea.[9]: 53 Around this time, Kim's cult of personality was starting to be promoted by the people, the first statues of Kim appeared, and the people began calling him the "Great Leader".[9]: 53
In February 1946 Kim Il-sung decided to introduce a number of reforms. Over 50% of the arable land was redistributed, an 8-hour work day was proclaimed and all heavy industry was to be nationalised.[41] There were improvements in the health of the population after he nationalised healthcare and made it available to all citizens.[42]
Korean War
Archival material suggests[43][44][45] that North Korea's decision to invade South Korea was Kim's initiative, not a Soviet one. Evidence suggests that Soviet intelligence, through its espionage sources in the US government and British SIS, had obtained information on the limitations of US atomic bomb stockpiles as well as defense program cuts, leading Stalin to conclude that the Truman administration would not intervene in Korea.[46]
The People's Republic of China acquiesced only reluctantly to the idea of Korean reunification after being told by Kim that Stalin had approved the action.[43][44][45] The Chinese did not provide North Korea with direct military support (other than logistics channels) until United Nations troops, largely US forces, had nearly reached the Yalu River late in 1950. At the outset of the war in June and July, North Korean forces captured Seoul and occupied most of the South, save for a small section of territory in the southeast region of the South that was called the Pusan Perimeter. But in September, the North Koreans were driven back by the US-led counterattack that started with the UN landing in Incheon, followed by a combined South Korean-US-UN offensive from the Pusan Perimeter. The North Korean regime's version of events is that the United States had previously invaded and occupied the South, allegedly with the intention to push further north and into the Asian continent. Based on these assumptions, it portrays the KPA invasion of the South as a counter-attack.[47] However, the US was operating, along with many other countries, under the auspices of a UN resolution that responded to the North's invasion of the South. By October, UN forces had retaken Seoul and invaded the North to reunify the country under the South. On 19 October, US and South Korean troops captured P’yŏngyang, forcing Kim and his government to flee north, first to Sinuiju and eventually into Kanggye.[48][49]
On 25 October 1950, after sending various warnings of their intent to intervene if UN forces did not halt their advance,[50]: 23 Chinese troops in the thousands crossed the Yalu River and entered the war as allies of the KPA. There were nevertheless tensions between Kim and the Chinese government. Kim had been warned of the likelihood of an amphibious landing at Incheon, which was ignored. There was also a sense that the North Koreans had paid little in war compared to the Chinese who had fought for their country for decades against foes with better technology.[50]: 335–336 The UN troops were forced to withdraw and Chinese troops retook P’yŏngyang in December and Seoul in January 1951. In March, UN forces began a new offensive, retaking Seoul and advanced north once again halting at a point just north of the 38th Parallel. After a series of offensives and counter-offensives by both sides, followed by a grueling period of largely static trench warfare that lasted from the summer of 1951 to July 1953, the front was stabilized along what eventually became the permanent "Armistice Line" of 27 July 1953. Over 2.5 million people died during the Korean war.[51]
Chinese and Russian documents from that time reveal that Kim became increasingly desperate to establish a truce, since the likelihood that further fighting would successfully unify Korea under his rule became more remote with the UN and US presence. Kim also resented the Chinese taking over the majority of the fighting in his country, with Chinese forces stationed at the center of the front line, and the Korean People's Army being mostly restricted to the coastal flanks of the front.[52]
Consolidating power
With the end of the Korean War, despite the failure to unify Korea under his rule, Kim il-sung proclaimed the war a victory. However, the three-year war left North Korea devastated, and Kim immediately embarked on a large reconstruction effort. He launched a five-year national economic plan to establish a command economy, with all industry owned by the state and all agriculture collectivised. The economy was focused on heavy industry and arms production. Both South and North Korea retained huge armed forces to defend the 1953 Demilitarized Zone, and US forces remained in the South.
