UK Independence Party

UK Independence Party
Abbreviation	UKIP
Leader	Diane James
Chairman	Paul Oakden (acting, pending election)
Deputy Chairman	The Earl of Dartmouth
Founded	3 September 1993
Preceded by	Anti-Federalist League
Headquarters	Lexdrum House Newton Abbot, Devon
Youth wing	Young Independence
Membership (2016)	39,000
Ideology	Hard Euroscepticism Right-wing populism Economic liberalism
Political position	Right-wing
European affiliation	Alliance for Direct Democracy in Europe
European Parliament group	Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy
Colours	Purple, yellow
House of Commons	1 / 650
House of Lords	Template:HOL UKIP / Template:HOLtotal <div style="background-color: Template:UK Independence Party/meta/color; width: %; height: 100%;">
European Parliament	22 / 73
National Assembly for Wales	6 / 60
Northern Ireland Assembly	0 / 108
London Assembly	2 / 25
Local government	488 / 20,565
Scottish Parliament	0 / 129
Police and Crime Commissioners	0 / 40
Directly-elected Mayors	0 / 17
Website
www.ukip.org
Politics of United Kingdom Political parties Elections

The UK Independence Party (UKIP /ˈjuːkɪp/) is a Eurosceptic and right-wing populist political party in the United Kingdom. It is led by Diane James and headquartered in Newton Abbot, Devon. UKIP has one Member of Parliament in the House of Commons, three representatives in the House of Lords, and 22 Members of the European Parliament, making it the largest UK party in the European Parliament. It has 488 councillors in UK local government and six members in the National Assembly for Wales.

Although it describes itself as a libertarian party, political scientists have characterised UKIP's ideological approach as being that of right-wing populism, also identifying it as part of the broader European radical right. UKIP's primary emphasis has been on hard Euroscepticism, calling for the UK's exit from the European Union; it now couples this with nationalist and economically liberal policies. Governed by its leader and National Executive Committee, UKIP is divided into twelve regional groups, with an additional one representing Gibraltar. UKIP is founding member of the Alliance for Direct Democracy in Europe European political party, and the party's MEPs sit with the Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy group in the European Parliament.

UKIP was founded in 1991 by the historian Alan Sked as the Anti-Federalist League, a single-issue Eurosceptic party. Renamed UKIP in 1993, the party adopted a wider right-wing platform and gradually increased its support. Under Nigel Farage's leadership, from 2009 the party tailored its policies towards the white working class, before making significant breakthroughs in the 2013 local elections and the 2014 European elections, where UKIP received the most votes. At the 2015 general election, the party gained the third-largest vote share and one seat in the House of Commons.

History

Main article: History of the UK Independence Party

Foundation and early years: 1991–2004

UKIP was founded to campaign for the UK's withdrawal from the EU (flag pictured)

UKIP began as the Anti-Federalist League, a Eurosceptic political party established in 1991 by the historian Alan Sked. The League opposed the recently signed Maastricht Treaty and sought to sway the governing Conservative Party toward removing the United Kingdom from the European Union (EU). A former Liberal Party candidate, member of the Bruges Group, and professor at the London School of Economics (LSE), Sked had converted to Euroscepticism while teaching the LSE's European Studies programme. Under the Anti-Federalist League's banner, Sked stood as a prospective Member of Parliament (MP) in Bath for the 1992 general election, gaining 0.02% of the vote. At a league meeting held in the LSE on 3 September 1993, the group was renamed the UK Independence Party, deliberately avoiding the term "British" so as to avoid confusion with the far-right British National Party (BNP).

UKIP contested the 1994 European Parliament election with little financing and much infighting, securing itself as the fifth largest party in that election with 1% of the vote. During this period, UKIP was viewed as a typical single-issue party by commentators, some of whom drew comparisons with the French Poujadist movement. Following the election, UKIP lost much of its support to the Referendum Party founded by the multi-millionaire James Goldsmith in November 1994; it shared UKIP's Eurosceptic approach but was far better funded. In the 1997 general election, UKIP fielded 194 candidates and secured 0.3% of the national vote; only one of its candidates, Nigel Farage in Salisbury, securing over 5% of the vote and had his deposit returned. UKIP was beaten by the Referendum Party in 163 of the 165 seats in which they stood against each other. The Referendum Party disbanded following Goldsmith's death later that year and many of its candidates joined UKIP.

A UKIP campaign bus, 2004

After the election, Sked was pressured into resigning by a party faction led by Farage, David Lott and Michael Holmes, who deemed him too intellectual and dictatorial. Sked left the party, complaining that it had been infiltrated by racist and far-right elements, including spies for the BNP. This connection was emphasised in the press, particularly when Farage was photographed meeting with BNP activists. Holmes took over as party leader, and in the 1999 European Parliament elections—the first UK election to use proportional representation–UKIP gained 7% of the vote and three seats, in South East England (Farage), South West England (Holmes), and the East of England (Jeffrey Titford).

An internal power struggle ensued between Holmes and the party's National Executive Committee (NEC), which was critical of Holmes after he called for the European Parliament to have greater powers over the European Commission. Led by Farage, the NEC removed Holmes from power, and Titford was elected leader. In the 2001 general election, UKIP secured 1.5% of the vote, and six of its 428 candidates retained their deposits; it had lost much support to the Conservatives, whose leader William Hague had adopted increasingly Eurosceptic rhetoric during his campaign. In 2002, the former Conservative MP Roger Knapman was elected UKIP leader, bringing with him the experience of mainstream politics that the party had lacked. Knapman hired the political campaign consultant Dick Morris to aid UKIP. The party adopted the slogan "say no" and launched a national billboard campaign. In 2004, UKIP reorganised itself nationally as a private company limited by guarantee.

Growing visibility: 2004–2013

Nigel Farage, leader of the party from 2006 to 2016 (except Aug 2009 to Aug 2010) and MEP since 1999

UKIP's support increased during the 2004 European Parliament elections, when it placed third, securing 2.6 million votes (16.1%) and winning 12 seats. This had been enabled through increased funding from major donors and the celebrity endorsement of chat show host Robert Kilroy-Silk, who stood as a candidate in the East Midlands. Kilroy-Silk then criticised Knapman's leadership, arguing that UKIP should stand against Conservative candidates, regardless of whether they were Eurosceptic or not. This position was rejected by many party members, who were uneasy with Kilroy-Silk. After Farage and Lott backed Knapman, Kilroy-Silk left the party in January 2005. Two weeks later, he founded his own rival, Veritas, taking a number of UKIP members—including both of its London Assembly members—with him.

After Kilroy-Silk's defection, UKIP's membership declined by a third and donations dropped by over a half. UKIP continued to be widely seen as a single-issue party and in the 2005 general election—when it fielded 496 candidates—it secured only 2.2% of the vote, and 40 candidates had their deposits returned. Electoral support for the BNP grew during this period. Academics and political commentators suggested that the parties were largely competing for the same voter base, a section of about 20% of the population of the United Kingdom (UK). Given that the BNP had outperformed UKIP in most of the seats that they both contested, many UKIP members, including several figures on the NEC, favoured an electoral pact with them, a proposal that Farage strongly condemned.

