Scottish independence: Difference between revisions
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*[http://vimeo.com/12458284/ Precious Few Heroes: The Case For Scottish Independence (Documentary Film)] |
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Revision as of 13:51, 12 September 2012
This article is part of a series within the Politics of the United Kingdom on the |
Politics of Scotland |
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Scottish independence (Scots: Scots unthirldom,[1] Scottish Gaelic: Neo-eisimeileachd na h-Alba) is a political aim of political parties, advocacy groups and individuals for Scotland, which is a country of the United Kingdom, to once again become an independent sovereign state.
The Scottish Government has expressed its intention to hold an independence referendum in late 2014.[2]
History
Scotland was an independent country from its foundation in the Early Middle Ages (traditionally 843) until 1707 with the Act of Union.
Scottish home rule
The Visit of King George IV to Scotland in 1822 and the subsequent rise in tartanry did much to reinvigorate a sense of a specifically Scottish national identity, which had been split between the Episcopalian and Roman Catholic-dominated Highlands and the Presbyterian-dominated Lowlands since the Glorious Revolution in 1688, and continued during the 18th century through the Jacobite risings, the Act of Proscription and subsequent process of Highland Clearances by landlords.
From the mid-19th century, calls for the devolution of control over Scottish affairs began to be raised, but support for full independence remained limited. The "home rule" movement for a Scottish Assembly was first taken up in 1853 by a body close to the Conservative Party, complaining about the fact that Ireland received more support from the British Government than Scotland and soon began to receive Liberal Party backing,[3] In 1885, the Post of Secretary for Scotland and the Scottish Office were re-established to promote Scotland's interests and voice its grievances to the British Parliament. In 1886, however, William Ewart Gladstone introduced the Irish Home Rule Bill. When many Scots compared what they had to the Irish offer of Home Rule, this was considered inadequate. It was not an immediate constitutional priority however, especially after the Irish Home Rule Bill was defeated in the House of Commons, and by the time a Scottish home rule bill was first presented to parliament in 1913, its progress, along with that of the Irish Home Rule Act 1914, was interrupted by World War I and subsequently became overshadowed by the Easter Rising and Irish War of Independence, although the Scottish Office was relocated to St. Andrew's House in Edinburgh during the 1930s.[3][4]
In 1921, the Scots National League formed as a body primarily based in London seeking Scottish independence, largely influenced by Sinn Féin. They established the Scots Independent newspaper in 1926 and in 1928 they helped the Glasgow University Scottish Nationalist Association form the National Party of Scotland, aiming for a separate Scottish state. One of the founders was Hugh MacDiarmid, a poet who had begun promoting a Scottish literature, while others had Labour Party links. It cooperated with the Scottish Party, a home rule organisation formed in 1932 by former members of the Conservative Party, and merged in 1934 to form the Scottish National Party, which at first supported only home rule but later changed to supporting independence.
At first, the SNP did not support all-out independence for Scotland, but rather the establishment of a devolved Scottish Assembly, within the United Kingdom[citation needed]. This became the party's initial position on the constitutional status of Scotland as a result of a compromise between the NPS, who did support independence, and the Scottish Party who were devolutionists. However, the SNP quickly reverted to the original NPS stance of supporting full independence for Scotland. The interwar period proved difficult years for the SNP, with the rise of undemocratic nationalist forces in Europe in the shape of fascism in Italy and Spain and national socialism in Germany. The alleged similarity between SNP and foreign nationalists, combined with other factors such as a lack of profile in mainstream media, made it difficult for the SNP to grow.[5] Unlike the ethnic or ultra-nationalist groups on mainland Europe, however, the nationalism of the SNP was based more on civic nationalism.[6]
The concept of full independence, or less controversial home rule, did not re-enter the Scottish mainstream until the 1960s, with the famous Wind of Change speech by Harold Macmillan, which marked the high point of decolonisation and the decline of the British Empire, which had already suffered the humiliation of the 1956 Suez Crisis. For many in Scotland, this served to undermine one of the principal raisons d'être of the United Kingdom and also symbolised the end of popular imperialism and imperial unity which had united the prominent Scottish Unionist Party, which subsequently entered a steady decline in support.[7][8] The SNP won a Parliamentary seat in 1967, when Winnie Ewing was the surprise winner of the Hamilton by-election, 1967. This brought the SNP to national prominence, leading to Edward Heath's 1968 Declaration of Perth and the establishment of the Kilbrandon Commission.[9]
1970s resurgence
The discovery of North Sea oil off the east coast of Scotland further invigorated the debate over Scottish independence.[10] The Scottish National Party organised a hugely successful campaign entitled "It's Scotland's oil", emphasising the way in which the discovery of oil could benefit Scotland's then-struggling deindustrialising economy and its populace.[11] In the February 1974 general election seven SNP MPs were returned. The failure of the Labour Party to secure an overall majority prompted them to quickly return to the polls. In the subsequent October 1974 election, the SNP performed even better than they had done earlier in the year, winning 11 MPs and managing to garner over 30% of the total vote in Scotland.[12]