In the ensuing years, Kim established himself as an independent leader of international communism. In 1956, he joined Mao in the "anti-revisionist" camp, which did not accept Nikita Khrushchev's program of de-Stalinization, yet he did not become a Maoist himself. At the same time, he consolidated his power over the Korean communist movement. Rival leaders were eliminated. Pak Hon-yong, leader of the Korean Communist Party, was purged and executed in 1955. Choe Chang-ik appears to have been purged as well.[53][54] The 1955 Juche speech, which stressed Korean independence, debuted in the context of Kim's power struggle against leaders such as Pak, who had Soviet backing. This was little noticed at the time until state media started talking about it in 1963.[55][56]
During the 1956 August Faction Incident, Kim Il-sung successfully resisted efforts by the Soviet Union and China to depose him in favor of Soviet Koreans or the pro-Chinese Yanan faction.[57][58] The last Chinese troops withdrew from the country in October 1958, which is the consensus as the latest date when North Korea became effectively independent, though some scholars believe that the 1956 August incident demonstrated North Korea's independence.[57][58]
Later rule
Despite his opposition to de-Stalinization, Kim never officially severed relations with the Soviet Union. He did not take part in the Sino-Soviet Split. After Khrushchev was replaced by Leonid Brezhnev, Kim's relations with the Soviet Union became closer. At the same time, Kim was increasingly alienated by Mao's unstable style of leadership, especially during the Cultural Revolution in the late 1960s. Kim in turn was denounced by Mao's Red Guards.[59] At the same time, Kim reinstated relations with most of Eastern Europe's communist countries, primarily Erich Honecker's East Germany and Nicolae Ceauşescu's Romania. Ceauşescu, in particular, was heavily influenced by Kim's ideology, and the personality cult that grew around him in Romania was very similar to that of Kim.
Albania's Enver Hoxha (another independent-minded Communist leader) was a fierce enemy of the country, writing in June 1977 that " genuine Marxist-Leninists" will understand that the "ideology is guiding the Korean Workers' Party and the Communist Party of China...is revisionist" and adding later that month that "in Pyongyang, I believe that even Tito will be astonished at the proportions of the cult of his host [Kim Il Sung], which has reached a level unheard of anywhere else, either in past or present times, let alone in a country which calls itself socialist.[60][61] He further claimed that "the leadership of the Communist Party of China has betrayed [the working people]. In Korea, too, we can say that the leadership of the Korean Workers' Party is wallowing in the same waters" and claimed that Kim Il Sung was begging for aid from other countries, especially among the Eastern Bloc and non-aligned countries like Yugoslavia. As a result, relations between North Korea and Albania would remain cold and tense right up until Hoxha's death in 1985. Although a resolute anti-communist, Zaire's Mobutu Sese Seko was also heavily influenced by Kim's style of rule.[62] At the same time, Kim was establishing an extensive personality cult. North Koreans were taught that Kim was the "Sun of the Nation" and could do no wrong. Kim developed the policy and ideology of Juche in opposition to the idea of North Korea as either a Soviet or a Chinese satellite state.
In the 1960s, Kim became impressed with the efforts of North Vietnamese Leader Ho Chi Minh to reunify Vietnam through guerilla warfare and thought something similar might be possible in Korea.[63]: 30–31 Infiltration and subversion efforts were thus greatly stepped up against US forces and the leadership in South Korea.[63]: 32–33 These efforts culminated in an attempt to storm the Blue House and assassinate President Park Chung-hee.[63]: 32 North Korean troops thus took a much more aggressive stance toward US forces in and around South Korea, engaging US Army troops in fire-fights along the Demilitarized Zone. The 1968 capture of the crew of the spy ship USS Pueblo was a part of this campaign.[63]: 33
A new constitution was proclaimed in December 1972, under which Kim surrendered the premiership and became President of North Korea. On 14 April 1975, North Korea discontinued most formal use of its traditional units and adopted the metric system.[64] In 1980, he decided that his son Kim Jong-il would succeed him, and increasingly delegated the running of the government to him. The Kim family was supported by the army, due to Kim Il-sung’s revolutionary record and the support of the veteran defense minister, O Chin-u. At the Sixth Party Congress in October 1980, Kim publicly designated his son as his successor. In 1986, a rumor spread that Kim had been assassinated, making the concern for Jong-il's ability to succeed his father actual. Kim dispelled the rumors, however, by making a series of public appearances. It has been argued, however, that the incident helped establish the order of succession—the first patrifilial in a Communist state—which eventually would occur upon Kim Il-Sung's death in 1994.[65]
From about this time, North Korea encountered increasing economic difficulties. The practical effect of Juche was to cut the country off from virtually all foreign trade in order to make it entirely self-reliant. The economic reforms of Deng Xiaoping in China from 1979 onward meant that trade with the moribund economy of North Korea held decreasing interest for China. The collapse of communism in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, from 1989–1991, completed North Korea's virtual isolation. These events led to mounting economic difficulties because Kim refused to issue any economic or democratic reforms.[66]
As he aged, starting in the late 1970s, Kim developed a calcium deposit growth on the right side of the back of his neck. Its close proximity to his brain and spinal cord made it inoperable. Because of its unappealing nature, North Korean reporters and photographers, from then on, always filmed Kim while standing from his same slight-left angle to hide the growth from official photographs and newsreels, which became an increasingly difficult task as the growth reached the size of a baseball by the late 1980s.[67]
To ensure a full succession of leadership to his son and designated successor Kim Jong-il, Kim turned over his chairmanship of North Korea's National Defense Commission—the body mainly responsible for control of the armed forces as well as the supreme commandership of the country's now million-man strong military force, the Korean People's Army—to his son in 1991 and 1993. So far, the elder Kim—even though he is dead—has remained the country's president, the general-secretary of its ruling Worker's Party of Korea, and the chairman of the Party's Central Military Commission, the party's organization that has supreme supervision and authority over military matters.
