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== Approach to men ==
== Approach to men ==
{{See also2|[[Feminism#Reactions|the Reactions section, below.]]}}
{{See also2|[[Feminism#Reactions|the Reactions section, below.]]}}
Most feminist movements oppose sexism but not men personally, and propose that men should be welcomed as important allies,<ref>Stansell, Christine, ''The Feminist Promise: 1792 to the Present'' (N.Y.; Modern Library (Random House), 1st ed. 2010 (ISBN 978-0-679-64314-2)), p. 394 (author prof. history, Univ. of Chicago & feminist).</ref> are also oppressed by gender roles, and can ultimately benefit from feminism.<ref>Friedan, Betty, ''"It Changed My Life": Writings on the Women's Movement: With a New Introduction'' (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1st Harvard Univ. Press pbk. ed. 1998 (ISBN 0-674-46885-6)), pp. 429–436 (''An Open Letter to ''True'' Men'' (1974)) and also pp. 420–428 (''Introduction • An Open Letter to True Men'').</ref><ref>[[Susan Faludi|Faludi, Susan]], ''[[Stiffed: The Betrayal of the American Man]]'' (N.Y.: Wm. Morrow, 1st ed. 1999 (ISBN 0-688-12299-X)), p. 600.</ref> <ref>Faludi, Susan, ''Stiffed'', ''op. cit.'', p. 603.</ref><ref>Faludi, Susan, ''Stiffed'', ''op. cit.'', p. 604.</ref> <ref>Tong, Rosemarie Putnam, ''Feminist Thought: A More Comprehensive Introduction'' (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 2d ed. 1998 (ISBN 0-8133-3295-8)), p. 70.</ref><ref name="hooks2000">{{Cite book |author=hooks, bell|title=Feminism is for everybody: passionate politics |year=2000|publisher=Pluto Press |location=New York |isbn=9780745317335| page=68}}</ref><ref name="JK Gardiner">{{Cite book |author=Gardiner, Judith Kegan |title=Masculinity studies and feminist theory |year=2002|publisher=Columbia University Press|isbn=0231122780, 9780231122788| page=x}}</ref><ref name="Valenti">{{Cite book |author=Valenti, Jessica|title=Full frontal feminism: a young women's guide to why feminism matters |year=2007|publisher=Seal Press|isbn=1580052010, 9781580052016| page=184}}</ref><ref name="Porter">Tony Porter's speech at TEDWomen 2010, available on Youtube</ref> Other feminist movements oppose both sexism and men as the agents and perpetrators of sexism, a prominent example being radical feminism.<ref name="MaryDaly-GynEcology-pp-27-29-35-105">Daly, Mary, ''Gyn/Ecology: The Metaethics of Radical Feminism'' (Boston, Mass.: Beacon Press, 1978 & 1990 (prob. all content except New Intergalactic Introduction 1978 & prob. New Intergalactic Introduction 1990) (ISBN 0-8070-1413-3)), pp. 27–29 & 35–105 (New Intergalactic Introduction is separate from Introduction: The Metapatriarchal Journey of Exorcism and Ecstasy).</ref> In [[The Second Stage]] (1981), Betty Friedan argued that feminists were alienating support by being confrontational and anti-men.<ref>http://www.guardian.co.uk/news/2006/feb/06/guardianobituaries.gender</ref><ref >Friedan, Betty. ''The Second Stage: With a New Introduction''. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, &copy; 1981 1986 1991 1998, 1st Harvard Univ. Press pbk. ed. (ISBN 0-674-79655-1) 1998.{{Page needed|date=March 2011}}</ref> In the U.S., many more feminists accept some men as supporters of feminism than blame all men.
In the West most feminists and feminist movements oppose sexism but not men personally, and are accepting of men as allies. Some also feel that men are also oppressed by gender roles, and can ultimately benefit from feminism.<ref>Stansell, Christine, ''The Feminist Promise: 1792 to the Present'' (N.Y.; Modern Library (Random House), 1st ed. 2010 (ISBN 978-0-679-64314-2)), p. 394 (author prof. history, Univ. of Chicago & feminist).</ref>.<ref>Friedan, Betty, ''"It Changed My Life": Writings on the Women's Movement: With a New Introduction'' (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1st Harvard Univ. Press pbk. ed. 1998 (ISBN 0-674-46885-6)), pp. 429–436 (''An Open Letter to ''True'' Men'' (1974)) and also pp. 420–428 (''Introduction • An Open Letter to True Men'').</ref><ref>[[Susan Faludi|Faludi, Susan]], ''[[Stiffed: The Betrayal of the American Man]]'' (N.Y.: Wm. Morrow, 1st ed. 1999 (ISBN 0-688-12299-X)), p. 600.</ref> <ref>Faludi, Susan, ''Stiffed'', ''op. cit.'', p. 603.</ref><ref>Faludi, Susan, ''Stiffed'', ''op. cit.'', p. 604.</ref> <ref>Tong, Rosemarie Putnam, ''Feminist Thought: A More Comprehensive Introduction'' (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 2d ed. 1998 (ISBN 0-8133-3295-8)), p. 70.</ref><ref name="hooks2000">{{Cite book |author=hooks, bell|title=Feminism is for everybody: passionate politics |year=2000|publisher=Pluto Press |location=New York |isbn=9780745317335| page=68}}</ref><ref name="JK Gardiner">{{Cite book |author=Gardiner, Judith Kegan |title=Masculinity studies and feminist theory |year=2002|publisher=Columbia University Press|isbn=0231122780, 9780231122788| page=x}}</ref><ref name="Valenti">{{Cite book |author=Valenti, Jessica|title=Full frontal feminism: a young women's guide to why feminism matters |year=2007|publisher=Seal Press|isbn=1580052010, 9781580052016| page=184}}</ref><ref name="Porter">Tony Porter's speech at TEDWomen 2010, available on Youtube</ref> Other feminist movements oppose both sexism and men as the agents and perpetrators of sexism, a prominent example being radical feminism.<ref name="MaryDaly-GynEcology-pp-27-29-35-105">Daly, Mary, ''Gyn/Ecology: The Metaethics of Radical Feminism'' (Boston, Mass.: Beacon Press, 1978 & 1990 (prob. all content except New Intergalactic Introduction 1978 & prob. New Intergalactic Introduction 1990) (ISBN 0-8070-1413-3)), pp. 27–29 & 35–105 (New Intergalactic Introduction is separate from Introduction: The Metapatriarchal Journey of Exorcism and Ecstasy).</ref><ref >Friedan, Betty. ''The Second Stage: With a New Introduction''. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, &copy; 1981 1986 1991 1998, 1st Harvard Univ. Press pbk. ed. (ISBN 0-674-79655-1) 1998.{{Page needed|date=March 2011}}</ref><ref>Bullough, Vern L. ''Human sexuality: an encyclopedia'', Taylor & Francis, 1994, ISBN 0824079728, 9780824079727 </ref>