In 1974, the Conservative government commissioned the McCrone report, written by professor Gavin McCrone, a leading government economist, to report on the viability of an independent Scotland. He concluded that oil would have given an independent Scotland one of the strongest currencies in Europe. The report went on to say that officials advised government ministers on how to take "the wind out of the SNP sails". Handed over to the incoming Labour administration and classified as secret because of Labour fears over the surge in Scottish National Party popularity, the document came to light only in 2005, when the SNP obtained the report under the Freedom of Information Act 2000.[13][14]
The Labour Party under Harold Wilson had won the election by a tiny majority of only three seats. Following their election to parliament, the SNP's MPs pressed for the creation of a Scottish Assembly, which was given added credibility after the conclusions of the Kilbrandon Commission. However, opponents demanded that a referendum be held on the issue. Although the Labour Party and the Scottish National Party both officially supported devolution, support was split in both parties. Labour was divided between those who favoured devolution and those who wanted to maintain a full central Westminster government. In the SNP, there was division between those who saw devolution as a stepping stone to independence and those who feared it might actually detract from that ultimate goal.[10]
The resignation of Harold Wilson brought James Callaghan to power, however his small majority was eroded with several by-election losses and the government became increasingly unpopular during the Winter of Discontent, although an arrangement was negotiated in 1977 with the Liberals known as the Lib-Lab pact and a succession of deals with the Scottish National Party and Plaid Cymru to hold referendums on devolution in exchange for their support, had helped to prolong the government's life.
The result of the referendum in Scotland was a narrow majority in favour of devolution (52% to 48%),[10] but a condition of the referendum was that 40% of the total electorate should vote in favour in order to make it valid. Thus, with a turnout of 63.6%, only 32.9% had voted "Yes". The Scotland Act 1978 was consequently repealed in March 1979 by a vote of 301-206 in parliament. In the wake of the referendum the supporters of the bill conducted a protest campaign under the slogan "Scotland said yes". They argued that the 40% rule was undemocratic and that the referendum results justified the establishment of the assembly. Campaigners for a "No" vote countered that voters had been told before the referendum that failing to vote itself was as good as a "No".[15] It was therefore incorrect to conclude that the 36.4% who did not vote, was entirely down to voter apathy.
In protest, the Scottish National Party MPs withdrew their support from the government. A motion of no confidence was then tabled by the Conservatives and supported by the SNP, the Liberals and Ulster Unionists. It passed by one vote on 28 March 1979, forcing the May 1979 general election, which was won by Margaret Thatcher, effectively ending the post-war consensus. The Labour Prime Minister, James Callaghan, famously described this decision by the SNP as that of 'turkeys voting for Christmas'.[16][17] The SNP returned only two MPs in the 1979 election, leading to the formation of the controversial 79 Group within the SNP.
Devolution
![](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/9/9e/Debating_chamber%2C_Scottish_Parliament_%2831-05-2006%29.jpg/220px-Debating_chamber%2C_Scottish_Parliament_%2831-05-2006%29.jpg)
Supporters of Scottish independence continued to hold mixed views on the Home Rule movement which included many supporters of union who wanted devolution within the framework of the United Kingdom. Some saw it as a stepping stone to independence, while others wanted to go straight for independence.[18]
In the years of the Conservative government after 1979, the Campaign for a Scottish Assembly was established, eventually publishing the Claim of Right 1989. This then led to the Scottish Constitutional Convention. The convention promoted consensus on devolution on a cross-party basis, though the Conservative Party refused to co-operate and the Scottish National Party withdrew from the discussions when it became clear that the convention was unwilling to discuss Scottish independence as a constitutional option.[10] Arguments against devolution and the Scottish Parliament, levelled mainly by the Conservative Party, were that the Parliament would create a "slippery slope" to Scottish independence and provide the pro-independence Scottish National Party with a route to government.[19] John Major, the Conservative prime minister before May 1997, campaigned during the 1997 general election on the slogan "72 hours to save the union".[20]
The Labour Party won the 1997 general election and Donald Dewar as Secretary of State for Scotland agreed to the proposals for a Scottish Parliament. A referendum was held in September and 74.3% of those who voted approved the devolution plan (44.87% of the electorate).[21] The Parliament of the United Kingdom subsequently approved the Scotland Act 1998 which created an elected Scottish Parliament with control over most domestic policy.[10] In May 1999, Scotland held its first election for a devolved parliament and in July the Scottish Parliament held session for the first time since the previous parliament had been adjourned in 1707.