In early 1994, Kim began investing in nuclear power to offset energy shortages brought on by economic problems. This was the first of many "nuclear crises". On 19 May 1994, Kim ordered spent fuel to be unloaded from the already disputed nuclear research facility in Yongbyon. Despite repeated chiding from Western nations, Kim continued to conduct nuclear research and carry on with the uranium enrichment program. In June 1994, former U.S. President Jimmy Carter travelled to Pyongyang for talks with Kim. To the astonishment of the United States and the International Atomic Energy Agency, Kim agreed to halt his nuclear research program and seemed to be embarking upon a new opening to the West.[68]
Personal life
Kim Il-sung married twice. His first wife, Kim Jong-suk (1919–1949), gave birth to two sons before her death in childbirth during the delivery of a stillborn girl. Kim Jong-il was his oldest son. The other son (Kim Man-il, or Shura Kim) of this marriage died in 1947 in a swimming accident. Kim married Kim Sung-ae in 1952, and it is believed he had three children with her: Kim Yŏng-il (not to be confused with the former Premier of North Korea of the same name), Kim Kyŏng-il and Kim Pyong-il. Kim Pyong-il was prominent in Korean politics until he became ambassador to Hungary. Since 2015 Kim Pyong-il has been ambassador to the Czech Republic. Kim was reported to have other illegitimate children.[69] They included Kim Hyŏn-nam (born 1972, head of the Propaganda and Agitation Department of the Workers' Party since 2002).[70]
On his death in 1994, his eldest son Kim Jong-il succeeded him as supreme leader of North Korea.
Death
On 8 July 1994, Kim Il-sung collapsed from a sudden heart attack at the age of 82. After the heart attack, Kim Jong-il ordered the team of doctors who were constantly at his father's side to leave, and arranged for the country's best doctors to be flown in from Pyongyang. After several hours, the doctors from Pyongyang arrived, but despite their efforts to save him, Kim Il-sung died. After the traditional Confucian Mourning period, his death was declared thirty hours later.[71]
Kim Il-sung's death resulted in nationwide mourning and a ten-day mourning period was declared by Kim Jong-il. His funeral in Pyongyang was attended by hundreds of thousands of people who were flown into the city from all over North Korea. Kim Il-sung's body was placed in a public mausoleum at the Kumsusan Palace of the Sun, where his preserved and embalmed body lies under a glass coffin for viewing purposes. His head rests on a traditional Korean pillow and he is covered by the flag of the Workers' Party of Korea. Newsreel video of the funeral at Pyongyang was broadcast on several networks, and can now be found on various websites.[72]
Legacy
There are over 500 statues of Kim Il-sung in North Korea, similar to the many statues and monuments put up by East Bloc leaders to themselves.[73] The most prominent are at Kim Il-sung University, Kim Il-sung Stadium, Mansudae Hill, Kim Il-sung Bridge and the Immortal Statue of Kim Il-sung. Some statues have reportedly been destroyed by explosions or damaged with graffiti by North Korean dissidents.[9]: 201 [74] Yŏng Saeng ("eternal life") monuments have been erected throughout the country, each dedicated to the departed "Eternal Leader".[75]
Kim Il-sung's image is prominent in places associated with public transportation, hanging at every North Korean train station and airport.[73] It is also placed prominently at the border crossings between China and North Korea. Thousands of gifts to Kim Il-sung from foreign leaders are housed in the International Friendship Exhibition.
