Jump to content

Philadelphia English

Edit links
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

This is an old revision of this page, as edited by Yobot (talk | contribs) at 14:24, 30 November 2016 (→Phonemic incidence: WP:CHECKWIKI error fixes using AWB). The present address (URL) is a permanent link to this revision, which may differ significantly from the current revision.

Philadelphia English is a variety or dialect of American English native to Philadelphia and extending into Philadelphia's suburbs in the Delaware Valley. The geographical extent includes nearby Reading, northern Delaware centered around Wilmington, South Jersey centered around the Atlantic City and Hammonton metropolitan area, and much of Central Jersey. The Philadelphia accent, which has vigorously been in a complicated state of flux since the twentieth century onwards, is one of the best-studied in American English, as Philadelphia's University of Pennsylvania is the home institution of pioneering sociolinguist William Labov. The mid-twentieth century Philadelphia accent is very similar to the Baltimore accent; in fact, the local varieties of the two cities together constitute what Labov describes as a single "Mid-Atlantic dialect".[1] Philadelphia English also shares some distinct features with New York City English and Midland American English, although it is still its own unique dialect.

According to linguist Barbara Johnstone, migration patterns and geography affected the dialect's development, which was especially influenced by immigrants from Northern England, Scotland, and Northern Ireland.[2] Today, a local Philadelphia accent is most strongly heard in Philadelphia's Irish American and Italian American working-class neighborhoods as well as in the surrounding cities and suburbs.

History

Philadelphia English and New York City English have a common ancestor dialect that likely existed in the 1800s, since both modern dialects demonstrate related accent features that are not found anywhere else in the United States, such as a high /ɔː/ vowel (creating a severe contrast between words like cot and caught) as well as a split pronunciation of the short a vowel, /æ/ (making gas and gap, for example, have different vowels sounds), albeit the Philadelphia and New York City versions of this split are unique, though still related.[3] One important indicator of this is that Philadelphia's short a split is documented as being a simplified variant of New York City's split.[4] Unlike New York City English, however, most speakers of Philadelphia English have always used a rhotic accent (meaning that the r sound is never "dropped").

In the twentieth century, the Philadelphia accent intensely underwent sound shifts in non-linear, complex directions. First, in the very late 1800s until about the 1940s or 1950s, the Philadelphia accent shifted to sound more like one of the emerging (and now-common) regional accents of the American South/Midland, for example in fronting /oʊ/, raising /aʊ/, and even some reported weakening of /aɪ/.[5] However, starting in the 1940s, women led a reversal of these sound changes: a new and opposite trajectory, which became well-established during the 1950s among Philadelphia speakers generally and which has since reoriented younger generations of Philadelphians more towards the regional accents of the North. Moreover, the Philadelphia accent even began retreating away from its longstanding New York City-like features, developing more of its own entirely unique features, discussed further below.[6] Higher-educated Philadelphians born in or since the last quarter of the 1900s are also showing remarkable regularity in replacing the traditional Philadelphia /æ/ split with a General American-like tensing of /æ/ only before nasal consonants; this probably began around the time the first of these generations attended college.[7] Of the younger Philadelphia accent, "the most strongly supported generalization is that Philadelphia has moved away from its Southern heritage in favor of a Northern system, avoiding those forms that are most saliently associated with local phonology".[6]

Linguistic features

Pronunciation

Vowels

The vowels in Philadelphia speech show a remarkable degree of volatility. Labov's extensive research has identified changes affecting over half of the vowel phonemes. In regional terms, Philadelphia shows a mixture of Northeastern and Midland patterns.