In The Second Stage (1981), Betty Friedan argued that feminists were alienating support by being confrontational and anti-men.<ref>http://www.guardian.co.uk/news/2006/feb/06/guardianobituaries.gender</ref>


In their essay 'The Myth of the Man-Hating Feminist', Kanner and Anderson say that contrary to common beliefs, studies have shown that feminists tend to have neutral feelings towards men. Additionally, feminists tend to have less hostile attitudes towards men than non-feminists.<ref>Title: Feminism and women's rights worldwide, Volume 1 (page 5) Author: Michele A. Paludi Editor: Michele A. Paludi Edition: illustrated Publisher: ABC-CLIO, 2010 ISBN 0313375968, 9780313375965.</ref> Some feminists argue that the characterization of feminism as [[misandry|misandrous]] has been promoted by detractors to discredit the movement, and has contributed to reluctance among supporters of feminism to identify as such.<ref name="Barbara Ryan">Barbara Ryan, Identity politics in the women's movement, NYU Press, 2001, ISBN 0814774792, 9780814774793.</ref><ref name="Feminist Lawmaking">2 Va. J. Soc. Pol'y & L. 8 (1994-1995), Feminist Lawmaking and Historical Consciousness: Bringing the Past into the Future; Schneider, Elizabeth M.</ref>
In their essay 'The Myth of the Man-Hating Feminist', Kanner and Anderson say that contrary to common beliefs, studies have shown that feminists tend to have neutral feelings towards men. Additionally, feminists tend to have less hostile attitudes towards men than non-feminists.<ref>Title: Feminism and women's rights worldwide, Volume 1 (page 5) Author: Michele A. Paludi Editor: Michele A. Paludi Edition: illustrated Publisher: ABC-CLIO, 2010 ISBN 0313375968, 9780313375965.</ref> Some feminists argue that the characterization of feminism as [[misandry|misandrous]] has been promoted by detractors to discredit the movement, and has contributed to reluctance among supporters of feminism to identify as such.<ref name="Barbara Ryan">Barbara Ryan, Identity politics in the women's movement, NYU Press, 2001, ISBN 0814774792, 9780814774793.</ref><ref name="Feminist Lawmaking">2 Va. J. Soc. Pol'y & L. 8 (1994-1995), Feminist Lawmaking and Historical Consciousness: Bringing the Past into the Future; Schneider, Elizabeth M.</ref>

Revision as of 19:34, 18 March 2011

Feminism is a collection of movements aimed at defining, establishing and defending equal political, economic, and social rights and equal opportunities for women.[1][2][3] Its concepts overlap with those of women's rights. Feminism is mainly focused on women's issues, but because feminism seeks gender equality, some feminists argue that men's liberation is therefore a necessary part of feminism, and that men are also harmed by sexism and gender roles. Feminists—that is, persons practicing feminism—can be persons of either sex.

Feminist theory emerged from these feminist movements[4][5] and includes general theories and theories about the origins of inequality, and, in some cases, about the social construction of sex and gender, in a variety of disciplines. Feminist activists have campaigned for women's rights—such as in contract, property, and voting—while also promoting women's rights to bodily integrity and autonomy and reproductive rights. They have opposed domestic violence, sexual harassment, and sexual assault. In economics, they have advocated for workplace rights, including equal pay and opportunities for careers and to start businesses.

In the West, the movements and theoretical developments were historically led predominantly by middle-class white women from Western Europe and North America, but, since then, more women have proposed additional feminisms.