Kim Il-sung's birthday, "Day of the Sun", is celebrated every year as a public holiday in North Korea.[76] The associated April Spring Friendship Art Festival gathers hundreds of artists from all over the world.[77]
Works
Kim Il-sung was the author of many works. According to North Korean sources these amount to approximately 10,800 speeches, reports, books, treatises and others.[78] Some, such as the 100-volume Complete Collection of Kim Il Sung's Works (김일성전집), are published by the Workers' Party of Korea Publishing House.[79] Shortly before his death, he published an eight volume autobiography With the Century.[35]: 26
According to official North Korean sources, Kim Il-sung was the original writer of The Flower Girl, a revolutionary theatrical opera, which was adapted into a locally produced feature film in 1972.[80][81][16]: 178
See also
- Kimilsungia
- Kim Tu-bong
- Residences of North Korean leaders
- "Song of General Kim Il-sung"
- List of things named after Kim Il-sung
References
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- ^ Cumings, Bruce (2005). Korea's Place in the Sun: A Modern History. New York: W. W. Norton & Company. p. 434. ISBN 0-393-32702-7.
- ^ Robinson, Michael E (2007). Korea's Twentieth-Century Odyssey. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. p. 153. ISBN 978-0-8248-3174-5.
- ^ Bluth, Christoph (2008). Korea. Cambridge: Polity Press. p. 34. ISBN 978-07456-3357-2.
- ^ Black Book of Communism, pg. 564.
- ^ The Worst of the Worst: The World's Most Repressive Societies Archived June 7, 2013, at the Wayback Machine. Freedom House, 2012.
- ^ a b c d e Jasper Becker (1 May 2005). Rogue Regime : Kim Jong Il and the Looming Threat of North Korea. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-803810-8. Archived from the original on 18 May 2016.
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- ^ a b c d e Lankov, Andrei (2002). From Stalin to Kim Il Sung: The Formation of North Korea 1945–1960. Rutgers University Press. ISBN 0813531179.
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- ^ Robinson, Michael E (2007). Korea's Twentieth-Century Odyssey. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. p. 87. ISBN 978-0-8248-3174-5.
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- ^ "PETER HITCHENS: North Korea, the last great Marxist bastion, is a real-life Truman show". Daily Mail. London. 8 October 2007. Archived from the original on 21 February 2010.
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- ^ Kim Il-Sung, "Let Us Repudiate the 'Left' Adventurist Line and Follow the Revolutionary Organizational Line" contained in On Juche in Our Revolution (Foreign Languages Publishers: Pyongyang, Korea, 1973)3.
- ^ Yamamuro, Shin'ichi (2006). Manchuria Under Japanese Dominion. Archived from the original on 18 May 2016. Retrieved 8 February 2016.
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- ^ Kim Il-Sung, "On Waging Armed Struggle Against Japanese Imperialism" on 16 December 1931 contained in On Juche in Our Revolution, pp. 17-20.
- ^ Suh Dae-Sook, Kim Il Sung: The North Korean Leader, Columbia University Press (1998) pp. 8–10.
- ^ a b c d Bradley K. Martin (2004). Under the Loving Care of the Fatherly Leader: North Korea and the Kim Dynasty. Thomas Dunne Books. ISBN 978-0-312-32322-6.
- ^ Robinson, Michael E (2007). Korea's Twentieth-Century Odyssey. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. pp. 87, 155. ISBN 978-0-8248-3174-5.
- ^ a b Lone, Stewart; McCormack, Gavan (1993). Korea since 1850. Melbourne: Longman Cheshire. p. 100.
- ^ Beria/Kim Il-sung Archived 28 May 2013 at the Wayback Machine
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- ^ a b Lankov, Andrei (25 January 2012). "Terenti Shtykov: the other ruler of nascent N. Korea". The Korea Times. Archived from the original on 17 April 2015. Retrieved 14 April 2015.
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- ^ DPRK Foreign Relations Archived 19 April 2014 at the Wayback Machine
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- ^ "Kim Jong Il's North Korea".