  • A feature shared by Philadelphians, New Yorkers, and southern New Englanders is the raising and diphthongizing of /ɔː/ to [oə] or even higher [o̝ə]. The raised variants often appear as diphthongs with a centering glide. As a result, Philadelphia is resistant to the cot–caught merger. Labov's research suggests that this pattern of raising is essentially complete in Philadelphia and seems no longer to be an active change.
  • One of the features that Philadelphia shares with Midland dialects (and one absent from New York speech) is the fronting of /oʊ/ and /uː/; the resulting allophones are around [ɜʊ] and [ʉu], respectively. Generally, greater degrees of fronting are heard when the vowels appear in "free" positions (i.e., without a following consonant) than in "checked" positions (i.e., with a following consonant). Fronting does not occur in the context of following liquids leading to a significant difference between, e.g., goat and goal. The fronting of /oʊ/ and /uː/ is well established in Philadelphia, though cross-generational data show that it remains an active change. Fronted nuclei in /aʊ/ are well established in Philadelphia speech as in New York. More recent research has noted a tendency among the middle-aged and younger generation of Philadelphians to raise the vowel, resulting in [ɛɔ].
  • /ʊ/, the vowel in foot, is sometimes fronted though not to the degree seen with /oʊ/ and /uː/.
  • As in New York City English and Baltimore English, historical "short a" has split into two phonemes: lax /æ/ (as in bat) and tense /eə/ (as in bath). Their distribution in Philadelphia along with Baltimore, however, is different from that of New York City: for instance, the words mad (tense) and sad (lax) do not rhyme in Philadelphia or Baltimore, but do for New York City and most other English dialects. Not all Philadelphians have this unique split system and some are beginning to favor the more General American tensing of short a only before nasals (especially under the influence of youth trends and higher education); in fact, as a general rule, native Philadelphians only consistently have this split system if their own parents are native Philadelphians.[8] For more details on the Philadelphia, Baltimore, and New York systems see: phonemic /æ/ tensing in the Mid-Atlantic region or click "show" below.
The Philadelphia/Baltimore short-a split compared to the New York City short-a split and General American /æ/ tensing
Comparison of three American /æ/-tensing systems
Environment Example
words 		Baltimore &
Philadelphia 		General
American
& Midland 		New York City
Following
consonant 		Syllable type
/r/ open
arable, arid, barrel, barren, carry, carrot, charity, clarity, Gary, Harry, Larry, marionette, maritime, marry, marriage, paragon, parent, parish, parody, parrot, etc.; this feature is determined by the presence or absence of the Mary-marry-merry merger
 lax [æ] tense
[eə]~[ɛə]~[æ] 		lax [æ]
/m/, /n/ closed
Alexander, answer, ant, band, can (the metal object), can't, clam, dance, family, ham, hamburger, hand, handy, man, manly, pants, plan, planning, ranch, sand, slant, tan, understand, etc.; in Philadelphia, began, ran, and swam alone remain lax
 tense [eə] tense [eə]
open
amity, animal, can (the verb), Canada, ceramic, gamut, hammer, janitor, manager, manner, Montana, panel, planet, profanity, salmon, Spanish, etc.
 lax [æ] lax [æ]
/b/, /d/, /dʒ/, /g/,
/ʃ/, /v/, /z/, /ʒ/ 		closed
add, agriculture, ash, badge, bag, bash, cab, cash, clad, crag, dad, drab, fad, flag, glad, grab, mad, magnet, plaid, rag, sad, sag, smash, tab, tadpole, tag, etc.; in NYC, this environment has a lot of variance and many exceptions to the rule; in Philadelphia, bad, mad, and glad alone become tense
 lax [æ] tense [eə]
/f/, /s/, /θ/ closed
ask, basket, bath, brass, casket, cast, class, craft, daft, glass, grass, half, laugh, laughter, mask, mast, math, pass, past, path, plastic, wrath etc.
 tense [eə]
all other instances of /æ/