History

Louise Weiss along with other Parisian suffragettes in 1935. The newspaper headline reads, in translation, "THE FRENCHWOMAN MUST VOTE".

Protofeminism preceded feminism and is based on sources other than feminists' writings. Feminists' writings then began to appear, such as those by Christine de Pizan in the 15th century and Mary Wollstonecraft in the late 18th century. Starting in the 19th century, feminism tended to arise in what we now refer to as waves, especially in the United States and the United Kingdom. First-wave feminism sought equality in property rights, changes in the marriage relationship, and, eventually, in women's suffrage, or women's right to vote. Second-wave feminism, also sometimes called women's liberation, began in the 1960s and focused on discrimination and on cultural, social, and political issues, and books about it included The Feminine Mystique and The Second Sex. It was often accused of orienting to upper middle-class white women and, sometimes, of biological essentialism. Third-wave feminism began in the 1980s or early 1990s and addresses feminism across class and race lines, as being grounded in culture rather than biology, and through many issues, so there exists less concentration on particular issues.

Post-feminism is, depending on the participant, either a later development of feminism or a denial that feminism has any continuing justification, so not all feminists consider post-feminism a part of feminism, some viewing it rather as a critique of feminism.[6]

Approach to men

In the West most feminists and feminist movements oppose sexism but not men personally, and are accepting of men as allies. Some also feel that men are also oppressed by gender roles, and can ultimately benefit from feminism.[7].[8][9] [10][11] [12][13][14][15][16] Other feminist movements oppose both sexism and men as the agents and perpetrators of sexism, a prominent example being radical feminism.[17][18][19]

In The Second Stage (1981), Betty Friedan argued that feminists were alienating support by being confrontational and anti-men.[20]

In their essay 'The Myth of the Man-Hating Feminist', Kanner and Anderson say that contrary to common beliefs, studies have shown that feminists tend to have neutral feelings towards men. Additionally, feminists tend to have less hostile attitudes towards men than non-feminists.[21] Some feminists argue that the characterization of feminism as misandrous has been promoted by detractors to discredit the movement, and has contributed to reluctance among supporters of feminism to identify as such.[22][23]

Some feminists have argued that men's issues are an important part of feminism, as men's equality is necessary for women's equality.[24][25][26] These feminists point to legal and social imbalances in regard to father's rights, male rape and spousal battery, negative social expectations for men, and a narrow definition of "masculinity."

Theoretical schools

Feminist theory aims to understand gender difference and gender inequality and focuses on gender politics and sexuality. Providing a critique of these social and political power relations, much of feminist theory focuses on the promotion of women's rights. Themes explored in feminist theory include discrimination, stereotyping, objectification (especially sexual objectification), oppression, and patriarchy.[4][5] Feminist theory is academically concentrated in women's studies and encompasses work in history, anthropology, sociology, economics, literary criticism[27][28] (supported by women's literature, music, film, and other media), art history,[29] psychoanalysis,[30] theology, philosophy,[31][32] geography, and other disciplines.

Elaine Showalter modeled the development of feminist theory,[33] although Toril Moi criticized this model, seeing it as essentialist, deterministic, and failing to account for the situation of women outside the West.[34]

Movements and ideologies

Several overlapping movements of feminist ideologies have developed over the years.

Liberal feminism seeks individualistic equality of men and women through political and legal reform without altering the structure of society.

Socialist feminism connects oppression of women to exploitation, oppression, and labor. Marxist feminists feel that overcoming class oppression overcomes gender oppression;[35] some socialist feminists disagree.[36] Radical feminism considers the male-controlled capitalist hierarchy as the defining feature of women's oppression and the total uprooting and reconstruction of society as necessary[37] and has branched into such as anti-pornography feminism, opposed by sex-positive feminism. Anarcha-feminists believe that class struggle and anarchy against the state[38] require struggling against patriarchy, which comes from involuntary hierarchy. Cultural feminism attempts to revalidate undervalued "female nature" or "female essence";[39] its critics assert that it has led feminists to retreat from politics to lifestyle.[40] Separatist feminism does not support heterosexual relationships. Lesbian feminism is thus closely related. Other feminists criticize separatist feminism as sexist.[41]

Womanism[42][43] emerged after early feminist movements were largely white and middle-class.[44] Black feminism argues that sexism, class oppression, and racism are inextricably bound together.[45][46][47] Chicana feminism focuses on Mexican American, Chicana, and Hispanic women in the United States. Multiracial or "women of colour" feminism is related.[48] Standpoint feminists argue that feminism should examine how women's experience of inequality relates to that of racism, homophobia, classism, and colonization.[49][50] Postcolonial feminists argue that colonial oppression and Western feminism marginalized postcolonial women but did not turn them passive or voiceless. Third-world feminism is closely related.[51] These discourses are related to African feminism, motherism,[52] Stiwanism,[53] negofeminism,[54] femalism, transnational feminism, and Africana womanism.[55]

Conservative feminism is conservative relative to the society in which it resides. Libertarian feminism conceives of people as self-owners and therefore as entitled to freedom from coercive interference.[56] Individualist feminism or ifeminism, opposing so-called gender feminism, draws on anarcho-capitalism.[57]