- ^ a b Weathersby, Kathryn, "The Soviet Role in the Early Phase of the Korean War", The Journal of American-East Asian Relations 2, no. 4 (Winter 1993): 432
- ^ a b Goncharov, Sergei N., Lewis, John W. and Xue Litai, Uncertain Partners: Stalin, Mao, and the Korean War (1993)
- ^ a b Mansourov, Aleksandr Y., Stalin, Mao, Kim, and China’s Decision to Enter the Korean War, 16 September – 15 October 1950: New Evidence from the Russian Archives, Cold War International History Project Bulletin, Issues 6–7 (Winter 1995/1996): 94–107
- ^ Sudoplatov, Pavel Anatoli, Schecter, Jerrold L., and Schecter, Leona P., Special Tasks: The Memoirs of an Unwanted Witness—A Soviet Spymaster, Little Brown, Boston (1994)
- ^ Ho Jong-ho et al. (1977) The US Imperialists Started the Korean War Archived 29 April 2011 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ Mossman, Billy (29 June 2005). United States Army in the Korean War: Ebb and Flow November 1950-July 1951. University Press of the Pacific. p. 51.
- ^ Sandler, Stanley (1999). The Korean War: No Victors, No Vanquished. The University Press of Kentucky. p. 108.
- ^ a b David Halberstam. Halberstam, David (25 September 2007). The Coldest Winter: America and the Korean War. Hyperion. Kindle Edition.
- ^ Bethany Lacina and Nils Petter Gleditsch, Monitoring Trends in Global Combat: A New Dataset of Battle Deaths Archived 12 October 2013 at the Wayback Machine, European Journal of Population (2005) 21: 145–166.
- ^ Kim Il-sung and Chinese Troops
- ^ Lankov, Andrei N., Crisis in North Korea: The Failure of De-Stalinization, 1956, Honolulu: Hawaii University Press (2004), ISBN 978-0-8248-2809-7
- ^ Timothy Hildebrandt, "Uneasy Allies: Fifty Years of China-North Korea Relations" Archived 24 February 2015 at the Wayback Machine, Asia Program Special Report, September 2003, Woodrow Wilson International Centre for Scholars.
- ^ Chung, Chin O. Pyongyang Between Peking and Moscow: North Korea’s Involvement in the Sino-Soviet Dispute, 1958-1975. University of Alabama. 1978.
- ^ French, Paul. North Korea: State of Paranoia. New York: St. Martin’s Press. 2014.
- ^ a b Chung, Chin O. Pyongyang Between Peking and Moscow: North Korea’s Involvement in the Sino-Soviet Dispute, 1958-1975. University of Alabama, 1978, p. 45.
- ^ a b Kim, Young Kun and Zagoria, Donald S. “North Korea and the Major Powers.” Asian Survey Vol. 15, No. 12 (Dec., 1975), pp. 1017-1035 University of California Press. Stable URL: "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 7 November 2015. Retrieved 4 May 2015.
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- ^ CEU.hu Archived 8 September 2009 at the Wayback Machine, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty Research 17 December 1979 quoting Hoxha's Reflections on China Volume II: "In Pyongyang, I believe that even Tito will be astonished at the proportions of the cult of his host, which has reached a level unheard of anywhere else, either in past or present times, let alone in a country which calls itself socialist." "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 8 September 2009. Retrieved 30 October 2008.
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Further reading
- Baik Bong, "From Birth to Triumphant Return to Homeland," "From Building Democratic Korea to Chollima Flight," and "From Independent National Economy to 10-Point Political Programme".
- Blair, Clay, The Forgotten War: America in Korea, Naval Institute Press (2003).
- Kracht, Christian, The Ministry Of Truth: Kim Jong Il's North Korea, Feral House, October 2007, 132 pages, 88 color photographs, ISBN 978-1-932595-27-7.
- Lee Chong-sik. "Kim Il-Song of North Korea." Asian Survey. University of California Press. Vol. 7, No. 6, June 1967. DOI 10.2307/2642612. Available at Jstor.
- NKIDP: Crisis and Confrontation on the Korean Peninsula: 1968–1969, A Critical Oral History
- Sudoplatov, Pavel Anatoli, Schecter, Jerrold L., and Schecter, Leona P., Special Tasks: The Memoirs of an Unwanted Witness—A Soviet Spymaster, Little Brown, Boston (1994).
- Szalontai, Balázs, Kim Il Sung in the Khrushchev Era: Soviet-DPRK Relations and the Roots of North Korean Despotism, 1953-1964. Stanford: Stanford University Press; Washington, D.C.: Woodrow Wilson Center Press (2005).
External links
- Nicolae Ceausescu's visit to Pyongyang, North Korea, in 1971
- "Conversations with Kim Il Sung" at the Wilson Center Digital Archive
- Template:DMOZ
- Use dmy dates from October 2012
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