In 2006, Farage was elected leader of UKIP. He sought to broaden UKIP's image away from that of a single-issue party by introducing an array of socially conservative policies, including reducing immigration, tax cuts, restoring grammar schools, and climate change denial. In doing so he sought to capitalise on disenfranchised former Conservatives who had left the party after its leader, David Cameron, had moved in a socially liberal direction. Cameron was highly critical of UKIP, referring to them as "fruitcakes, loonies, and closet racists", however the Conservatives' largest donor, Stuart Wheeler, donated £100,000 to UKIP after criticising Cameron's stance towards the Treaty of Lisbon and the EU. After the UK parliamentary expenses scandal, UKIP witnessed an immediate surge in support, aiding them in the 2009 European Parliament election, where they secured 2.5 million votes (16.5%), resulting in 13 MEPs and making them the second largest party after the Conservatives. During the election, UKIP outperformed the BNP, whose electoral support base collapsed shortly after.

Malcolm Pearson briefly led UKIP

In September 2009, Farage resigned as leader. The subsequent leadership election was won by Lord Pearson of Rannoch, who emphasised UKIP's opposition to high immigration rates and Islamism in Britain, calling for a ban on the burqa being worn in public. Pearson, however, was unpopular with the UKIP grassroots, who viewed him as an establishment figure too favourable to the Conservatives. In the 2010 general election, UKIP fielded 558 candidates and secured 3.1% of the vote (919,471 votes), but took no seats. Pearson stood down as leader in August, and Farage was re-elected in the leadership election with more than 60% of the vote.

Farage placed new emphasis on developing areas of local support through growth in local councils. Observing that the party had done well in areas dominated by white blue-collar workers with no educational attainment, and that conversely it had done poorly in areas with high numbers of graduates and ethnic minorities, UKIP's campaign refocused directly at the former target vote. In the May 2012 local elections, UKIP put up 691 candidates in around 2,500 local council election contests. Their average % vote share (weighted according to total votes cast) was 13%. During this year, UKIP had witnessed far greater press coverage and growing support, with opinion polls placing it at around 10% support in late 2012. UKIP put up a record number of candidates for the 2013 local elections, achieving its strongest local government result, polling an average of 23% in the wards where it stood, and increasing its number of elected councillors from 4 to 147. This was the best result for a party outside the big three in British politics since the Second World War, with UKIP being described as "the most popular political insurgency" in Britain since the Social Democratic Party during the 1980s.

Entering mainstream politics: 2014–present

Results of the European Parliament election, 2014 in Great Britain. Districts where UKIP received the largest number of votes are shown in purple.

In local elections in 2014, UKIP won 163 seats, an increase of 128, but did not take control of any council. In March 2014, Ofcom and the BBC awarded UKIP "major party status" for the 2014 European elections. UKIP received the greatest number of votes (27.49%) of any British party in the 2014 European Parliament election and gained 11 extra MEPs for a total of 24. The party won seats in every region of Britain, including its first in Scotland. It was the first time in over a century that a party other than Labour or the Conservatives won the most votes in a UK-wide election.

UKIP gained its first elected MP when Conservative defector Douglas Carswell won the seat of Clacton during a Clacton by-election in October 2014. In November fellow Conservative defector Mark Reckless resigned his seat to trigger a by-election, before being re-elected for UKIP in Rochester and Strood. In the 2015 general election, Carswell held his seat but Reckless lost his. In the election, UKIP secured 12.6% of the vote, replacing the Liberal Democrats as the third most popular party, however only secured one seat. In the run-up to the 2015 general election, Farage stated that he would resign as party leader if he did not win South Thanet. On failing to do so, he resigned, although was reinstated three days later when the party NEC rejected his resignation. In 2016 National Assembly for Wales election, UKIP nearly tripled their share of votes (from 4.7 per cent to 12.5 per cent) and won seven seats. However, they won no seats in the Scottish Parliament, and lost their one seat in the Northern Ireland Assembly.

To counter the loss of further votes to UKIP, Cameron promised a 2016 referendum on the UK's continued membership of the EU. UKIP affiliated itself with the Leave.EU campaign group to support a 'leave' vote; they did not take part in the officially recognised Vote Leave campaign. Farage gained regular press coverage during the campaign, in which Leave.EU emphasised what it characterised as the negative impact of immigration on local communities and public services. The referendum produced a majority in favour of leaving the EU: the accomplishment of UKIP's raison d'être raised questions about the party's future. The loss of its MEPs would result in the loss of its primary institutional representation and a key source of its funding. After the referendum, Farage resigned as UKIP leader, with Diane James elected as his successor.

Ideology and policies

Right-wing populism

UKIP are situated on the right wing of the left–right political spectrum. More specifically, academic political scientists and political commentators have described UKIP as a right-wing populist party, and as part of Europe's wider radical right. The term "populism" refers to political groups which ideologically contrast "the people" against an elite or group of "dangerous others" whom the populists claim threaten the sovereignty of "the people", and during its establishment in 1993, UKIP's founders explicitly described it as a populist party. At the time, its "ideological heritage" lay within the right-wing of the Conservative Party, and UKIP was influenced by the "Tory populism" of Conservative politicians Margaret Thatcher and Enoch Powell. The party's growth is part of a wider rise in the prominence of right-wing populist groups across the Western world, and comparisons have been drawn between UKIP and the likes of the Tea Party movement in the United States and the True Finns in Finland. Central to its populism is its defence of democracy and its claim to represent the true democratic will of the British people. However, the political scientist Simon Usherwood suggested that there was "no ideological coherence" behind UKIP because it was only held together by its opposition to the EU and uncontrolled immigration.

UKIP's "Better Off Out" caravan in 2009

The political scientists Amir Abedi and Thomas Carl Lundberg characterised UKIP as an "Anti-Political Establishment" party. The party's rhetoric presents the idea that there is a fundamental divide between the British population and the elite who govern the country. UKIP claims to stand up for ordinary people against this political elite. UKIP politician Bill Etheridge for instance claimed that his party represented "a democratic revolution... the people of Britain rising up and fighting to wrestle power from the elite". Contributing to this anti-establishment message, Farage describes the party's supporters as "the People's Army", and he regularly held photo-opportunities and journalistic interviews in a pub, thus cultivating an "erudite everyman" image that contrasted with his past as a merchant banker.