Postmodern feminists argue that sex and gender are socially constructed,[58] that it is impossible to generalize women's experiences across cultures and histories,[59] and that dualisms and traditional gender, feminism, and politics are too limiting.[60] Post-structural feminism uses various intellectual currents for feminist concerns.[61] Many post-structural feminists maintain that difference is one of the most powerful tools that women possess.[61][62] Contemporary psychoanalytic French feminism is more philosophical and literary than is Anglophone feminism.[citation needed]

Ecofeminists see men's control of land as responsible for the oppression of women and destruction of the natural environment, but a criticism is that ecofeminism focuses too much on a mystical connection between women and nature.[63]

Societal impact

The feminist movement has effected change in Western society, including women's suffrage; in education; in gender neutrality in English; job pay more nearly equal to men's; the right to initiate divorce proceedings; the reproductive rights of women to make individual decisions on pregnancy (including access to contraceptives and abortion); and the right to enter into contracts and own property.[64][65] Feminists have struggled to protect women and girls from domestic violence, sexual harassment, and sexual assault,[37][66][67] emphasizing the grounds as women's rights, rather than as men's traditional interests in families' safety for reproductive purposes. On economic matters, feminists have advocated for workplace rights, including maternity leave, and against other forms of gender-specific discrimination against women.[64][65][68] They have achieved some protections and societal changes through sharing experiences, developing theory, and campaigning for rights.[66][69][70][71][72]

From the 1960s on, the campaign for women's rights[73] was met with mixed results[74] in the U.S. and the U.K. Other countries of the EEC agreed to ensure that discriminatory laws would be phased out across the European Community.

In the U.S., the National Organization for Women (NOW) began in 1966 to seek women's equality, including through the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA),[75] which did not pass, although some states enacted their own.

Reproductive rights in the U.S. centered on the court decision in Roe v. Wade enunciating a woman's right to choose whether to carry a pregnancy to term. Western women gained more reliable birth control, allowing family planning and careers. The movement started in the 1910s in the U.S. under Margaret Sanger and elsewhere under Marie Stopes and grew in the late 20th century.

The division of labor within households was affected by the increased entry of women into workplaces in the 20th century. Sociologist Arlie Russell Hochschild found that, in two-career couples, men and women, on average, spend about equal amounts of time working, but women still spend more time on housework,[76][77] although Cathy Young responded by arguing that women may prevent equal participation by men in housework and parenting.[78]

Although research suggests that, to an extent, both women and men perceive feminism to be in conflict with romance, studies of undergraduates and older adults have shown that feminism has positive impacts on relationship health for women and sexual satisfaction for men, and found no support for negative stereotypes of feminists.[79]

Participation in the CEDAW (By Canuckguy et al. & Allstar86 (attributed per Wikipedia file CEDAW_Participation.svg, as accessed Jul. 26, 2010).)

In international law, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) is an international convention adopted by the United Nations General Assembly and described as an international bill of rights for women. It came into force in those nations ratifying it.[80]

In religion, feminist theology reconsiders the traditions, practices, scriptures, sacred texts, and theologies of religions from a feminist perspective.[81][82][83] Its goals include increasing the role of women among the clergy and religious authorities, reinterpreting male-dominated imagery and language about the deity or deities, and determining women's place in relation to career and motherhood. Most Christian feminists agree that God does not discriminate by sex. New feminism is a branch of difference feminism within Catholicism. Islamic feminism aims for full equality in public and private life, highlights the deeply rooted teachings of equality in the Quran, encourages questioning patriarchal interpretation of Islamic teaching. and draws on secular and Western feminist discourses. Jewish feminism addresses all major branches of Judaism to open up all-male prayer groups, end exemption from positive time-bound mitzvot, and enable women to function as witnesses and to initiate divorce. The Dianic Wiccan feminism, one faith of many in Wicca, is female-focused and Goddess-centered and teaches witchcraft as every woman's right. In Wicca, "the Goddess" is a deity of prime importance, along with her consort the Horned God. In the earliest Wiccan publications, she is described as a tribal goddess of the witch community, neither omnipotent nor universal, and it was recognised that there was a greater "Prime Mover", although the witches did not concern themselves much with this being. Atheist feminism objects to sexism in all major religions.

Culture

Distinction between sex and gender

The distinction between sex and gender is generally that sex is biological (e.g., chromosomal or morphological) while gender is social or cultural (e.g., how societies structure relationships).[84]

Architecture

Gender-based inquiries into and conceptualization of architecture have also come about, leading to feminism in modern architecture. Piyush Mathur coined the term "archigenderic". Claiming that "architectural planning has an inextricable link with the defining and regulation of gender roles, responsibilities, rights, and limitations", Mathur came up with that term "to explore...the meaning of 'architecture' in terms of gender" and "to explore the meaning of 'gender' in terms of architecture".[85]