The Scottish Parliament is a unicameral legislature comprising 129 Members, 73 of whom represent individual constituencies and are elected on a first past the post system; 56 are elected in eight different electoral regions by the additional member system, serving for a four year period. The Queen appoints one Member of the Scottish Parliament, on the nomination of the Parliament, to be First Minister with the convention being that the leader of the party with the largest number of seats is appointed First Minister although any member which can command the confidence of the chamber could conceivably be appointed First Minister. All other Ministers are appointed and dismissed by the First Minister and together they make up the Scottish Government, the executive arm of government.[22]
The Labour Party's Donald Dewar became the First Minister of Scotland, while the Scottish National Party became the main opposition party. With the approval of all parties, the egalitarian song "A Man's A Man for A' That", by Robert Burns, was performed at the opening ceremony of the Scottish Parliament.
The Scottish Parliament has legislative authority for all non-reserved matters relating to Scotland, and has a limited power to vary income tax, nicknamed the Tartan Tax, a power it has yet to exercise. The Scottish Parliament can refer devolved matters back to Westminster to be considered as part of United Kingdom-wide legislation by passing a Legislative Consent Motion if United Kingdom-wide legislation is considered to be more appropriate for certain issues. The programmes of legislation enacted by the Scottish Parliament since 1999 have seen a divergence in the provision of public services compared to the rest of the United Kingdom. For instance, the costs of a university education, and care services for the elderly are free at point of use in Scotland, while fees are paid in the rest of the UK. Scotland was the first country in the UK to ban smoking in enclosed public places.[23]
Scotland is also represented in the British House of Commons by 59 MPs elected from territory-based Scottish constituencies.
Proposed referendum
![](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/3/3b/Scottish_independence_importance_graph_2011.png/300px-Scottish_independence_importance_graph_2011.png)
In its manifesto for the 2007 Scottish Parliament election, the SNP pledged to hold an independence referendum by 2010.[24][25] After winning the election,[26] the SNP-controlled Scottish Government published a White Paper entitled Choosing Scotland's Future, which outlined options for the future of Scotland, including independence.[27][28]
At the time, Scottish Labour, the Scottish Conservatives and Scottish Liberal Democrats opposed a referendum offering independence as an option. Then Prime Minister Gordon Brown also publicly attacked the independence option.[29] Based on a subsequent debate in the Scottish Parliament,[30] the three main parties opposed to independence formed the Calman commission.[31][32] This reviewed devolution and considered all constitutional options bar independence.[33]
In August 2009, the SNP announced that the Referendum (Scotland) Bill, 2010 would be part of its third legislative programme for 2009-10, which would detail the question and conduct of a possible referendum on the issue of independence. The Bill was to be published on 25 January 2010, Burns Night, with the referendum proposed for on or around 30 November 2010, St. Andrew's Day. The Bill was not expected to be passed, because of the SNP's status as a minority government, and the opposition of all the major parties in the Parliament.[34][35] In September 2010, the Scottish Government announced that no referendum would occur before the 2011 elections.[36]
Following the SNP's victory in the 2011 election,[37][38] which gave the party an overall majority in the Scottish Parliament, First Minister Alex Salmond stated his desire to hold a referendum "in the second half of the parliament" which would place it in 2014 or 2015.[39] On 10 November, David Cameron considered plans for a UK-led referendum "to prevent the Scottish Nationalists from setting the terms, question and timing to suit themselves".[40]
In January 2012, politicians clashed over whether the Scottish Parliament has the power to hold a referendum on independence. A referendum seeking to change the constitutional status of Scotland would not be legally binding on the UK Parliament because referendums in the United Kingdom are advisory only.[41] The UK Government claimed that the mandate, vested in Westminster by the Act of the Union 1707, had not been devolved to the Scottish Parliament since the constitution is one of the reserved matters for the UK Parliament under the Scotland Act 1998.[42][43][44] At any time Westminster could amend the Scotland Act, changing the powers of the Scottish Parliament; it has previously amended the Act to maintain the number of MSPs, which would otherwise have been reduced in line with the reduction of Scottish MPs in the 2005 UK general election. In January 2012, Secretary of State for Scotland Michael Moore and Prime Minister David Cameron indicated that they were willing for the UK Parliament to devolve the power to hold a binding referendum,[45] but disagree with the SNP over its timing and composition. Alex Salmond and the SNP assert that the Scottish Parliament already has the right to implement a referendum without receiving any further powers from Westminster.[45]
A campaign for Scottish independence was launched on 25 May 2012 by the Scottish National Party. First Minister Alex Salmond urged one million Scottish people to sign a declaration supporting independence before the referendum at the launch of the Yes Scotland campaign in Edinburgh. The proposal was backed by celebrities such as Sean Connery and Alan Cumming.[46] Poet Liz Lochhead read a poem regarding English-Scottish rivalry in the 16th century. Salmond declared that "We want a Scotland that is fairer and more prosperous."[47]
Legality
The UK Parliament retains parliamentary sovereignty over the United Kingdom as a whole.[48][49][50] This claim was endorsed by Lord Bingham of Cornhill in Jackson v Attorney General who argued that "[t]hen [in 1911], as now, the Crown in Parliament was unconstrained by any entrenched or codified constitution. It could make or unmake any law it wished"[51] and by the Supreme Court in AXA General Insurance Ltd and others v HM Advocate and others. The Deputy President, Lord Hope of Craighead, stated that "the sovereignty of the Crown in Parliament ... is the bedrock of the British constitution. Sovereignty remains with the United Kingdom Parliament."[52] However, the application of the principle of parliamentary sovereignty to Scotland has been disputed. In MacCormick v The Lord Advocate, the Lord President of the Court of Session, Lord Cooper of Culross stated obiter dicta that "the principle of the unlimited sovereignty of Parliament is a distinctively English principle which has no counterpart in Scottish Constitutional Law."[53] It has been suggested that the doctrine of popular sovereignty,[54] proclaimed in the 1320 Declaration of Arbroath and reasserted by the Claim of Right 1989,[55][56] is of greater relevance to Scotland.