UKIP uses recurring populist rhetoric—for instance by describing its policies as "common sense" and "straight talking"—in order to present itself as a straightforward alternative to the mainstream parties and their supposedly elusive and complex discourse. UKIP presents the UK's three primary parties—the Conservatives, Labour, and Liberal Democrats—as being essentially interchangeable, referring to them with the portmanteau of "LibLabCon". Farage accused all three parties of being social-democratic in ideology and "virtually indistinguishable from one another on nearly all the key issues". Farage has also accused the Scottish National Party of being "the voice of anti-Englishness", suggesting that elements of the Scottish nationalist movement are "deeply racist, with a total hatred of the English".

Nationalism and British Unionism

As the party's name suggests, UKIP has always had the politics of national identity at its core. The party describes its position as being that of civic nationalism, and in its manifesto explicitly rejects ethnic nationalism by encouraging support from Britons of all ethnicities and religions. Rejecting claims that it is racist, Farage stated that UKIP was a "non-racist, non-sectarian party". In UKIP's literature, the party has placed an emphasis on "restoring Britishness" and counteracting what it sees as a "serious existential crisis" exhibited by the "Islamification" of Britain, the "pseudo-nationalisms" of Wales, Scotland, and Ireland, and the multicultural and supranational policies promoted by "the cultural left", describing its own stance as being "unashamedly unicultural". It has been suggested that this attitude compromises the party's claim that its form of British nationalism is civic and inclusive.

UKIP considers itself to be a British unionist party, although its support base is centred largely in England. The political scientist Richard Hayton argued that UKIP's British unionism reflects "Anglo-Britishness", a perspective that blurs the distinction between Britain and England. With Mycock, Hayton argued that in conflating Englishness with Britishness, UKIP exhibited an "inherent Anglocentrism" that negates the distinct culture of the Scottish, Welsh, and Northern Irish peoples of the United Kingdom. The party has mobilised English nationalist sentiment brought on by English concerns following the devolution within the UK and the rise of Welsh and Scottish nationalisms. Hayton suggests that UKIP tap into "a vein of nostalgic cultural nationalism" within England, and it has been noted that UKIP's discourse frames the image of Englishness in a nostalgic manner, harking back to the years before the collapse of the British Empire.

Euroscepticism, immigration, and foreign policy

UKIP is a hard Eurosceptic party. Opposition to the United Kingdom's continued membership of the European Union has been its "core issue" and is "central to the party's identity". UKIP characterises the EU as a fundamentally undemocratic institution and stresses the need to regain what it describes as the UK's national sovereignty from the EU. It presents the EU as being an exemplar of non-accountability, corruption, and inefficiency, and views it as being responsible for the "flooding" of the UK with migrants, in particular from Eastern Europe. UKIP emphasises Euroscepticism to a far greater extent than any of Western Europe's other main radical right parties, and it was only post-2010 that they began seriously articulating other issues. Hayton nevertheless suggested that Euroscepticism still remains "the lens through which most of its other policy positions are framed and understood".

Farage at the 2009 UKIP Conference

The party opposed the 2004 enlargement of the European Union into eastern Europe. UKIP advocated leaving the European Union, stopping payments to the EU, and withdrawing from EU treaties, while maintaining trading ties with other European countries. Initially, UKIP's policy was that—in the event of them winning a general election—they would remove the UK from the EU without a referendum on the issue. The party leadership later suggested a referendum, expressing the view that in the case of an exit vote, they could negotiate favourable terms for the country's withdrawal, for instance through ensuring a free trade agreement between the UK and EU. UKIP eventually committed to a referendum in their 2015 manifesto. In contrast to involvement in the EU, UKIP has emphasised the UK's global connections, in particularly to member states of the Commonwealth of Nations. UKIP denied the description that they were "Europhobes", maintaining that their stance was anti-EU, not anti-European.

UKIP has placed great emphasis on the issue of immigration to the UK, with Farage describing it as "the biggest single issue facing this party" in 2013. UKIP attributes UK membership of the EU as the core cause of immigration to the UK, citing the Union's open-border policies as the reason why large numbers of East European migrants have moved to Britain. In their 2009 electoral manifesto, they proposed a five year ban on any migrants coming to the UK. In their 2015 manifesto, UKIP stated that they wanted the UK to adopt a points-system for incoming migrants, with a cap of 50,000 skilled migrants a year. They also stated their intention to prevent any migrants from claiming any form of state benefits until they had been resident in the UK for at least five years. Political scientist David Art suggested that in its campaign to restrict immigration, UKIP had "flirted with xenophobia", while political scientist Simon Usherwood stated that a hardening of immigration policy in 2003 at the time "risked reinforcing the party's profile as a quasi-far right grouping". The journalist Daniel Trilling stated that UKIP tapped in to the "anti-immigrant and anti-Muslim populism" that was popular in the late 2000s.

UKIP has advocated a 40% increase in the UK's national defence budget. It opposes UK military involvement in conflicts that are not perceived to be in the national interest, specifically rejecting the concept of humanitarian interventionism. For instance, in 2014 it opposed the Cameron government's plans to intervene militarily against the government of Bashar al-Assad in the Syrian civil war.

Economic policy

"So what kind of party is UKIP ? Ideologically, the party combines a mix of old-style liberal commitments to free markets, limited government and individual freedom with conservative appeals to national sovereignty and traditional social values."

— Political scientist Stephen Driver, 2011

On economic issues, UKIP's original activist base was largely libertarian, supporting an economically liberal approach, and the party is generally at ease with the global free market. Its libertarian views have been influenced by classical liberalism and Thatcherism, with Thatcher representing a key influence on UKIP's thought. Farage has characterised UKIP as "the true inheritors" of Thatcher, claiming that the party never would have formed had Thatcher remained in political office throughout the 1990s. UKIP presents itself as a libertarian party, and the political scientists David Deacon and Dominic Wring described it as articulating "a potent brand of libertarian populism". However, commentators writing in The Spectator, The Independent, and the New Statesman have all challenged the description of UKIP as libertarian, highlighting its socially conservative and economically protectionist policies as being contrary to a libertarian ethos.

UKIP propose an increase the personal allowance to the level of full-time minimum wage earnings (approx. £13,500 as of the 2015 General Election). It also plans to abolish Inheritance Tax. It would introduce a 35p income tax rate for taxable income between £42,285 and £55,000, with the 40p rate payable above that. A Treasury Commission would be set up to design a turnover tax to ensure big businesses pay a minimum floor rate of tax as a proportion of their UK turnover. UKIP opposes the "bedroom tax" and intends to make child benefit payable only to children permanently resident in the UK, and limit it to the first two children of a family. (This would not apply to children born before implementation.) UKIP supports a "simplified, streamlined welfare system" and a "benefit cap".

UKIP would allow businesses to favour British workers over migrants, would repeal "much of" Britain's racial discrimination law, which was described as "shocking" by the Conservative–Liberal Democrat coalition government and viewed as discriminatory by others. However, Farage insists that his comments regarding his party's policies on these matters have been "wilfully misinterpreted".

Although the party does not have an official stance on the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership, the party's trade spokesperson (Lord Dartmouth), and health spokesperson (Louise Bours) have stated that they do not wish the National Health Service to be included in the trade deal, according to the International Business Times.