Women's writing

Women's writing came to exist as a separate category of scholarly interest relatively recently. In the West, second-wave feminism prompted a general reevaluation of women's historical contributions, and various academic sub-disciplines, such as Women's history (or herstory) and women's writing, developed in response to the belief that women's lives and contributions have been underrepresented as areas of scholarly interest.[86] Virginia Balisn et al. characterize the growth in interest since 1970 in women's writing as "powerful".[86] Much of this early period of feminist literary scholarship was given over to the rediscovery and reclamation of texts written by women. Studies such as Dale Spender's Mothers of the Novel (1986) and Jane Spencer's The Rise of the Woman Novelist (1986) were ground-breaking in their insistence that women have always been writing. Commensurate with this growth in scholarly interest, various presses began the task of reissuing long-out-of-print texts. Virago Press began to publish its large list of nineteenth and early-twentieth-century novels in 1975 and became one of the first commercial presses to join in the project of reclamation. In the 1980s Pandora Press, responsible for publishing Spender's study, issued a companion line of eighteenth-century novels written by women.[87]

Feminist science fiction

In the 1960s the genre of science fiction combined its sensationalism with political and technological critiques of society. With the advent of feminism, questioning women’s roles became fair game to this "subversive, mind expanding genre".[88] Two early texts are Ursula K. Le Guin's The Left Hand of Darkness (1969) and Joanna Russ' The Female Man (1970). They serve to highlight the socially constructed nature of gender roles by creating utopias that do away with gender.[89] Both authors were also pioneers in feminist criticism of science fiction in the 1960s and 70s, in essays collected in The Language of the Night (Le Guin, 1979) and How To Suppress Women's Writing (Russ, 1983). Another major work of feminist science fiction has been[90] Kindred by Octavia Butler.

Riot grrrl movement

Riot grrrl (or riot grrl) is an underground feminist punk movement that started in the 1990s and is often associated with third-wave feminism (it is sometimes seen as its starting point). It was grounded in the DIY philosophy of punk values. Riot grrls took an anti-corporate stance of self-sufficiency and self-reliance.[91] Riot grrrl's emphasis on universal female identity and separatism often appears more closely allied with second-wave feminism than with the third wave.[92] The movement encouraged and made "adolescent girls’ standpoints central," allowing them to express themselves fully.[93]

Sexuality

Lesbianism and bisexuality were accepted as part of feminism by a significant proportion of feminists, while others considered sexuality irrelevant to the attainment of other goals. Sexuality, sexual representation, sadomasochism, the role of transwomen in the lesbian community, and other sexual issues arose within acrimonious feminist debates known as the feminist sex wars.

Opinions on the sex industry are diverse. They are generally either critical of it (seeing it as exploitative, a result of patriarchal social structures and reinforcing sexual and cultural attitudes that are complicit in rape and sexual harassment) or supportive of at least parts of it (arguing that some forms of it can be a medium of feminist expression and a means of women taking control of their sexuality).

Pornography

The "Feminist Sex Wars" is a term for the acrimonious debates within the feminist movement in the late 1970s through the 1980s around the issues of feminism, sexuality, sexual representation, pornography, sadomasochism, the role of transwomen in the lesbian community, and other sexual issues. The debate pitted anti-pornography feminism against sex-positive feminism, and parts of the feminist movement were deeply divided by these debates.[94][95][96][97][98]

Prostitution and trafficking

Feminsts' views on prostitution vary, but many of these perspectives can be loosely arranged into an overarching standpoint that is generally either critical or supportive of prostitution and sex work.[99] Anti-prostitution feminists are strongly opposed to prostitution, as they see the practice as a form of violence against and exploitation of women, and a sign of male dominance over women. Feminists who hold such views on prostitution include Kathleen Barry, Melissa Farley,[100][101] Julie Bindel,[102][103] Sheila Jeffreys, Catharine MacKinnon[104] and Laura Lederer;[105] the European Women's Lobby has also condemned prostitution as "an intolerable form of male violence".[106]

Other feminists hold that prostitution and other forms of sex work can be valid choices for women and men who choose to engage in it. In this view, prostitution must be differentiated from forced prostitution, and feminists should support sex worker activism against abuses by both the sex industry and the legal system. The disagreement between these two feminist stances has proven particularly contentious, and may be comparable to the feminist sex wars of the late twentieth century.[107]

Relationship to political movements

In the U.S., feminism, when politically active, formerly aligned largely with the political right, e.g., through the National Woman's Party, from the 1910s to the 1960s, and presently aligns largely with the left, e.g., through the National Organization for Women, of the 1960s to the present, although in neither case has the alignment been consistent.

Socialism

Since the early twentieth century, some feminists have allied with socialism. In 1907, at an International Conference of Socialist Women in Stuttgart, suffrage was described as a tool of class struggle. Clara Zetkin of the Social Democratic Party of Germany called for women's suffrage to build a "socialist order, the only one that allows for a radical solution to the women's question".[108][109][110]

In Britain, the women's movement was allied with the Labour party. In the U.S., Betty Friedan emerged from a radical background to take leadership. Radical Women is the oldest socialist feminist organization in the U.S. and is still active.[111] During the Spanish Civil War, Dolores Ibárruri (La Pasionaria) led the Communist Party of Spain. Although she supported equal rights for women, she opposed women fighting on the front and clashed with the anarcha-feminist Mujeres Libres.[112]

In Latin America, revolutions brought changes in women's status in countries such as Nicaragua, where feminist ideology during the Sandinista Revolution aided women's quality of life but fell short of achieving a social and ideological change.[113]

The end of Communist governments led to changes in Eastern European gender roles.