The legality of any British constituent country attaining de facto independence (in the same manner as the origins of the Irish Republic) or declaring unilateral independence outside the framework of British constitutional convention is uncertain. Some legal opinion following the Supreme Court of Canada's decision on what steps Quebec would need to take to secede is that Scotland would be unable to unilaterally declare independence under international law if the British government permitted a referendum on an unambiguous question on secession.[57][58] Rather, the SNP claims that a positive vote for independence in a referendum would have "enormous moral and political force... impossible for a future [Westminster] government to ignore",[59] and hence would give the Scottish Parliament a mandate to negotiate the passage of an act of the UK Parliament providing for Scotland's secession, in which Westminster renounces its claims to sovereignty over Scotland.[60]
Legitimacy
The United Nations Charter enshrines the right of peoples to self-determination, and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights also guarantees peoples' right to change nationality; the UK is a signatory to both documents. Politicians in both the Scottish and British parliaments have endorsed the right of the Scottish people to self-determination, including former UK Prime Ministers John Major and Margaret Thatcher.[61] The Claim of Right 1989 was signed by every then-serving Scottish Labour and Scottish Liberal Democrat MP, with the exception of Tam Dalyell. Johann Lamont stated in her December 2011 acceptance speech for the Scottish Labour leadership that "sovereignty lies with the people of Scotland".[62]
Support for independence
Political parties
Scottish independence is supported most prominently by the Scottish National Party, but other parties also have pro-independence policies. Those who have had elected representatives in either the Scottish Parliament or local councils in recent years are the Scottish Green Party, the Scottish Socialist Party and Solidarity.
Seventy-two of the seats in the Scottish Parliament are now held by parties/members who have expressed pro-independence sentiments, over 55% of the total. These are the 69 Scottish National Party members, the two Green members and Margo MacDonald, an independent politician.[63][64]
Other organisations
The Independence Convention seeks "Firstly, to create a forum for those of all political persuasions and none who support independence; and secondly, to be a national catalyst for Scottish independence."[65] Independence First is a pro-referendum pressure group which has organised public demonstrations.
Reasons
Reasons in favour of independence include:
- Principle of self-determination: the Scottish people will be making decisions for Scotland themselves.[66]
- Control over defense and foreign policy means Scotland can choose for example to no longer have nuclear weapons in its seas and no longer be part of NATO.[67]
- Access to oil funds means greater funds directly to Scotland. In the 1970s a slogan used for this was It's Scotland's oil.[68]
Difference over form of government
The independence movement is a disparate one that covers varied political standpoints. While many are republican, this is not Scottish National Party policy. The SNP styles itself as an inclusive institution, subordinating ideological differences to the primary goal of securing independence, with Scotland becoming a Commonwealth realm, similar to Canada or Australia, if independence should occur. This would effectively return Scotland to its previous constitutional state of dynastic union, after the Union of the Crowns in 1603. Queen Elizabeth II of the United Kingdom is not only the descendent of the Kings and Queens of England but also of the Kings and Queens of Scotland, before the two nations' union in 1707. The situation would become like between 1603 and 1707 where the countries were separate yet shared the same monarch. Proportional representation has led to the election to the Scottish Parliament of smaller parties with various political positions but which have independence as a goal; in the 2003 Scottish Parliament election the gains made by the Scottish Green Party and the Scottish Socialist Party boosted the number of pro-independence MSPs. The Scottish Socialist Party has led republican protests and authored the Declaration of Calton Hill, calling for an independent republic.[69]
Organisations that wish for Scotland to become an independent republic include the Scottish Socialist Party, Scottish Republican Socialist Party, Scottish Workers Republican Party and Solidarity.