act, agony, allergy, apple, aspirin, athlete, avid, back, bat, brat, café, cafeteria, cap, cashew, cat, Catholic, chap, clap, classy, dragon, fashion, fat, flap, gap, gnat, latch, magazine, mallet, map, mastiff, match, maverick, pack, pal, pallet, passive, rabid, racket, rally, rat, sack, sat, Saturn, savvy, slack, slap, tackle, talent, trap, travel, etc.
 lax [æ] lax [æ]
Note:
The NYC, Philadelphia, and Baltimore dialects' rule of tensing /æ/ in certain closed-syllable environments also applies to words inflectionally derived from those closed-syllable /æ/ environments that now have an open-syllable /æ/. For example, in addition to pass being tense (according to the general rule), so are its open-syllable derivatives passing and passer-by, but not passive.
  • As in New York, Boston, and most native dialects of English outside North America, there is a three-way distinction between [[English-language vowel changes before historic r#Mary–marry–merry merger|Mary [ˈmeɹi]~[ˈmeəɹi], marry [ˈmæɹi], and merry [ˈmɛɹi]~[ˈmɜɹi]]]. However, in Philadelphia some older speakers have a merger (or close approximation) of /ɛ/ and /ʌ/ before /ɹ/ (the furry–ferry merger), so that merry is merged instead with Murray (with both pronounced as something like [mʌɹi]). Labov, Ash, and Boberg (2006: 54) report that about one third of Philadelphia speakers have this merger, one third have a near-merger, and one third keep the two distinct. Relatedly, as in New York, many words like orange, Florida, and horrible have /ɑ/ before /ɹ/ rather than the /ɔɹ/ used in many other American dialects (See: Historic "short o" before intervocalic r).
  • Canadian raising, as in General American, occurs for /aɪ/ (as in price) but not for /aʊ/ (as in mouth) (Labov, Ash, and Boberg 2006: 114–15, 237–38). Consequently, the diphthong in like may begin with a nucleus of mid or even higher position [lʌik], which distinguishes it from the diphthong in live [laɪv]. Canadian raising in Philadelphia occurs before voiceless consonants, and it is extended to occur before some voiced consonants as well, including intervocalic voiced stops as in tiger and spider. Fruehwald argues[9] that /aɪ/ has actually undergone a phonemic split in Philadelphia as a result of Canadian raising. The raising of /aɪ/ is unusual as the innovators of this change are primarily male speakers while the other changes in progress are led primarily by females. The sociolinguistic evidence suggests this raising is a fairly recent addition to Philadelphia speech.
  • Early descriptions of Philadelphia speech indicate lowered and/or laxed variants of /iː/ were common. The recent sociolinguistic evidence indicates a reversal of this trend such that the vowel is now commonly raised and fronted. This raising is heard primarily before consonants (e.g., eat).
  • The Linguistic Atlas researchers recorded lax variants of /eɪ/ near [ɛɪ]. As with /iː/, recent research suggests this trend is being reversed by raising and fronting of the vowel often to a position well beyond [e]. This raising occurs before consonants (e.g., paid); in word-final position (pay), /eɪ/ remains lowered and lax.
  • Many Philadelphians use a rather high and back vowel for /ɑr/ as in start; something near [ɔ]. The so-called horse–hoarse merger takes place, and the merged vowel is typically mid to high back; it can be as high as [ʊ]. As noted in New York, these tendencies toward backing and raising of /ɑr/ and /ɔr/ may constitute a chain shift. The evidence suggests the movement of /ɑr/ began this shift, and this vowel is relatively stable today, while generational differences are heard in the shifting of /ɔr/.
  • /ɔɪ/, as in choice, may be more raised than in other dialects; sometimes it is as high as [ʊɪ].[10]
  • /ʌ/, as in strut, may show raised and back variants. In some cases, the vowel is in the high, back corner of the vowel space near /u/. This is reportedly a recent development and is one more common among male speakers.
  • Labov's research has indicated a tendency toward lowering of the lax vowels /ɪ/ and /ɛ/. This pattern is not yet well established and is labeled by Labov as an "incipient" change.