Fascism

Nazi Germany and the contemporary fascist states illustrate the disastrous consequences for society of a state ideology that, in glorifying traditional images of women, becomes anti-feminist.[114] In Germany, after the rise of Nazism in 1933, there was a rapid dissolution of the political rights and economic opportunities that feminists had fought for during the prewar period and to some extent during the 1920s.[citation needed] In Franco's Spain, the right-wing Catholic conservatives undid the work of feminists during the Republic.[citation needed] Fascist society was hierarchical with an emphasis and idealization of virility, with women maintaining a position largely subordinate to men's.[115]

British Fascism, for its part, attracted many women to its ranks.[116] In particular, three prominent suffragette leaders (Mary Allen, Mary Richardson, and Norah Elam) used militant tactics to get votes for women in Britain in the early 1900s, and that had earned them Holloway prison terms, where they underwent hunger and thirst strikes and force feeding in the cause. During the 1930s, all three became prominent leaders in Oswald Mosley's British Union of Fascists (BUF). Elam became a BUF propagandist, driven by her disillusionment with what she saw as the antiquated Party political system that then dominated. She asserted that women had been given the vote simply to patronize and shut them up, making them think they were taking part in democratic decision-making, and then shrewdly sidelining them and making them politically impotent. Her Fascist propaganda bitterly criticized fellow suffragettes for giving up the feminist agenda and returned time and again to a concern with women's lack of freedom and the lack of influence that any one individual can exert through voting alone. The alternative to democracy she believed the BUF offered was not simply a vague utopian vision. She referred to the practical ideology underlying her Fascist concept. This New Creed, she believed, came in the form of a "Corporate State" which would deliver real equality and participation for all citizens, Corporatism being a system in which various groups in society (economic sectors and professional specializations) are conceived as the essential parts of the state making up the whole, the organs making up the body. The British House of Commons would be made up of representatives from each Corporation. She detailed little.[117] When she was put forward as a candidate for a Parliamentary seat in Northampton in 1936, Mosley accompanied her to Northampton to introduce her to her electorate at a meeting in the Town Hall, where in a public meeting he announced that "[h]e was glad indeed to have the opportunity of introducing the first candidate, and it killed for all time the suggestion that National Socialism proposed putting British women back into the home. Mrs Elam had fought in the past for women's suffrage ... and was a great example of the emancipation of women in Britain".[117] Whether this idea of a Corporate State would ever have produced for women the power to influence public life in the way Elam hoped was never realised in Britain. World War II and its aftermath revealed the full horrors of fascism and what it was capable of and coincided with the demise of the BUF, which never actually fought or won any seats in elections.

Science

Some feminists, such as Evelyn Fox Keller, criticize traditional scientific discourse as historically biased towards a masculine perspective,[68] including the idea of scientific objectivity. Primatologist Sarah Blaffer Hrdy notes the prevalence of masculinely coined stereotypes and theories, such as of the non-sexual female, despite "the accumulation of abundant openly available evidence contradicting it".[118]

Many feminist scholars rely on qualitative scientific research methods that emphasize women's subjective and individual experiences, including treating research participants as authorities equal to the researcher. Objectivity is eschewed in favor of open self-reflexivity and the agenda of helping women. Also, part of the feminist research agenda is the uncovering of ways in which power inequities are created and/or reinforced in society and in scientific and academic institutions. A feminist approach to research often involves nontraditional forms of presentation.[119]

Biology of gender

Modern feminist science challenges the biological essentialist view of gender.[120][121] However, it is increasingly interested in the study of biological sex differences and their effect on human behavior. For example, Anne Fausto-Sterling's book, Myths of Gender, explores the assumptions embodied in scientific research that purports to support a biologically essentialist view of gender.[122]

Her second book, Sexing the Body, discussed the alleged possibility of more than two true biological sexes. This possibility only exists in yet-unknown extraterrestrial biospheres, as no ratios of true gametes to polar cells other than 4:0 and 1:3 (male and female, respectively) are produced on Earth. However, in The Female Brain, Louann Brizendine argues that brain differences between the sexes are a biological reality with significant implications for sex-specific functional differences.[123] Steven Rhoads illustrated sex-dependent differences across a wide scope.[124]

Carol Tavris, in The Mismeasure of Woman, uses psychology and sociology to critique theories that use essentialism and biological reductionism to explain differences between men and women. She argues that "women are not the better sex, the inferior sex or the opposite sex", rather she contends that there are ever-changing hypotheses that justify inequality and perpetuate stereotypes.[125]

Cordelia Fine, in Delusions of Gender, argues that there is currently no scientific evidence for innate biological differences between men and women's minds, and that cultural and societal beliefs contribute to commonly perceived sex differences.[126]

Evolutionary biology

Sarah Kember—drawing from numerous areas such as evolutionary biology, sociobiology, artificial intelligence, and cybernetics in development with a new evolutionism—discusses the biologization of technology. She notes how feminists and sociologists have become suspicious of evolutionary psychology, particularly in as much as sociobiology is subjected to complexity in order to strengthen sexual difference as immutable through pre-existing cultural value judgments about human nature and natural selection.[127] Where feminist theory is criticized for its "false beliefs about human nature", Kember then argues in conclusion that "feminism is in the interesting position of needing to do more biology and evolutionary theory in order not to simply oppose their renewed hegemony, but in order to understand the conditions that make this possible, and to have a say in the construction of new ideas and artefacts."[127]

Health

Feminism has led to increased participation by women in the health care they receive (e.g., the book Our Bodies, Ourselves), deliver (e.g., as doctors and midwives), and seek (e.g., lactivism).