Opposition to independence
Political parties
Opposition to independence is represented by the three main British political parties. Within the Scottish Parliament, the Union is supported by the Scottish Labour Party, Scottish Conservative Party and Scottish Liberal Democrats. Opposition to Scottish independence is also held by many individual figures such as George Galloway and various minor political parties.
Reasons
There are strong historical and contemporary cultural ties between Scotland and the rest of the UK, from the Reformation and Union of Crowns, to Scottish involvement in the growth and development of the British Empire and contribution of the Scottish Enlightenment and Industrial Revolution. Contemporary popular culture is also shared, primarily through the prevalence of the English language. Almost half of the Scottish population have relatives in England, almost a million Scoto-English live and work in England and 400,000 Anglo-Scots now live in Scotland.[70]
There are also significant economic links with the Scottish military-industrial complex[71] as well as close links within the financial sector.[72]
Opponents of independence believe Scotland is economically stronger as a part of the UK economy and that Scotland is better able to prosper in a globalised economy with the international influence and stability derived from being part of a larger state.[73] David Maddox, writing for The Scotsman says that Scotland's levels of public spending (higher in relation to the rest of the UK) would be difficult to sustain after independence, without raising taxes, as North Sea oil revenues will decline in the longer-term.[74] Some[who?] wish to reduce public spending and devolve more fiscal powers to the Scottish Parliament in order to address this issue within the broader framework of the Union.[75][76][77]
Difference over form of government
Unionism ranges from those who support a centralised unitary state governed exclusively by the Parliament of the United Kingdom, to those who support varying degrees of devolution to the Scottish Parliament, including federalism. This was relevant to the Scottish Conservative Party leadership election, 2011 where the winner, Ruth Davidson, was in favour of the status quo and the second most voted candidate, Murdo Fraser, was in favour of greater devolution.
Other issues
International influence
Those in favour of a continued union also claim that as part of a unitary British state, Scotland has more influence on international affairs and diplomacy, both politically and militarily, as part of NATO, the G8 and as a permanent member of the UN Security Council. Opponents of further integration of the European Union claim that independence, within Europe but outside the EU three, would mean that Scotland would be more marginalised because, as a relatively small independent country, Scotland would be unable to resist the demands of larger member nations.[78]
However, there is the counterargument that Scotland could have more influence on world affairs by being represented independently. As an example, Scotland currently has six MEPs. Independent countries with a similar population to Scotland, such as Ireland or Denmark, have approximately twice as much representation. Similarly although every EU member state is represented at the Council of Europe, Scotland - as part of the UK - doesn't have a dedicated representative. If it were an independent nation it would have its own representative.[79]
European Union
It has been argued that an independent Scotland would need to apply to join the EU,[80] although the SNP argue that Scotland would have almost automatic membership as an existing part of the EU, subject only to a majority vote in the European Council.[81]
It was reported in The Spectator and The Independent that Spain may object to Scottish membership of the EU,[82][83] but this was denied by the Spanish Government.[84]
Accusations of Anglophobia
Bruce Anderson, writing for The Independent, claimed that a desire for independence is symptomatic of the so-called parochial "Scottish cringe" and assert that some nationalists are Anglophobic in their attitude towards England.[85] This has been opposed by SNP MSP Ian McKee who has pointed out, as an SNP MSP born and brought up in England, that the SNP is not Anglophobic or racist.[86]
Currency
The Scottish National Party is in favour of an independent Scotland retaining the Pound sterling as its currency,[87] which Scottish Secretary Michael Moore suggested would be legal.[88]
However, opponents suggest that Scotland's retention of the British currency would devalue sterling and impact negatively on the economies of England, Wales and Northern Ireland.[89][90]
Public opinion
There have been a large number of polls conducted on support levels for Scottish independence.[91][92][93][94][95][96][97] Professor John Curtice stated in January 2012 that polling shows support for independence at between 32% and 38% of the Scottish population.[98] This has fallen somewhat since the SNP were first elected to become the Scottish Government in 2007.[98] The research also shows, however, that the proportion of the population strongly opposed to independence has fallen significantly in recent years.[98]
Polls show consistent strong support for a referendum, including amongst those who support the continuation of the union. Most opinion polls performed have a figure of in-principle support for a referendum around 70–75%.[99]
See also
References
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- ^ "Scotland to hold independence poll in 2014 - Salmond". BBC. 10 January 2012. Retrieved 10 January 2012.