Consonants

  • Philadelphia forms the core of the only traditionally rhotic area of the American East Coast.[11] This area runs from Pennsylvania and South Jersey down to Delaware and northern Maryland, and remains fully r-pronouncing today.
    • Non-rhoticity (r-dropping) can be found in some areas of Philadelphia, such as among working-class male speakers specifically from South Philadelphia, especially those born in the first half of the 1900s and of Italian or Jewish descent.[12][13] On the other side of the socioeconomic spectrum, non-rhoticity in speakers from the Philadelphia Main Line may be a result of wealthy families sending their children to expensive boarding schools in the United Kingdom up until the 1960s.[14] Non-rhoticity is most prevalent among black Philadelphians, who largely do not demonstrate the regional speech features of Philadelphia English;[8] instead, many black Philadelphians speak African American Vernacular English.
  • Consonant changes, especially reductions and lenitions, are very common in informal conversational speech, so that:
    • The sibilant /s/ is palatalized to [ʃ] (as in she) before /tr/. Thus, the word streets might be pronounced "shtreets" [ˈʃtɹits].[15]
    • L-vocalization is quite pervasive in Philadelphia speech. Phonetically it may be realized as something like [o] or a velar or labio-velar glide, [ɰ] or [w], or the consonant may be deleted altogether. Among Philadelphians, as in other dialects, vocalization occurs quite frequently in word-final and pre-consonantal contexts (e.g., mill, milk). In a more unusual development, vocalization may also occur inter-vocalically in Philadelphia. This tendency is more common when /l/ appears following low vowels bearing primary word stress (e.g., hollow). This variable also shows some lexical conditioning, appearing, for example, with exceptionally high frequency in the pronunciation of the name of the city (Ash 1997). This, in part, leads to the stereotype of Philadelphia being pronounced as "Fluffya" or "Filelfia."[16]
    • As in other areas, the interdental fricatives /θ/ and /ð/ are often realized as stops, [t] and [d] or affricates [tθ] and [dð] in Philadelphia speech. This variation appears to be a stable class-stratified feature with the non-fricative forms appearing more commonly in working class speech.
    • The yew–hew merger can be found, as in New York City, in which words like human and huge, which begin with an /hj/ cluster, the /h/ is commonly deleted giving [ˈjumən] and [judʒ].
    • Consonant cluster reductions, such as removing the "t" sound from consonant clusters, so that "mustard" sounds more like "mussard," or "soft" like "sawff."[16]

Phonemic incidence

  • On may be pronounced [ɔən], so that, as in the South and Midland varieties of American English (and unlike New York) it rhymes with dawn rather than don. However, Philadelphia has been noted as featuring, at least among some speakers, the Northern /ɑ/ in on (Kurath and McDavid 1961).
  • The word water is commonly pronounced [ˈwʊɾəɹ] (with the first syllable rhyming with the word put, so that it sounds like wooter.) This is considered by many to be the defining characteristic of the Philadelphia dialect.[17]
  • The word towel is commonly pronounced the same as tal in the word tally.[11]
  • Both long-e and long-a sounds are shortened before /ɡ/. Eagle rhymes with giggle [ˈɪɡəɫ] (as in "the Iggles"); league [ɫɪɡ] rhymes with big ; vague and plague rhyme with peg (pronounced [vɛɡ] and [pʰɫɛɡ], respectively).[18] For some Philadelphians, colleague and fatigue also have /ɪ/ (pronounced [ˈkʰɑɫɪɡ] and [fəˈtʰɪɡ], respectively). However, these are words learned later, so many use the more standard American [ˈkʰɑɫiɡ] and [fəˈtʰiɡ].[11]
  • In words like gratitude, beautiful, attitude, Baltimore, and prostitute, the i may be pronounced with a long ee sound [i], as in bee.[11]
  • Many words ending in -ow or -o, such as window, widow, tomato, or casino, are pronounced with a schwa ending (like the indistinct vowel sound at the end of the word coda). Thus, windows would be pronounced [ˈwɪndəz] and tomorrow would be pronounced [tʰəˈmɑɹə].[citation needed]

Lexicon

There are a number of slang terms and other lexical items associated with the City of Philadelphia, its surrounding counties, and South Jersey.