Reactions

Different groups of people have responded to feminism, and both men and women have been among its supporters and critics. Among American university students, for both men and women, support for feminist ideas is more common than self-identification as a feminist.[128][129][130] The US media tends to portray feminism negatively and feminists "are less often associated with day-to-day work/leisure activities of regular women."[131][132] Some men have responded in each wave of the movement positively and negatively,[133] varying from pro-feminism to masculism, the men's rights movement, and anti-feminism.[134][135][16]

Masculism and men's rights movements

Masculism emerged in the 20th Century as a reaction to the feminist movement in order to address men's interests and rights. The masculist movement encompasses a broad range of views and attitudes towards feminism. Some masculists view masculism as a complementary movement to feminism, with both movements seeking to correct gender discrimination,[136] while other masculists explicitly oppose feminism and support a "new patriarchy."[137] Many pro-feminist academics have been involved with men's studies, an area of research formed in response to men's rights movements and women's studies.[138][139][140][141][142] Men's rights activism is commonly involved in addressing areas such as paternity fraud[143], family and divorce law[144], rape legal and reporting issues[145][146], the treatment of men in domestic violence cases, and negative stereotypes about men.[147][148] Michael Flood, a pro-feminist, has characterized the movement as anti-feminist men's rights activists who "have ridden the wave of right-wing backlashes against “political correctness” and efforts at social justice"[138][149] However, some men's rights advocates have argued that some forms of feminism have contributed to widespread misandry in society.[150][151] Feminists have responded by denying that feminism is connected with misandry, and argue that this characterization originated outside of feminism to discredit the movement.[22][23]

Men as feminists

Philosopher Jeremy Bentham demanded equal rights for women in the 18th century. In 1866, philosopher John Stuart Mill (author of "The Subjection of Women") presented a women's petition to the British parliament and supported an amendment to the 1867 Reform Bill. Feminist perspectives have been used by male feminists to explore and address men's issues.[152] Some feminist women maintain that identifying and participating as a feminist is the strongest stand men can take in the struggle against sexism.[153][154][155] Highlighting critical debates about masculinity and gender, the history of men in feminism, and men's roles in preventing violence and sexual assault, a critical analysis of first-person stories by feminist/profeminist men addresses the question of why men should care about feminism in the first place and lays the foundation for a larger discussion about feminism as an all-encompassing human issue,[156] drawing on earlier work.[157] Fidelma Ashe argues that traditional feminist views of male experience and of "men doing feminism" have been monolithic and explores the multiple political discourses and practices of pro-feminist politics and evaluates each strand through an interrogation based upon its effect on feminist politics.[158][159]

In the 21st century, new reactions have emerged from male scholars in gender studies[160][161]

Other feminist women argue that men cannot be feminists, being incapable simply because, in terms of their acculturation, they are not women. They maintain that men are granted inherent privileges that prevent them from identifying with feminist struggles, thus making it impossible for them to identify with feminists.[162]

Pro-feminism

Pro-feminism is the support of feminism without implying that the supporter is a member of the feminist movement. The term is most often used in reference to men who are actively supportive of feminism. The activities of pro-feminist men's groups include anti-violence work with boys and young men in schools, offering sexual harassment workshops in workplaces, running community education campaigns, and counseling male perpetrators of violence. Pro-feminist men also are involved in men's health, activism against pornography including anti-pornography legislation, men's studies, and the development of gender equity curricula in schools. This work is sometimes in collaboration with feminists and women's services, such as domestic violence and rape crisis centers. Some activists of both genders will not refer to men as "feminists" at all and will refer to all pro-feminist men as "pro-feminists".[163][164]

Criticisms by women of colour, with lower incomes, or not Western

Sojourner Truth delivered the speech Ain't I a Woman? arguing for black women's equality in 1851

During much of its history, feminist movements and theoretical developments were led predominantly by middle-class white women from Western Europe and North America.[44][50][51] However, at least since Sojourner Truth's 1851 speech to American feminists, women of other races have proposed alternative feminisms.[50] This trend accelerated in the 1960s with the civil rights movement in the United States and the collapse of European colonialism in Africa, the Caribbean, parts of Latin America, and Southeast Asia. Since that time, women in developing nations and former colonies and who are of colour or various ethnicities or living in poverty have proposed additional feminisms.[51]

Antifeminism

Antifeminism is defined as the opposition to women's equality[165][166][167] or, alternatively, the opposition to feminism in some or all of its forms.[168]