Social policy

On health UKIP's policy is to keep the National Health Service and general practitioner visits free at the point of use for UK citizens. Non-citizens would be required to have approved medical insurance "as a condition of entering the UK". Farage has spoken in favour of an insurance-based system in the past, which he said would resemble the French and Dutch style system rather than an American style private system, but this was rejected by the party. He has commented, "we may have to think about ways in the future about dealing with health care differently".

A UKIP candidate campaigning in the run-up to the 2010 general election

In The Guardian, commentator Ed Rooksby described UKIP's approach to many social issues as being "traditionalist and socially conservative", while political scientist Stephen Driver has referred to the party's appeals to "traditional social values". UKIP opposed the introduction of same-sex marriage in the United Kingdom. UKIP wants to repeal the Human Rights Act, and remove Britain from both the European Convention on Refugees and the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). On the repeal of Britain's signatory to the ECHR, UKIP would like to see a referendum on the reintroduction of the death penalty in the UK. In its 2015 manifesto, it promised to make St. George's Day and St. David's Day bank holidays in England and Wales, respectively.

UKIP is the only major political party in the United Kingdom that does not endorse renewable energy and lower carbon emissions, and its media output regularly promotes climate change denial. Farage and other senior UKIP figures have repeatedly spoken out against the construction of wind farms, deeming them a blot on the rural landscape. UKIP's media present renewable energy as inefficient and unaffordable, and they promote the use of fossil fuels, nuclear energy, and fracking. UKIP has announced that it would repeal the Climate Change Act 2008, estimating that it costs the economy £18bn a year. They wish to also scrap the Large Combustion Plant Directive and encourage the redevelopment of British power stations as well as industrial units providing on-site power generation. The party supports the development of shale gas with proper safeguards for the local environment. Community improvement levy money from the development of shale gas fields would be earmarked for lower council taxes or community projects within the local authority being developed. There would be no new subsidies for wind farms and solar arrays. UKIP would also abolish green taxes and charges to reduce fuel bills. A primary policy of UKIP is to fully ensure the protection of the Green Belt.

UKIP poster in Egham, Surrey, for the 2009 European elections

It has supported the existence of selective education through the form of grammar schools. In respect to education policy, UKIP would introduce an option for students to take an apprenticeship qualification instead of four non-core GCSEs which can be continued at A Level. Students could take up apprenticeships in jobs with certified professionals qualified to grade the progress of the student. Subject to academic performance, UKIP would remove tuition fees for students taking approved degrees in science, medicine, technology, engineering or mathematics, on the condition that they live, work and pay tax in the UK for five years after the completion of their degrees. Students from the EU would be required to pay the same student fee rates as international students. UKIP supports the principle of 'free schools' and expansion in the number of grammar schools. Schools would be investigated by OFSTED on the presentation of a petition to the Department for Education signed by 25% of parents or governors. In its 2015 manifesto, UKIP promised to teach a chronological understanding of "British history and achievements" in schools.

UKIP have emphasised the need to correct what they the perceive as the imbalance resulting from the West Lothian question and the Barnett formula. The party initially opposed federalism in the UK, criticising the establishment of the Welsh Assembly and Scottish Parliament. However, in September 2011 Farage and the NEC announced their support for the establishment of an English Parliament to accompany the other devolved governments. UKIP fully supports the British monarchy and its constitutional role. In 2012, it opposed disestablishment of the Church of England and said it would consider a transfer of part of the Crown Estate back to the Monarchy, in exchange for an end to annual state support.

Farage has said that Gibraltar, along with all other British Overseas Territories, should have representatives in the House of Commons of the United Kingdom, similar to the privileges given to French overseas territories in France. Farage believes that all citizens for whom the British Parliament passes legislation, whether in the United Kingdom or its territories, deserve democratic representation in that Parliament.

Support

Membership

UKIP's membership numbers increased from 2002 to the time of the 2004 European Parliament election, before hovering around the 16,000 mark during the late 2000s. In 2004, the party claimed 20,000 members, with this remaining broadly stable, and in June 2007 it had a recorded 16,700 members. By July 2013, the figure had grown to 30,000 before ending the year at 32,447. In 2014, the number was 36,000 on 22 April, by 7 May reached 37,000 and on 19 May, less than a fortnight later and only three days before the 2014 European Parliament election, rose to 38,000. As of January 2015, UKIP membership is the fifth highest of British parties.

Voter base

UKIP's voters are not single-issue Europhobes or political protesters, they share a clear and distinct agenda, mixing deep Euroscepticism with clear ideas about immigration, national identity and the way British society is changing. The conflict between UKIP's voters and the political mainstream reflects a deep-seated difference in outlook among voters from different walks in life. Those who lead and staff the three main parties are all from the highly educated, socially liberal middle classes, who are comfortable in an ethnically and culturally diverse, outward looking society... Those who lead and staff UKIP, and those who vote for them, are older, less educated, disadvantaged and economically insecure Britons, who are profoundly uncomfortable in the 'new' society, which they regard as alien and threatening.

— Political scientists Robert Ford and Matthew Goodwin, 2014.

In its early years, UKIP targeted itself toward southern English, middle-class Eurosceptic voters, those who had been supporters of the Conservative Party until the latter signed the Maastricht Treaty. This led to the widespread perception that UKIP's supporters were primarily middle-class ex-Conservative voters, with commentator Peter Oborne characterising UKIP as "the Conservative Party in exile".

After 2009, UKIP refocused its attention to appeal primarily to white British, working-class, blue collar workers; those who had traditionally voted Labour or in some cases for Thatcher's Conservatives but who had ceased voting or begun to vote BNP since the emergence of the New Labour project in the 1990s. In this way, UKIP's support base does not line up with the historical left-right divide in British politics, instead being primarily rooted in class divisions. This mirrored the voting base of other radical right parties across Western Europe which had grown since the early 1990s. This scenario had come about following the rapid growth of the middle-classes and the concomitant decline of the working-class population; the centre-left social-democratic parties who had traditionally courted the support of the working classes largely switched their attention to the newly emergent middle-classes, leaving their initial support base increasingly alienated and creating the vacuum which the radical right exploited.