- ^ a b "Scottish Referendums". BBC. Retrieved 11 June 2007.
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- ^ "History of the Scottish National Party". Scottishindependence.com. Retrieved 6 April 2009.
- ^ "Multiculturalism and Scottish nationalism". Commission for Racial Equality. Retrieved 21 June 2007.
- ^ Gilson, Mike (16 January 2007). "Scottish independence". Edinburgh: News.scotsman.com. Retrieved 6 April 2009.
{{cite news}}
: Unknown parameter|deadurl=
ignored (|url-status=
suggested) (help) [dead link] - ^ National identities > The story so far[dead link]
- ^ "Scottish Referendums". Bbc.co.uk. 30 November 1990. Retrieved 6 April 2009.
- ^ a b c d e "The Devolution Debate This Century". BBC. Retrieved 11 June 2007.
- ^ Russell, Ben; Kelbie, Paul (10 June 2007). "How black gold was hijacked: North sea oil and the betrayal of Scotland". London: The Independent. Retrieved 10 June 2007.
- ^ "Regional distribution of seats and percentage vote". psr.keele.ac.uk. Retrieved 21 June 2007.
- ^ "Papers reveal oil fears over SNP". BBC. 12 September 2005. Retrieved 9 December 2009.
- ^ "Scottish Economic Planning Department" (PDF).
- ^ Department of the Official Report (Hansard), House of Commons, Westminster (26 April 1996). "Hansard record of 26 April 1996 : Column 735". Publications.parliament.uk. Retrieved 6 April 2009.
{{cite web}}
: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) - ^ "BBC report on 1979 election". Bbc.co.uk. 3 May 1979. Archived from the original on 15 May 2005. Retrieved 6 April 2009.
- ^ Hansard, House of Commons, 5th series, vol. 965, col. 471.
- ^ Martin, Campbell (23 August 2003). "SNP should return to the honest argument on independence". Edinburgh: The Scotsman. Retrieved 20 June 2007.
- ^ "Breaking the Old Place up". The Economist. 4 November 1999. Retrieved 14 October 2006.
- ^ "Politics 97". BBC. 1997. Retrieved 14 October 2006.
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- ^ "About Scottish Ministers" Scottish Government. Retrieved 26 September 2007.
- ^ BBC Scotland News Online "Scotland begins pub smoking ban", BBC Scotland News, 2006-03-26. Retrieved on 17 July 2006.
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- ^ "SNP Manifesto (PDF)" (PDF). BBC News. Retrieved 19 January 2012.
- ^ Wintour, Patrick (4 May 2007). "SNP wins historic victory". London: The Guardian. Retrieved 20 June 2007.
- ^ SNP outlines independence plans, BBC News, 14 August 2007
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- ^ "UK | Scots split would harm UK - Brown". BBC News. 25 November 2006. Retrieved 6 April 2009.
- ^ "The Scottish Parliament - Official Report". Scottish.parliament.uk. Retrieved 6 April 2009.
- ^ "Commission on Scottish Devolution". Commission on Scottish Devolution. Retrieved 6 April 2009.
- ^ "Scotland | Devolution body members announced". BBC News. 28 April 2008. Retrieved 6 April 2009.
- ^ Calman devolution commission revealed, The Herald, 28 April 2008.
- ^ "Referendum Bill". Official website, About > Programme for Government > 2009-10 > Summaries of Bills > Referendum Bill. Scottish Government. 2 September 2009. Archived from the original on 10 September 2009. Retrieved 10 September 2009.
- ^ MacLeod, Angus (3 September 2009). "Salmond to push ahead with referendum Bill". London: The Times. Archived from the original on 10 September 2009. Retrieved 10 September 2009.
- ^ "Scottish independence plan 'an election issue'". BBC News. 6 September 2010.
- ^ "Scottish election: SNP wins election". BBC News. 6 May 2011.
- ^ Black, Andrew (11 May 2011). "Scotland's 129 MSPs sworn in after SNP win". BBC News. BBC. Retrieved 26 June 2011.
- ^ Gardham, Magnus (2 May 2011). "Holyrood election 2011: Alex Salmond: Referendum on Scottish independence by 2015". The Daily Record. Retrieved 3 August 2011.
- ^ MacDonnel, Hamish (11 November 2011). "Cameron's plan to take charge of Scottish independence vote". The Independent. Retrieved 12 November 2011.
- ^ "CHAPTER 5: The referendum campaign: practical issues". House of Lords. Retrieved 10 January 2012.
192. A number of witnesses took the opposite view and pointed out that because the UK does not have a written constitution "as a matter of constitutional law a referendum cannot be binding in this country" (p 134) and the Government's evidence supported this. Michael Wills MP told us "I think the crucial thing here is that the referendum does not bind Parliament. In the end Parliament will make its own decision on that" (Q 253). Dr Maija Setälä, Academy Research Fellow, Department of Political Science, University of Turku, told us that, "the advisory character of referendums appears to be congruent with the idea of parliamentary sovereignty" (p 138).