In the nineteenth century, antifeminism was mainly focused on opposition to women's suffrage. Later, opponents of women's entry into institutions of higher learning argued that education was too great a physical burden on women. For example, in Sex in Education: or, a Fair Chance for the Girls (1873), Harvard professor Edward Clarke predicted that if women went to college, their brains would grow bigger and heavier, and their wombs would atrophy, which he based on the observation that college-educated women had fewer children than non-college-educated women. Other antifeminists opposed women's entry into the labor force, or their right to join unions, to sit on juries, or to obtain birth control and control of their sexuality.[169]

Some people have opposed feminism on the grounds that they believe it is contrary to traditional values or religious beliefs. These people argue, for example, that social acceptance of divorce and non-married women is wrong and harmful, and that men and women are fundamentally different and thus their different traditional roles in society should be maintained.[170][171][172]

Writers such as Camille Paglia, Christina Hoff Sommers, Jean Bethke Elshtain, and Elizabeth Fox-Genovese have been labeled "anti-feminists" by feminists.[173][174] Daphne Patai and Noretta Koertge argue that in this way the term "anti-feminist" is used to silence academic debate about feminism.[175] Paul Nathanson and Katherine K. Young's books Spreading Misandry and Legalizing Misandry explore what they argue is feminist-inspired misandry.[176] Christina Hoff-Sommers argues feminist misandry leads directly to misogyny by what she calls "establishment feminists" against (the majority of) women who love men in Who Stole Feminism: How Women Have Betrayed Women.[177] Marriage rights advocates criticize feminists like Sheila Cronan who take the view that marriage constitutes slavery for women and that freedom for women cannot be won without the abolition of marriage.[178]

See also

References

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  157. ^ Tarrant, Shira, Men Speak Out: Views on Gender, Sex, and Power (Routledge, 2007).
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  165. ^ Princeton University WordNet English Lexical Database, "Antifeminism" entry, http://wordnetweb.princeton.edu/perl/webwn?s=antifeminist
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  170. ^ Carrie L. Lukas, The politically incorrect guide to women, sex, and feminism, Regnery Publishing, 2006, ISBN 1596980036, 9781596980037
  171. ^ Mary A. Kassian, The feminist mistake: the radical impact of feminism on church and culture, Crossway, 2005, ISBN 1581345704, 9781581345704
  172. ^ Schlafly, Phyllis (1977). The Power of the Positive Woman. New York: Arlington House Publishers
  173. ^ Stacey, Judith (2007). "Is Academic Feminism an Oxymoron?". Signs. 25 (Feminisms at a Millennium): 5. {{cite journal}}: More than one of |number= and |issue= specified (help); Unknown parameter |month= ignored (help); Unknown parameter |unused_data= ignored (help)
  174. ^ Kamarck Minnich, Elizabeth (2007). "Review: 'Feminist Attacks on Feminisms: Patriarchy's Prodigal Daughters'". Feminist Studies. 24 (1): 26. {{cite journal}}: Unknown parameter |month= ignored (help); Unknown parameter |unused_data= ignored (help)
  175. ^ Patai, Daphne (2003). Professing Feminism: Education and Indoctrination in Women's Studies. Lanham: Lexington Books. ISBN 0739104551. {{cite book}}: Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help)
  176. ^ Nathanson, Paul; Young, Katherine K. (2006). Legalizing Misandry: From Public Shame to Systematic Discrimination Against Men. Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press. ISBN 0-7735-2862-8.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  177. ^ Sommers, Christina Hoff (1995). Who Stole Feminism?: How Women Have Betrayed Women. New York: Simon & Schuster. p. 320. ISBN 0-684-80156-6.
  178. ^ Poloma M. M., Garland T. N. (1971). "The Married Professional Woman: A Study in the Tolerance of Domestication". Journal of Marriage and the Family. 33 (3). Journal of Marriage and Family, Vol. 33, No. 3: 531–540. doi:10.2307/349850.

Bibliography

  • DuBois, Ellen Carol (1997). Harriot Stanton Blatch and the Winning of Woman Suffrage. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-06562-0. {{cite book}}: Check |isbn= value: checksum (help)
  • Flexner, Eleanor, Century of Struggle: The Woman's Rights Movement in the United States (The Belknap Press, 1996 (ISBN 9780674106539)).
  • Mathur, Piyush, "The Archigenderic Territories: Mansfield Park and A Handful of Dust, in Women's Writing 5:1,71–81 ([1]).
  • Stansell, Christine, The Feminist Promise: 1792 to the Present (2010 (ISBN 978-0-679-64314-2528)), pages.
  • Stevens, Doris (1995). Jailed for Freedom: American Women Win the Vote. Troutdale, OR: NewSage Press. ISBN 978-0-939165-25-2. {{cite book}}: Check |isbn= value: checksum (help); Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help)
  • Wheeler, Marjorie W. (1995). One Woman, One Vote: Rediscovering the Woman Suffrage Movement. Troutdale, OR: NewSage Press. ISBN 978-0-939165-26-0. {{cite book}}: Check |isbn= value: checksum (help)

Further reading

  • ""In labor alone is happiness": women's work, social work, and feminist reform endeavors in Wilhelmine Germany--a transatlantic perspective". Journal of Women's History. 16 (1). Indiana University Press. March 2004. ISSN 1042-7961.

External links

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