On the basis of their extensive study of data on the subject, in 2014 the political scientists Matthew Goodwin and Robert Ford concluded that "UKIP's support has a very clear social profile, more so than any of the mainstream parties. Their electoral base is old, male, working class, white and less educated". They found that 57% of professed UKIP supporters were over the age of 54, while only one in ten were under 35, which they attributed to the fact that UKIP's socially conservative and Eurosceptic platform appealed far more to Britain's older generations that their younger counterparts, who were more socially liberal and less antagonistic toward the EU. 57% of UKIP supporters were male, which Ford and Goodwin suggested was due to women voters being put off by a number of high-profile sexist remarks made by UKIP candidates. 99.6% of UKIP supporters identified as white, reflecting the fact that ethnic minorities tended to avoid the party. 55% of UKIP supporters had left school aged 16 or under, with only 24% having attended university, making it clear that the party primarily appealed to the least educated in society. Ford and Goodwin also found that UKIP's support base was more working-class than that of any other party, with 42% of supporters in blue-collar jobs. They also noted however that during elections for the European Parliament, UKIP were able to broaden their support to gain the vote of largely middle-class Eurosceptics who vote Conservative in other elections. In 2011, Goodwin, Ford, and David Cutts published a study that identified Euroscepticism as the main causal factor for voters supporting UKIP, with concern over immigration levels and distrust of the political establishment also featuring as important motives. Ford and Goodwin described UKIP's voters as primarily comprising the "left behind" sector of society, "older, less skilled and less well educated working-class voters" who felt disenfranchised from the mainstream political parties who had increasingly focused on attempting to win the support of middle-class swing voters.

Ukip has become more than the single issue on which it was founded: under Farage's leadership it has become a welcoming home for the many in British society who feel that 'the system' isn't working for them, or has left them behind, economically, socially or politically. In so doing, it has gained supporters from across the political spectrum, including many old Labour voters in economically distressed regions of the country.

— Political scientist Simon Usherwood, 2016.

From their analysis of the data, Ford and Goodwin stated that UKIP's support base has "strong parallels" both with that of Western Europe's other radical right parties and with the BNP during their electoral heyday. Conversely, an earlier study by Richard Whitaker and Philip Lynch, based on polling data from YouGov, concluded that UKIP voters were distinct from those of far right parties. The authors found that voter support for UKIP correlated with concerns about the value of immigration, and a lack of trust in the political system but the biggest explanatory factor for their support of UKIP was Euroscepticism. A further study by the same authors suggests that UKIP voters' core beliefs align very closely to those of the UKIP candidates; particularly so on issues surrounding European integration, which has resulted in Conservative voters switching to UKIP due to Conservative divisions on this issue.

An analysis of UKIP support from surveys in October 2014 conducted by YouGov, showed increasing support from former Labour and, to a lesser extent, Liberal Democrat voters. The polling by YouGov reported that the proportion of UKIP's supporters who were former Labour voters had doubled since January 2013 (7% to 13%) and grown from former Liberal Democrat supporters (15% to 17%), with former Conservative supporters down from 60% to 48%.

Ford and Goodwin noted that UKIP "barely registers" with young Britons, graduates, ethnic minorities, and pro-EU voters. According to an Opinium poll in December 2014 on the views of 17- to 22-year-olds, Farage was the least popular political leader. Only 3% of young people questioned said that they intended to vote for UKIP, compared with 19% among voters of all ages. The 17% who said they would vote outside the three main parties were four times more likely to vote for the Green Party than for UKIP. Conversely, a March 2015 Ipsos Mori poll found among 18- to 34-year-olds UKIP was polling nearly as well as the Green Party, somewhat contradicting the idea that Farage lacked appeal for younger voters.

Financial backing

A UKIP campaigner in Newport high street on the Isle of Wight, 2012

In 2008, Usherwood noted that UKIP relied heavily on a small number of major financial backers. According to The Guardian, a leaked internal report to UKIP's executive committee dated to September 2012 shows that the party's leader argued that "the key to money for us will be the hedge fund industry".

According to UKIP's annual returns to the Electoral Commission, in 2013 the party had a total income of £2,479,314. Of this, £714,492 was from membership and subscriptions, £32,115 from fundraising activities and £1,361,640 from donations. By law, individual donations over £7,500 must be reported.

UKIP has several high-profile backers. On 28 March 2009, the Conservative Party's biggest-ever donor, Stuart Wheeler, donated £100,000 to UKIP after criticising David Cameron's stance towards the Treaty of Lisbon and the EU. He was then expelled from the Conservatives and, in 2011, appointed treasurer of UKIP to spearhead fundraising for the 2014 European election campaign. Wheeler has donated more than £403,690 since 2009, including £150,000 in February 2014. In October 2014, Arron Banks, who previously gave £25,000 to the Conservatives, increased his UKIP donation from £100,000 to £1m after William Hague said he had never heard of him. In December 2014, Richard Desmond, proprietor of Express Newspapers, donated £300,000 to UKIP. Desmond had made Lord Stevens of Ludgate, the UKIP peer and the former chairman of Express Newspapers, his deputy chairman in October. The donation indicated that Desmond's papers, the Daily Express, Sunday Express, Daily Star and Daily Star Sunday, would back UKIP in the run-up to the 2015 general election. Three weeks before the election, Desmond gave the party another £1 million.

Organisation

Leadership

#	Leader	Tenure	Notes
style="background:Template:UK Independence Party/meta/color; color:white;" | 1	Alan Sked	1993–1997
style="background:Template:UK Independence Party/meta/color; color:white;" | –	Craig Mackinlay	1997	Acting leader
style="background:Template:UK Independence Party/meta/color; color:white;" | 2	Michael Holmes	1997–2000	MEP from 1999–2004
style="background:Template:UK Independence Party/meta/color; color:white;" | 3	Jeffrey Titford	2000–2002	MEP from 1999–2009
style="background:Template:UK Independence Party/meta/color; color:white;" | 4	Roger Knapman	2002–2006	MEP from 2004–2009
style="background:Template:UK Independence Party/meta/color; color:white;" | 5	Nigel Farage	2006–2009	MEP from 1999
style="background:Template:UK Independence Party/meta/color; color:white;" | 6	The Lord Pearson of Rannoch	2009–2010
style="background:Template:UK Independence Party/meta/color; color:white;" | –	Jeffrey Titford	2010	Acting leader
style="background:Template:UK Independence Party/meta/color; color:white;" | (5)	Nigel Farage	2010–2016
style="background:Template:UK Independence Party/meta/color; color:white;" | 7	Diane James	2016-present	MEP from 2014

Spokespersons

Department	Spokesperson	Other
Chairman	TBC
Leader	Diane James
Deputy Leader	TBC
Leader in the European Parliament & Education	Nigel Farage
Leader in the Assembly for Wales	Neil Hamilton
Parliamentary Spokesman	Suzanne Evans
Head of Policy	Mark Reckless
Economy	Mark Reckless
Home Affairs	vacant
Health	vacant
Defence	Mike Hookem
Energy	Roger Helmer
Employment	Jane Collins
Immigration	Steven Woolfe
Housing and Environment	Andrew Charalambous
Disability	Star Ethridge
Transport	Jill Seymour
Science	Julia Reid
Small Business	Margot Parker
Agriculture	Stuart Agnew
Fisheries	Ray Finch
Heritage and Tourism	vacant
Local Government	Peter Reeve
Culture and Communities	Peter Whittle	Leader in the London Assembly
Commonwealth spokesman	James Carver
Trade	William Dartmouth
International Development	Nathan Gill	Head of UKIP Wales
Head of UKIP Scotland	David Coburn
Head of UKIP Northern Ireland	David McNarry

Regions

UKIP's organisation is divided into twelve regions: London, South East, South West, Eastern, East Midlands, West Midlands, Yorkshire, North East, North West, Wales, Northern Ireland, and Scotland. An additional, thirteenth branch, operates in the British Overseas Territory of Gibraltar; it held its first public meeting at the Lord Nelson pub in April 2013.