- ^ "Scotland Act 1998 (c. 46)". Opsi.gov.uk. 19 November 1998. Retrieved 6 April 2009.
- ^ Scotland and parliamentary sovereignty Legal Studies, Volume 24, Issue 4, pages 540–567, December 2004.
- ^ "A Real Scottish Parliament". Scottishpolitics.org. Retrieved 6 April 2009.
- ^ a b Qvortrup, Matt (11 January 2012). "Dr Matt Qvortrup: Scotland does not need permission to go it alone". news.scotsman.com. Johnston Press. Retrieved 13 January 2012.
- ^ Staff (25 May 2012). "Scottish independence: 'Yes' campaign to be launched". London: BBC News. Retrieved 25 May 2012.
- ^ Andrew Osborn (25 May 2012). "Scots launch campaign for a nation again". Reuters. MSNBC. Retrieved 25 May 2012.
- ^ An introduction to devolution in the UK House of Commons Library, Research Paper 03/84, 17 November 2003.
- ^ "UK Parliament - Parliamentary sovereignty". Parliament.uk. 21 November 2007. Retrieved 6 April 2009.[dead link]
- ^ N. Burrows, "Unfinished Business: The Scotland Act 1998", The Modern Law Review, vol. 62, issue 2, (March 1999), p 249: "The process of modernising the constitution is taking place in the context of a deeply conservative view of the nature of the UK constitution, one that relies heavily on an increasingly contested theory of the sovereignty of the UK Parliament. Within this traditional and conservative theory section 28(7) is easily explicable. The UK Parliament is sovereign and the Scottish Parliament is subordinate. The White Paper had indicated that this was to be the approach taken in the legislation. The Scottish Parliament is not to be seen as a reflection of the settled will of the people of Scotland or of popular sovereignty but as a reflection of its subordination to a higher legal authority. Following the logic of this argument, the power of the Scottish Parliament to legislate can be withdrawn or overridden."
- ^ Jackson and Others v Her Majesty's Attorney General [2005] UKHL 56 at [9]
- ^ AXA General Insurance Ltd and others v HM Advocate and others [2011] 3 WLR 871 at p 895
- ^ MacCormick v Lord Advocate 1953 SC 396 at p 411
- ^ "Yes/Yes - Reverend Kenyon Wright". Scottish referendum. BBC. Retrieved 10 January 2012.
- ^ MacWhirter, Iain (26 February 2009). "That Bloody Woman". New Statesman. Retrieved 10 January 2012.
The poll-tax row finally persuaded Labour's ultra-cautious shadow Scottish secretary, Donald Dewar, to join the cross-party Scottish Constitutional Convention in 1988 and sign its "Claim of Right" document, which called for a repatriation of Scottish sovereignty. Ironically, the Scottish National Party boycotted the convention, making itself politically irrelevant for the next decade and a half.
- ^ "Daily Hansard - 27 April 1999".
- ^ The Moder Law Review Vol. 62, No. 3, May 1999.
- ^ Naughton, Philippe; Sage, Adam (18 January 2007). "Scotland and the thorny road to independence". London: Times Online. Retrieved 6 April 2009.
- ^ "Your Questions Answered". Scottish Parliament. Retrieved 12 January 2012.
- ^ "Q&A: Scottish independence referendum". BBC News. 10 January 2012. Retrieved 12 January 2012.
- ^ Hazell, Robert. Rites of secession, The Guardian, 29 July 2008.
- ^ "Speech accepting the Scottish Labour leadership". Scottish Labour official website. Glasgow: Colin Smyth, Scottish General Secretary, The Labour Party. 18 December 2011. Retrieved 11 January 2012.
- ^ Macnab, Scott (28 April 2011) "Disillusioned Scots are 'ready for independence' ". Edinburgh. The Scotsman. Retrieved 7 May 2011.
- ^ Macnab, Scott (28 April 2011) "Independence Convention". Scottish Greens. Retrieved 7 May 2011.
- ^ "Introduction: Aims and Questions". Scottish Independence Convention. Retrieved 4 July 2007.
- ^ "'Scotland's future will be in Scotland's hands'".
- ^ The future of the UK's strategic nuclear deterrent. p. 167.
- ^ Negotiating Self-Determination. Lexington Books. 2006. p. 40.
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suggested) (help) - ^ Martin, Lorna (10 October 2004). "Holyrood survives birth pains". London: Guardian Unlimited. Retrieved 21 June 2007.
- ^ "The Union Jocks". Scotland on Sunday. 17 February 2008. Retrieved 25 June 2008.