For example, a sandwich consisting of a long bread filled with lunch meat, cheese, and lettuce, onion and tomato, variously called a "sub" or "submarine sandwich" in other parts of the United States, is called a hoagie. Olive oil, rather than mayonnaise, is used as a topping, and "hot" or "sweet" peppers are used for spice. The term 'hoagie' originated in Philadelphia.[19][20][21] A similar sandwich toasted in an oven or broiler is called a grinder.[22][23]

Small chocolate or multi-colored confections sprinkled on ice cream and cake icing, elsewhere called sprinkles are known as jimmies in the Philadelphia area, as well as in the Boston (although only chocolate ones are Jimmies in Boston) and Pittsburgh areas.

The interjection yo originated in the Philadelphia dialect among Italian American and African American youths. The word is commonly used as a greeting or a way to get someone's attention.[24][25][26]

Many Philadelphians are known to use the expression "youse" both as second person plural and (rarely) second person singular pronoun, much like the mostly Southern / Western expression "y'all" or the Pittsburgh term, "yinz". "Youse" (often "youse guys" when addressing multiple people) is common in many working class northeastern areas, but is often associated with Philadelphia especially. The pronunciation reflects vowel reduction more often than not, yielding /jəz/ and /j[invalid input: 'ɨ']z/ ("yiz") just as often as the stereotypical /juːz/. (ex: "Yiz want anything at the store?" "Yiz guys alright over there?").[27][28][29][30] Second person singular forms commonly are heard as /jə/ and /j[invalid input: 'ɨ']/. Although enthusiasts celebrating the accent's distinctiveness like to point out that instances of terminal /z/ in singular use occur, it is inaccurate to say they are common.

Anymore is used as a positive polarity item, e.g. "Joey's hoagies taste different anymore."[31]

Notable examples of native speakers

Lifelong speakers

The following well-known Philadelphians represent a sampling of those who have exhibited a rhotic, Philadelphia accent:

Lifelong non-rhotic South Philadelphia speakers

These speakers, primarily of Irish, Italian, or Jewish ethnicity, show the non-rhotic accent local to South Philadelphia in the first half of the 1900s:

Marginal speakers

These speakers retain slight traces or elements of a rhotic Philadelphia accent:

  • Gloria Allred — "slightly nasal, Philadelphia-accented voice that can drip with sarcasm"[51]
  • Kevin Bacon and Bruce Willis — "two native [Philadelphia] sons, Bruce Willis (Salem County, N.J.) and Kevin Bacon (Center City Philadelphia), who, at least in interviews early in their career, before accent reduction training kicked in, let their diphthong freak flags fly."[16]
  • Jill Biden — "She exaggerates her Philadelphia suburbs accent, which is already pretty strong."[52]
  • Noam Chomsky — "I speak with the accent from a certain area in northeastern Philadelphia where I grew up."[53]
  • "G. Love" Dutton — "a watered-down Philadelphian accent"[54]
  • Benjamin Netanyahu — "his Philly-flecked American English a vestige of his childhood years in suburban Cheltenham."[42]

In the media

Actual Philadelphia accents are seldom heard in movies and television, in which actors often mistakenly use a New York accent or simply substitute a General American accent. Philadelphia natives who work in media and entertainment often assimilate to the General American broadcast standard. Speakers with a noticeable local accent include Jim Cramer, the host of CNBC's Mad Money,[55] singer Joe Bonsall, political commentator Chris Matthews,[56] Bam Margera,[55] and several others in the MTV Jackass crew. Venezuelan American actress Sonya Smith, who was born in Philadelphia, speaks with a Philadelphia accent in both English and Venezuelan Spanish.

Movies and television shows set in the Philadelphia region generally make the mistake of giving the characters a working class New York dialect (specifically heard in films set in Philadelphia such as the Rocky series, Invincible, and A History of Violence). A contrary example is the character of Lynn Sear (played by Toni Collette) in The Sixth Sense, who speaks with an accurate Philadelphia dialect. In the film Sleepers, Kevin Bacon, a Philadelphia native, uses an exaggerated Philadelphia accent for the character of Sean Nokes.