Representatives

Main article: UK Independence Party representation and election results

House of Commons

In the UK, the first-past-the-post voting system for electing MPs to the House of Commons was a significant barrier to UKIP, whose support was widely distributed across different areas rather than being strongly focused in particular constituencies. Further, the system encouraged tactical voting, with many UKIP supporters believing that a vote for the party would be a wasted vote. Recognising this, Farage believed that the best way to win a seat in the House of Commons was to win a by-election, with UKIP contesting a number of these from 2010 onward. Over the next few years, they contested a number of by-elections around the country, coming second in both Barnsley Central and Rotherham. In 2008, Bob Spink, the MP for Castle Point, resigned the Tory whip (becoming an Independent) but in April that year joined UKIP. However, in November he appeared again as an Independent in Commons proceedings, ultimately losing the seat to a Conservative in 2010.

Douglas Carswell is the first elected Member of Parliament for UKIP

In 2014, two Conservative MPs changed allegiance to UKIP and resigned their seats to fight by-elections for UKIP. Douglas Carswell won the Clacton by-election on 9 October, making him the first MP to be elected representing UKIP. Mark Reckless was also victorious in the Rochester and Strood by-election on 20 November. In the 2015 General Election, Carswell kept his seat in Clacton but Reckless lost Rochester to the Conservative Kelly Tolhurst. UKIP had 3,881,129 votes (12.6%) and was the third largest party on vote share, yet it won only one seat. Because of this, there were calls from some in UKIP for a voting reform in favour of proportional representation.

House of Lords

On 24 June 1995, UKIP gained its first member of the House of Lords, The Lord Grantley, who had joined the party in 1993 from the Conservatives and had recently succeeded to his father's titles. However, with the coming House of Lords Act 1999, he decided not to stand for election as a continuing member, and so left the House in November 1999. Earlier in 1999, UKIP had gained a second peer in the House of Lords, The Earl of Bradford, but he, too, left the House in November 1999 because of the House of Lords Act. The Lord Pearson of Rannoch and The Lord Willoughby de Broke both defected to UKIP in 2007, giving the party its first representation in the House of Lords since the departure of Lord Grantley and Lord Bradford. The Lord Pearson of Rannoch went on to serve as party leader from November 2009 to September 2010. On 18 September 2012, The Lord Stevens of Ludgate joined UKIP, having sat as an Independent Conservative since his expulsion from the Conservatives in 2004.

Regional assemblies and parliaments

UKIP competes electorally in all four nations of the United Kingdom. On 4 October 2012, UKIP gained its first representation in the Northern Ireland Assembly in David McNarry, MLA for Strangford, who had been sitting as an independent, following his expulsion from the Ulster Unionist Party. The party however failed to continue its representation at the 2016 election, coming within a hundred votes of taking a seat in East Antrim.

UKIP's support has been particularly weak in Scotland, where it has no representatives in the devolved parliament. UKIP fielded candidates at the Scottish Parliament election on 5 May 2011, when its platform included a commitment to keep the Scottish Parliament in Edinburgh, while replacing the separately-elected Members of the Scottish Parliament with the Members of the House of Commons elected in Scotland. The party also fielded candidates for the National Assembly for Wales. In the 2016 election, it entered the Assembly for the first time, winning seven of 60 seats.

UKIP won two seats in the 2004 London Assembly election, however, both left the party in 2005, joining Veritas. UKIP did not have representation in the assembly again until the 2016 election in which they won two seats. London mayoral candidate Peter Whittle failed to be elected mayor but won a seat in the assembly with David Kurten.

Local government

UKIP office in Royal Tunbridge Wells

UKIP initially paid little attention to local government elections. However, this changed after Farage observed that building localised strongholds of support in various parts of the country had been the process by which the Liberal Democrats had entered the House of Commons, and that this was a strategy that could benefit UKIP. UKIP subsequently focused on the 2011 local elections, in which it fielded over 1,100 candidates, winning seven and becoming the main opposition in over 100.

The first UKIP local council election win occurred when one of its members was elected to South Cambridgeshire District Council in 2000. A number of Conservative, Liberal Democrat, Labour and Independent local councillors in all four constituent nations of the UK defected to UKIP over subsequent years, with the most recent defections to date (May to July 2013) coming from former Conservative councillors in the London Boroughs of Merton, Richmond upon Thames and Havering, and from Labour in Northampton and North-East Lincolnshire. In May 2013, 33 English and one Welsh council held local elections, with UKIP gaining 139 seats for a total of 147, with significant gains in Lincolnshire, Norfolk and Kent.

In the 2013 local elections, UKIP won 147 seats and established itself as the largest opposition party in six English county councils. At the 2013 and 2014 local elections, UKIP made significant gains to become the fourth largest party in terms of councillors in England, and fifth largest in the UK, with over 300 seats (out of about 21,000). In the 2015 local elections, UKIP took control of Thanet District Council, its first majority control of a council. However, the party lost control later in the year after several of its councillors defected and it lost its majority. Although, UKIP would later take back control as a majority after winning the 2016 Northwood ward by election taking its number of councilors up to 29. In the 2016 local election UKIP won 58 council seats, an increase of 25.

European Parliament

As a result of its hard Eurosceptic approach, UKIP does not recognise the legitimacy of the European Parliament, and under Sked's leadership refused to take any of the EP seats that it won. This changed after 1997, when the party decided that its elected representatives would take such seats to publicise its anti-EU agenda. As a result of the 1999 European parliament election, three UKIP MEPs were elected to the European Parliament. Together with Eurosceptic parties from other nations, they formed a new European parliamentary group called Europe of Democracies and Diversities (EDD).

Farage with France Arise leader Nicolas Dupont-Aignan in Strasbourg, February 2013

Following the 2004 European parliament election, 37 MEPs from the UK, Poland, Denmark and Sweden founded a new European Parliamentary group called Independence and Democracy as a direct successor to the EDD group. After the 2009 European parliament election, UKIP was a founder member of a new right-wing grouping called Europe of Freedom and Democracy (EFD) comprising Eurosceptic, radical right, nationalist, national-conservative and other political factions. This group was more right-wing than the previous term's Independence and Democracy group.