- ^ Gray, Louise (27 July 2007). "Doubts raised over future of shipyards under independence". Edinburgh: The Scotsman. Retrieved 20 August 2007.
- ^ "Scots and English flourish in the Union". London: The Telegraph. 11 April 2001. Retrieved 20 June 2007.
{{cite news}}
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suggested) (help) [dead link] - ^ "The Scottish gamble". BBC News. 30 April 2007. Retrieved 20 June 2007.
- ^ Maddox, David (21 June 2008). "Oil price fuels fresh row on Scots 'deficit'". Edinburgh: The Scotsman. Retrieved 25 June 2008.
- ^ "Study finds no benefit in fiscal autonomy as McCrone calls time on Barnett". Edinburgh: The Scotsman. 26 January 2007. Retrieved 18 August 2007.
{{cite news}}
: Unknown parameter|deadurl=
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suggested) (help) [dead link] - ^ "'Billions needed' to boost growth". BBC News. 14 March 2006. Retrieved 18 August 2007.
- ^ "Public/private sectors in economy need to be rebalanced". Edinburgh: The Scotsman. 15 March 2006. Retrieved 18 August 2007.
- ^ "Scottish Independence - Reality or Illusion?". Global Politician. 5 January 2007. Retrieved 20 June 2007.
- ^ [1] Please watch (fully) before editing.[dubious – discuss]
- ^ Johnson, Simon (26 October 2011). "Independent Scotland ' would have to join the euro'". The Daily Telegraph. London.
- ^ Smith, Alyn (9 February 2012). "A ready and willing member state". European Voice. Retrieved 10 February 2012.
Scotland is already fully aligned with the acquis communautaire and the European Commission has indicated that it would be accepted as a member immediately, with a spokesman telling the Guardian newspaper in 1998 that "Scotland could be admitted to the EU on the same day that it became independent". And in 2012, EU lawyers told AFP that "Scotland could be treated as one of two successor states, and that a separate seat for Edinburgh would require only a majority vote among member states".
- ^ http://www.spectator.co.uk/coffeehouse/7571403/would-spain-stop-scotland-from-joining-the-eu.thtml
- ^ http://euobserver.com/843/114896
- ^ Settle, Michael (25 January 2012). "Scots referendum triggers fears of Spain breakaway". The Herald. Herald & Times Group. Retrieved 31 January 2012.
- ^ "The sullen self-pity of Anglophobic Scots". London: The Independent. 27 November 2006. Retrieved 23 May 2010.[dead link]
- ^ http://www.martinfrost.ws/htmlfiles/scotnews07/070907_foulkes.html
- ^ Staff (25 May 2012). "Scottish independence: 'Yes' campaign to be launched". BBC News. BBC News. Retrieved 25 May 2012.
- ^ Staff (15 January 2012). "Independent Scotland 'could keep pound'". The Telegraph. The Telegraph. Retrieved 25 May 2012.
- ^ Islam, Faisal (15 January 2012). "Should Scotland keep the pound?". Channel 4. Channel 4. Retrieved 25 May 2012.
- ^ Allen, Katie (28 February 2012). "Can Scotland be independent and keep the pound?". The Guardian. The Guardian. Retrieved 85 February 2012.
{{cite news}}
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(help) - ^ Hennessy, Patrick; Kite, Melissa (26 November 2006). "Britain wants UK break up, poll shows". Daily Telegraph. London.
- ^ Hennessy, Patrick (15 January 2012). "Britain divided over Scottish Independence". Daily Telegraph. London.
- ^ Allardyce, Jason (15 March 2009). "Voters ditch SNP over referendum". London: The Times. Retrieved 16 March 2009.
- ^ Scottish Independence UK Polling Report.
- ^ Independence Poll TNS-BMRB, 13 December 2010.
- ^ Support for independence growing Herald Scotland, 9 June 2011.
- ^ Dinwoodie, Robbie (5 September 2011). "Yes voters take lead in new independence poll". The Herald. Glasgow. Retrieved 5 September 2011.
- ^ a b c "Q&A: Scottish independence row". BBC News. BBC. 17 January 2012. Retrieved 19 January 2012.
- ^ "Polls on support for independence and for a referendum on independence". Independence First. Retrieved 11 June 2007.
Sources and further reading
- Murkens, Jo Eric (2002). Scottish Independence: A Practical Guide. Edinburgh University Press. ISBN 0-7486-1699-3.
- Pittock, Murray (2008). The Road to Independence?: Scotland Since the Sixties. Reaktion Books.
- Keating, Michael (2009). The Independence of Scotland: Self-Government and the Shifting Politics of Union. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
- Hassan, Gerry (2011). Radical Scotland: Arguments for Self-Determination. Luath Press.
External links
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