The use of geographically inaccurate dialects is also true in movies and television programs set in Atlantic City or any other region of South Jersey; the characters often use a supposed "Joisey" dialect, when in reality that New York-influenced dialect for New Jersey natives is almost always exclusive to the extreme northeastern region of the state nearest New York City. An important factor here is that in the real world, "local" TV, political, and sports personalities in South Jersey and part of Central Jersey are culturally associated with Philadelphia, not New York City.

See also

References

  1. ^ Labov, William (2007) "Transmission and Diffusion", Language June 2007 p. 64
  2. ^ Malady, Matthew J.X. (April 29, 2014). "Where Yinz At; Why Pennsylvania is the most linguistically rich state in the country". The Slate Group. Retrieved June 12, 2015. {{cite web}}: Italic or bold markup not allowed in: |publisher= (help)
  3. ^ Labov et al., 2006, p. 173: "In NYC and the Mid-Atlantic region, short-a is split into a tense and lax class. There is reason to believe that the tense class /æh/ descends from the British /ah/ or 'broad-a' class."
  4. ^ Ash, Sharon (2002). "The Distribution of a Phonemic Split in the Mid-Atlantic Region: Yet More on Short a." University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics. University of Pennsylvania. p. 1.
  5. ^ Labov, W. & Rosenfelder, I. & Fruehwald, J.(2013). One Hundred Years of Sound Change in Philadelphia: Linear Incrementation, Reversal, and Reanalysis. Language, 89(1), pp. 31, 49.
  6. ^ a b Labov, W. & Rosenfelder, I. & Fruehwald, J.(2013). One Hundred Years of Sound Change in Philadelphia: Linear Incrementation, Reversal, and Reanalysis. Language, 89(1), p. 61.
  7. ^ Labov, W. & Rosenfelder, I. & Fruehwald, J.(2013). One Hundred Years of Sound Change in Philadelphia: Linear Incrementation, Reversal, and Reanalysis. Language, 89(1), p. 55.
  8. ^ a b Henderson, Anita (1996). "The Short 'a' Pattern of Philadelphia among African-American Speakers". University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics: Vol. 3: Iss. 1, Article 10. p. 137-139.
  9. ^ Fruehwald, Josef (2007). "The Spread of Raising". College Undergraduate Research Electronic Journal, University of Pennsylvania
  10. ^ Gordon, Matthew (2004) "New York, Philadelphia and other Northern Cities" in Kortmann, Bernd & Schneider, Edgar W. (Eds.) A Handbook of Varieties of English: Volume 1: Phonology Walter de Gruyter ISBN 3-11-017532-0 p. 290
  11. ^ a b c d Quinn, Jim (1997). "Phillyspeak". Philadelphia City Paper. Retrieved January 16, 2012.
  12. ^ Labov, William (2008). "Mysteries of the substrate". In Miriam Meyerhoff and Naomi Nagy (eds.). Social Lives in Language Sociolinguistics and multilingual speech communities. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. pp. 320.
  13. ^ Verma, Mahendra K. (1998). Sociolinguistics, Language and Society. New Delhi: Sage. p. 94.
  14. ^ Rocco Dal Vera Rhoticity Study, Rocco Dal Vera on Rhotic and Non-Rhotic English Accents
  15. ^ Labov (2001), p. 123
  16. ^ a b c New York Times Sunday Review, Loose Ends "The Sound of Philadelphia Fades Out" Daniel Nester March 1, 2014
  17. ^ Barrist, Adam (2009), "The Concrete Lawyer" ISBN 978-1-4401-6573-3
  18. ^ Wolfram and Ward, p. 90.
  19. ^ Kenneth Finkel, ed., Philadelphia Almanac and Citizen’s Manual, (Philadelphia: The Library Company of Philadelphia, 1995) page 86.
  20. ^ "Philly Via Italy", thirtyfourthstreetmagazine, April 17, 2007, page 9.