Following the 2014 European parliament election, the EFD group was reconstituted as the Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy (EFDD or EFD²) group on 24 June 2014, with a significant changes to group composition, including the Five Star Movement of Italy, a total of 48 members. The EFDD group lost official status in October 2014 when the defection of the Latvian MEP Iveta Grigule meant its membership no longer met the required number of states for Parliamentary groups (at least seven different member states). On 20 October, EFD announced it had restored the requisite seven state diversity by recruiting Robert Iwaszkiewicz, one of four representatives of the far-right Polish party Congress of the New Right. In December 2014 UKIP co-founded the Alliance for Direct Democracy in Europe, a European political party whose membership is composed of several member parties of the EFDD parliamentary group.

In the 2009–14 parliament, UKIP ranked 76th out of 76 for attendance, took part in 61% of votes, and had three of the six lowest attending MEPs, which led to criticism from other parties and ex-UKIP MEPs that low participation may damage British interests. Between July 2014 and May 2015, its 23 MEPs maintained their record as the least active, participating on average in only 62.29% of votes. In response to criticism of low participation by UKIP MEPs in the EU Parliament, Farage has said that "Our objective as MEPs is not to keep voting endlessly for more EU legislation and to take power away from Westminster."

Current members of the European Parliament

UKIP has 22 members in the European Parliament, with representatives in eleven of the twelve European Parliament constituencies in the UK.

Constituency	MEP(s)
East Midlands	Roger Helmer, Margot Parker
East of England	Patrick O'Flynn, Stuart Agnew, Tim Aker
London	Gerard Batten
North East	Jonathan Arnott
North West England	Paul Nuttall, Louise Bours, Steven Woolfe
Scotland	David Coburn
South East England	Nigel Farage, Diane James, Ray Finch
South West England	William Dartmouth, Julia Reid
Wales	Nathan Gill
West Midlands	Jill Seymour, James Carver, Bill Etheridge
Yorkshire and the Humber	Jane Collins, Mike Hookem

Source: The Independent, 27 May 2014

Election results

House of Commons

During the 2010–15 Parliament, two Conservative MPs defected to UKIP and were re-elected in subsequent by-elections. At the 2015 general election, UKIP retained one of these seats (Clacton) and received over 30% of the vote in Boston & Skegness, South Thanet and Heywood & Middleton.

Election year	# of total votes	% of overall vote	# of seats won
1997	105,722	0.3%	0 / 650
2001	390,563	1.5%	0 / 650
2005	603,298	2.2%	0 / 646
2010	919,546	3.1%	0 / 650
2015	3,881,099	12.6%	1 / 650

European Parliament

Election year	# of total votes	% of overall vote	# of seats won	Rank
1994	155,487	1%	0 / 87	8
1999	696,057	6.7%	3 / 87	4
2004	2,650,768	16.1%	12 / 78	3
2009	2,498,226	16.6%	13 / 72	2
2014	4,376,635	27.5%	24 / 73	1

Reception

UKIP has faced vocal opposition from anti-fascist groups such as Hope not Hate, who have accused it of tapping in to nationalist and xenophobic sentiment in its campaigns. Writing for The New York Times Magazine, Geoffrey Wheatcroft noted that there had been "a concerted campaign to brand UKIP as racist, an accusation that some of its own activists have done nothing to discourage." A number of remarks deemed to be racist or sexist have been made by party activists and candidates, before being widely publicised in the press. For many years such individuals were internally tolerated within the party, although as part of the push to professionalise the party under Farage's leadership a number of party members—such as MEP Godfrey Bloom—were expelled for making comments that brought UKIP into disrepute.

Farage talking to the media in 2012

For many years, mainstream political figures derided or demeaned the importance of UKIP, although this did little to obstruct its electoral advances. By 2014, at which point UKIP was securing significant electoral support in the European Parliamentary elections, the main parties began to take it more seriously and devoted more time to countering the electoral threat it posed to them, in turn drawing more journalistic attention to the party. Many on Britain's centre-left have been reluctant to accept that UKIP were hindering public support for Labour. A December 2014 poll by ComRes found that voters saw UKIP as closer to the centre-ground of politics than the Conservatives.

In a YouGov survey in May 2014, 47% considered the media biased against UKIP. David Deacon and Dominic Wring's examination of press coverage of UKIP during their 2014 campaign demonstrated that of the elite newspapers, the pro-EU titles The Guardian and The Observer gave the most coverage to perceived racist and intolerant aspects of the party, while the Eurosceptic titles The Times and The Sunday Times instead focused on questioning the propriety and integrity of UKIP representatives. Among the populist tabloids, The Sun/The Sunday Sun and the Daily Mirror/Sunday Mirror were found to contain the most negative coverage of UKIP, while the Daily Express and Sunday Express—owned by UKIP donor Richard Desmond—gave significantly lower coverage to the gaffs and prejudices of UKIP representatives. Deacon and Wring noted that even most right-wing newspapers that share UKIP's views on immigration echo the perspective of more liberal newspapers that many of UKIP's interventions are racist. This right-wing press opposition to UKIP may result from the fact that much of Britain's rightist press is politically aligned to the Conservatives, and thus perceive UKIP as an electoral threat. The BBC received almost 1,200 complaints about its coverage of the 2014 European and local elections, saying it was biased towards UKIP or gave UKIP too much airtime. The BBC denied any bias. Farage and other UKIP politicians have accused the BBC of a "liberal bias", particularly on issues of immigration, the EU, and climate change.

In 2016, it was noted that most previous academic research into UKIP had focused around its electoral support base, its consequences for the other parties, and the possibilities and prospects of a referendum, as opposed to examining its policies.

See also

• Euroscepticism in the United Kingdom

References

Sources

Abedi, Amir; Lundberg, Thomas Carl (2009). "Doomed to Failure? UKIP and the Organisational Challenges Facing Right-Wing Populist Anti-Political Establishment Parties". Parliamentary Affairs. 62 (1): 72–87. doi:10.1093/pa/gsn036. {{cite journal}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Art, David (2011). Inside the Radical Right: The Development of Anti-Immigrant Parties in Western Europe. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-139-49883-8. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Bale, Tim; Hough, Dan; Van Kessel, Stijn (2013). "In or Out of Proportion? Labour and Social Democratic Parties' Responses to the Radical Right". In Rydgren, Jens (ed.). Class Politics and the Radical Right. Routledge Studies in Extremism and Democracy. London: Routledge. pp. 91–106. ISBN 978-1-136-16061-5. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Clements, Ben (2014). "Partisan Attachments and Attitudes towards Same-Sex Marriage in Britain". Parliamentary Affairs. 67 (1): 232–244. doi:10.1093/pa/gst003. {{cite journal}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Considère-Charon, Marie-Claire (2010). "Irish MEPs in an Enlarged Europe". In Gillissen, Christophe (ed.). Ireland: Looking East. Brussels: Peter Lang. ISBN 978-90-5201-652-8. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Deacon, David; Wring, Dominic (2016). "The UK Independence Party, populism and the British news media: Competition, collaboration or containment?". European Journal of Communication. 31 (2): 169–184. doi:10.1177/0267323115612215. {{cite journal}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Driver, Stephen (2011). Understanding British Party Politics. Cambridge: Polity Press. ISBN 978-0-7456-4078-5. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Dolezal, Martin (2012). "Restructuring the European Political Space: The Supply Side of European Electoral Politics". In Kriesi, Hanspeter; Grande, Edgar; Dolezal, Martin; Helbling, Marc; Höglinger, Dominic; Hutter, Swen; Wüest, Bruno (eds.). Political Conflict in Western Europe. Cambridge University Press. pp. 127–150. ISBN 978-1-107-02438-0. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Etheridge, Bill (2014). The Rise of UKIP. Epsom: Bretwalda Books. ISBN 978-1-909698-33-8. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Ford, Robert; Goodwin, Matthew (2014). Revolt on the Right: Explaining Support for the Radical Right in Britain. London: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-66150-8. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Ford, Robert; Goodwin, Matthew J.; Cutts, David (2011). "Strategic Eurosceptics and Polite Xenophobes: Support for the UK Independence Party (UKIP) in the 2009 European Parliament Elections". European Journal of Political Research. 51 (2). doi:10.1111/j.1475-6765.2011.01994.x. {{cite journal}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Template:Cite article

Hayton, Richard (2016). "The UK Independence Party and the Politics of Englishness". Political Studies Review. 14 (3): 400–410. doi:10.1177/1478929916649612. {{cite journal}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Heywood, Andrew (2015). Essentials of UK Politics (3rd ed.). London: Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-1-137-53074-5. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Jones, Owen (2011). Chavs: The Demonization of the Working Class. London: Verso. ISBN 978-1-84467-804-4. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Liebert, Ulrike (2012). "Civil Society, Public Sphere and Democracy in the EU". In Eriksen, Erik Oddvar; Fossum, John Erik (eds.). Rethinking Democracy and the European Union. Abingdon: Routledge. pp. 112–142. ISBN 978-1-136-49090-3. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Lynch, Philip; Whitaker, Richard (2013). "Rivalry on the Right: The Conservatives, the UK Independence Party (UKIP) and the EU Issue". British Politics. 8 (3): 285–312. doi:10.1057/bp.2012.29. {{cite journal}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Lynch, Philip; Whitaker, Richard; Loomes, Gemma (2012). "The UK Independence Party: Understanding a Niche Party's Strategy, Candidates and Supporters". Parliamentary Affairs. 65: 733–757. doi:10.1093/pa/gsr042. {{cite journal}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Mycock, Andrew; Hayton, Richard (2014). "The Party Politics of Englishness". The British Journal of Politics and International Relations. 16 (2): 251–272. doi:10.1111/j.1467-856X.2012.00543.x. {{cite journal}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Phinnemore, David; McGowan, Lee (2013). A Dictionary of the European Union (6th ed.). London: Routledge. ISBN 978-1-135-08127-0. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Reed, Matt (2016). "'This loopy idea': An analysis of UKIP's social media discourse in relation to rurality and climate change". Space and Polity. 20 (2): 226–241. doi:10.1080/13562576.2016.1192332. {{cite journal}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Staab, Andreas (2011). The European Union Explained: Institutions, Actors, Global Impact (2nd ed.). Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Press. ISBN 978-0-253-00164-1. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Tournier-Sol, Karine (2015). "Reworking the Eurosceptic and Conservative Traditions into a Populist Narrative: UKIP's Winning Formula?". Journal of Common Market Studies. 53 (1): 140–156. doi:10.1111/jcms.12208. {{cite journal}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Thorlakson, Lori (2013). "Federalism and the European Party System". In Trechsel, Alexander H. (ed.). Towards a Federal Europe. Journal of European Public Policy Series. London: Routledge. ISBN 978-1-317-99818-1. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Trilling, Daniel (2012). Bloody Nasty People: The Rise of Britain's Far Right. London: Verso. ISBN 978-1-84467-959-1. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Usherwood, Simon (2008). "The Dilemmas of a Single-Issue Party: The UK Independence Party". Representation. 44 (3): 255–64. doi:10.1080/00344890802237023. {{cite journal}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Usherwood, Simon (2016a). "Did Ukip win the referendum?". Political Insight. 7 (2): 27–29. doi:10.1177/2041905816666146. {{cite journal}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Whitaker, Richard; Lynch, Philip (2011). "Explaining Support for the UK Independence Party at the 2009 European Parliament Elections". Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties. 21 (3): 359–379. doi:10.1080/17457289.2011.588439. {{cite journal}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Further reading

Clarke, Harold Clarke; Whiteley, Paul; Borges, Walter; Sanders, David; Stewart, Marianne (2016). "Modelling the dynamics of support for a right-wing populist party: the case of UKIP". Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties. 26 (2): 135–154. doi:10.1080/17457289.2016.1146286. {{cite journal}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Deacon, David; Wring, Dominic (2015). "The United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) and the British Press: Integration, Immigration and Integrity". Political Parties in the Digital Age: The Impact of New Technologies in Politics. Oldenbourg: De Gruyter. pp. 129–147. ISBN 9783110413816. {{cite encyclopedia}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help); Unknown parameter |editors= ignored (|editor= suggested) (help)

Denniso, James; Goodwin, Matthew (2015). "Immigration, Issue Ownership and the Rise of UKIP". Parliamentary Affairs. 68: 168–187. doi:10.1093/pa/gsv034. {{cite journal}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Evans, Geoffrey; Mellon, Jon (2016). "Working Class Votes and Conservative Losses: Solving the UKIP Puzzle". Parliamentary Affairs. 69 (2): 464–479. doi:10.1093/pa/gsv005. {{cite journal}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Ford, Robert; Goodwin, Matthew J. (2016). "Different Class? UKIP's Social Base and Political Impact: A Reply to Evans and Mellon". Parliamentary Affairs. 69 (2): 480–491. doi:10.1093/pa/gsv012. {{cite journal}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Goodwin, Matthew; Milazzo, Caitlin (2015). UKIP: Inside the Campaign to Redraw the Map of British Politics. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0198736110. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Mellon, Jon; Evans, Geoffrey (2016). "Class, Electoral Geography and the Future of UKIP: Labour's Secret Weapon?". Parliamentary Affairs. 69 (2): 492–498. doi:10.1093/pa/gsv013. {{cite journal}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Moufahim, M.; Parsons, M.; Rees, P. (2016). "Shades of Purple - A Discursive Analysis of Mainstream Political Party Responses to UKIP". Journal of Customer Behaviour. {{cite journal}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Usherwood, Simon (2016). "The UK Independence Party: The Dimensions of Mainstreaming". Radical Right-Wing Populist Parties in Western Europe: Into the Mainstream. Abingdon: Routledge. {{cite encyclopedia}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help); Unknown parameter |editors= ignored (|editor= suggested) (help)

External links

• Official website
• UKIP in the European Parliament – UKIP MEPs' website