  21. ^ "The Submarine Sandwich: Lexical Variations in a Cultural Context," Eames & Robboy, American Speech, Vol. 42, No. 4 (Dec., 1967), pp. 279–288
  22. ^ Eames, Edwin and Howard Robboy. American Speech, Vol. 42, No. 4. "The Submarine Sandwich: Lexical Variations in a Cultural Context"
  23. ^ "A Hoagie By Any Other Name" (PDF). Retrieved December 18, 2012.
  24. ^ "Sorry, New York, 'Yo' Was Born in Philadelphia". The New York Times. August 19, 1993. Retrieved May 22, 2010.
  25. ^ How they Talk in Philadelphia
  26. ^ Dalzell, Tom (1996). Flappers 2 Rappers: American Youth Slang. Springfield, Massachusetts: Merriam Webster. ISBN 0-87779-612-2.
  27. ^ My sweet | Philadelphia Inquirer | 02/03/2008 Archived April 22, 2008, at the Wayback Machine
  28. ^ Push and Pull of Immigration: Letters from Home – Johnstown Heritage Discovery Center
  29. ^ PhillyTalk.com – Philly Slang Archived March 23, 2008, at the Wayback Machine
  30. ^ Tony Luke’s: The New Yorker
  31. ^ Labov, Ash, & Boberg (2006), p.293
  32. ^ Smith, Lynn (December 30, 2002). "He's got game". Los Angeles Times. Los Angeles Times.
  33. ^ http://www.phillymag.com/tag/bob-brady/
  34. ^ Morrison, John (2014). "Comedian David Brenner, 78, was a uniquely Philly guy". Philly.com. Interstate General Media, LLC.
  35. ^ ""Mad Money" Host Jim Cramer Will Film Show With Villanova Business Students". MetroMBA. MetroMBA. April 29, 2013.
  36. ^ http://articles.philly.com/2009-12-10/sports/25269568_1_tim-donaghy-nba-referee-son-of-sam-laws
  37. ^ Smith, Ben (2008). "Labor Confronts Race Issue". Politico. Capitol News Company LLC.
  38. ^ Rutledge, Stephen (September 22, 2015). "#BornThisDay: Musician, Joan Jett". The Wow Report. World of Wonder Productions, LLC.
  39. ^ Martinez, Pedro; Silverman, Michael (2015). Pedro. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt. p. 154. Retrieved July 18, 2015.
  40. ^ [1]
  41. ^ http://articles.philly.com/2011-08-12/sports/29880807_1_herb-magee-head-coach-high-school-coach
  42. ^ a b http://www.washingtonpost.com/national/health-science/philadelphians-have-a-unique-accent-with-pronunciation-evolving-over-the-decades/2013/04/29/fcfe7b18-ae74-11e2-98ef-d1072ed3cc27_story.html
  43. ^ http://www.phillymag.com/articles/features-how-to-speak-philadelphian-accent-on-chris-matthews/
  44. ^ Craig Lyndall (January 14, 2015). "Mike Mayock talks about Cardale Jones' NFL draft stock". waitingfornextyear.com. Retrieved March 5, 2015.
  45. ^ http://mediatrackers.org/pennsylvania/2014/02/13/pennsylvania-gubernatorial-candidate-mcginty-muddles-minimum-wage-facts Pennsylvania Gubernatorial Candidate McGinty Muddles Minimum Wage Facts Media Trackers Staff February 13, 2014
  46. ^ Stone, Andrea (2010). "Pennsylvania Grudge Match: Iraq Vet Patrick Murphy Battles Old GOP Foe". Huffington Post (Politics Daily). AOL, Inc.
  47. ^ Buckley, Tom (July 23, 1989). "HIS WIVES AND OTHER STRANGERS". The New York Times. The New York Times Company.
  48. ^ Thompson, Gary (April 13, 2012). "Stooges story". Philadelphia Daily News. Philadelphia Media Network, LLC.
  49. ^ http://www.phillymag.com/articles/veterans-day-guarnere-heffron-band-of-brothers/
  50. ^ Johnson, Michelle (2003). "The Godfather of Stand-Up". The Age. Fairfax Media Limited.
  51. ^ Rogers, John (October 25, 2010). "Gloria Allred: The attorney people love to hate". Ventura County Star. Journal Media Group.
  52. ^ http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2008/10/22/AR2008102203657.html "Campaign Curriculum" Libby Copeland October 23, 2008
  53. ^ https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=nTMEirKUw-QC&pg=PA143&lpg=PA143&dq=noam+chomsky+philadelphia+accent&source=bl&ots=-EfYwqOXG-&sig=_WZ0W2_CZDnECi27ITGleLFb9wc&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0CDwQ6AEwBGoVChMItNSMg9v3yAIVxlUaCh3OSg1S#v=onepage&q=noam%20chomsky%20philadelphia%20accent&f=false
  54. ^ Kark, Chris (2004). "Concert review: G-Love stirs the special sauce". ASU Web Devil.
  55. ^ a b Loviglio, Joann. "RESEARCHERS TRACK EVOLUTION OF PHILLY'S ODD ACCENT". AP. AP. Retrieved June 25, 2013.
  56. ^ Trawick-Smith, Ben. "The Overlooked Philadelphia Accent". 15 July 2011. Retrieved June 25, 2013.
  • Hindle, Donald. (1980). The social and structural conditioning of phonetic variation. (Doctoral dissertation, University of Pennsylvania).
  • Kroch, Anthony. (1996). Dialect and style in the speech of upper class Philadelphia. In G. R. Guy, C. Feagin, D. Schiffrin, & J. Baugh (Eds.), Towards a social science of language: Papers in honor of William Labov (pp. 23–45). Amsterdam studies in the theory and history of linguistic science (Series 4). Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
  • Kurath, Hans; & McDavid, Raven I., Jr. (1961). The pronunciation of English in the Atlantic states. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.
  • Labov, William. (1980). The social origins of sound change. In W. Labov (Ed.), Locating language in time and space (pp. 251–265). Qualitative analyses of linguistic structure (No. 1). New York: Academic.
  • Labov, William. (1989). Exact description of the speech community: Short a in Philadelphia. In R. W. Fasold & D. Schiffrin (Eds.), Language change and variation (pp. 1–57). Amsterdam studies in the theory and history of linguistic science (Series 4), Current issues in linguistic theory (No. 52). Amsterdam: John Bengamins.
  • Labov, William. (1994). Principles of linguistic change: Internal factors (Vol. 1). Language in society (no. 20). Oxford: Blackwell.
  • Labov, William. (2001). Principles of linguistic change: Social factors (Vol. 2). Language in society (no. 29). Oxford: Blackwell.
  • Labov, William; Karen, Mark; & Miller, Corey. (1991). Near-mergers and the suspension of phonemic contrast. Language Variation and Change, 3, 33–74.
  • Labov, William; & Ash, Sharon. (1997). Understanding Birmingham. In C. Bernstein, T. Nunnally, & R. Sabino (Eds.), Language variety in the South revisited (pp. 508–573). Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press.
  • Labov, William, Sharon Ash, and Charles Boberg (2006). The Atlas of North American English. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. ISBN 3-11-016746-8.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  • Payne, Arvilla. (1980). Factors controlling the acquisition of the Philadelphia dialect by out-of-state children. In W. Labov (Ed.), Locating language in time and space (pp. 143–178). Orlando: Academic.
  • Roberts, Julie. (1997). Hitting a moving target: Acquisition of sound change in progress by Philadelphia children. Language Variation and Change, 9, 249–266.
  • Thomas, Erik R. (2001). An acoustic analysis of vowel variation in New World English. Publication of the American Dialect Society (No. 85). Duke University Press for the American Dialect Society.
  • Tucker, Whitney R. (1944). Notes on the Philadelphia dialect. American Speech, 19, 39–42.
  • Walt Wolfram and Ben Ward, editors (2006). American Voices: How Dialects Differ from Coast to Coast. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing.
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Philadelphia_English&oldid=752297230"