Russia–United States relations

This page deals with the relations between the Russian Federation and the United States since 1992. For the relations between the Russian Empire and the United States (1776–1917), see Russian Empire–United States relations. For the relations between the Soviet Russia/Soviet Union and the United States (1917–1991), see Soviet Union–United States relations. For the late 20th century tensions, see Cold War.

Russian–American relations

Russia	United States

Russia–United States relations is the bilateral relationship between the Russian Federation and the United States of America and their predecessor states.

Country comparison

	Russia	United States
Area	17,075,400 km² (6,592,800 sq mi)	9,526,468 km² (3,794,101 sq mi)
Population	143,200,000	314,310,000
Population Density	8.3/km² (21.5/sq mi)	33.7/km² (87.4/sq mi)
Capital	Moscow	Washington, D.C.
Largest City	Moscow (11,503,501)	New York City (8,244,910)
Government	Federal semi-presidential constitutional republic	Federal presidential constitutional republic two-party system
Official languages	Russian	English (de facto)
GDP (nominal)	$2.501 trillion	$15.6 trillion
External debt (nominal)	$0.041 trillion (1.6% of GDP)	$16.7 trillion (108% of GDP)
GDP (PPP)	$3.1 trillion	$15.6 trillion
GDP (nominal) per capita	$12,993	$48,386
GDP (PPP) per capita	$16,736	$48,386
Human Development Index	0.788 (high)	0.937 (very high)
Foreign exchange reserves	570,550 (millions of USD)	128,878 (millions of USD)
Military expenditures	$71.9 billion	$711.0 billion

History

United States and the Soviet Union

Main article: Soviet Union–United States relations

In the late 1980s, Eastern European nations took advantage of the relaxation of Soviet control under Mikhail Gorbachev and began to break away from communist rule. On July 31, 1991, the START I treaty cutting back nuclear warheads was signed by Gorbachev and U.S. President George H.W. Bush. In December 1991, the Soviet Union dissolved and the Commonwealth of Independent States was formed. With the ending of Communism, relations between Russia and the United States warmed rapidly.

United States and the Russian Federation

Presidents Bush and Putin at the 33rd G8 summit, June 2007.

The aggressive privatization/free market reforms implemented by Russian President Boris Yeltsin during the 1990s were strongly encouraged and supported by the U.S. administrations of George H. W. Bush and Bill Clinton, and by American economists and corporations. However, the reforms, known as "shock therapy", produced a major economic crisis in Russia, resulting in skyrocketing poverty, and the rise of corrupt "oligarchs" who amassed power and tremendous wealth after acquiring control of the former Soviet state industries. Public order and stability deteriorated greatly.

In regard to international affairs, Russia largely stayed on the sidelines during this period but early signs of eventual tensions between the nations were visible during the late 1990s. Although lending tactical support to its historical ally, Serbia, Russia stood aside and did not attempt to block the 1999 Kosovo War in Serbia, even though both Russia and China had strongly condemned it. Yeltsin denounced the Clinton administration's support of Kosovo. Later that year Clinton and Yeltsin clashed over the war in Chechnya and Yeltsin stirred controversy by stating "Yesterday, Clinton permitted himself to put pressure on Russia. It seems he has for a minute, for a second, for half a minute, forgotten that Russia has a full arsenal of nuclear weapons. He has forgotten about that." Clinton dismissed Yeltsin's comments stating: "I didn't think he'd forgotten that America was a great power when he disagreed with what I did in Kosovo."

Though both countries have overcome virtually everything that defined their Cold War confrontation, the United States and Russia have not been able to develop sustainable cooperative bilateral relations. The difficulty in making lasting improvements has less to do with intractable policy differences than it does with a legacy of mutual distrust. “This suspicion of one another’s motives may in fact be a greater obstacle to cooperation than sometimes divergent national interests and values,” argued Graham Allison, Robert Blackwill, and Dimitri Simes of the Task Force on Russia and U.S. National Interests Report.

Mutual suspicions have become more pronounced due to each country’s domestic politics: When U.S. and Russian leaders claim improvement in bilateral relations their political opponents have typically taken a contrary view. Additionally, U.S. leaders have held unrealistic expectations about the health of the bilateral relationship and the advancement of democratic developments in Russia. “This leads inevitably to disillusionment and frustration that weaken any administration’s ability to conduct a sustainable policy in service of U.S. national interests.” Since U.S. and Russian interests are not always aligned and their respective perspectives are often intractable, Washington and Moscow will, at best, make progress in some areas and experience setbacks in others.

U.S. Interests

The Task Force on Russia and U.S. National Interests Report identified five American vital national interests vis-à-vis Russia:

• Preventing the use and slowing the spread of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction, securing nuclear materials, and preventing proliferation of intermediate and long-range delivery systems for nuclear weapons;
• Maintaining a balance of power in Europe and Asia that promotes peace and stability with a continuing U.S. leadership role;
• Preventing large-scale or sustained terrorist attacks on the American Homeland;
• Ensuring energy security; and
• Assuring the stability of the international economy.

Russia is the only nation that can destroy the United States in 30 minutes. Therefore, the United States acknowledges Russia as critical to preventing nuclear wars. Russia also plays a vital role in U.S.-led initiatives to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons and weapons-usable materials and technologies, which have been sought by non-state actors. Without Russia’s cooperation, the United States would face serious problems in seeking to slow down the proliferation of nuclear material.

Russia is important to the current international distribution of power. Its vote in the United Nations Security Council and its influence elsewhere is consequential to the success of U.S. international diplomacy on a myriad of issues. It is the largest country on Earth by land area and the largest in Europe by population. Russia sits at a strategic crossroads between Europe, Asia, and the Middle East and is America’s neighbor in the Arctic. Therefore, Russia is close to trouble-spots and a critical transit corridor for energy and other goods.

Russian National Interests

The Task Force on Russia and U.S. National Interests Report identified seven Russian vital national interests:

• Preventing the use of nuclear weapons or other weapons of mass destruction against Russia and preventing proliferation of nuclear weapons in the post-Soviet space;
• Maintaining Russia’s nuclear deterrent capability as a guarantor or Russia’s sovereignty and great power status;
• Preventing major terrorists attacks in Russia;
• Sustaining Russian influence in the post-Soviet space and denying competing powers the ability to dominate the post-Soviet space;
• Assuring continued revenue flows from Russia’s energy exports and ensuring other states are not able to exercise leverage over Russia’s energy exports;
• Protecting the security and stability of Russia’s current political system; and
• Protecting and advancing the economic interests of major political/business alliances.

U.S. and Russia have many national interests in common, such as avoiding nuclear war, preventing proliferation, and limiting terrorism. However, U.S. and Russian interests differ in important ways, particularly regarding the post-Soviet space, the commitment of Russia’s leaders in maintaining their country’s current system of government, and protecting the economic interests of the Russian elite.

Russia’s determination to be treated like a great power contributes to tension with the United States. The Russian desire to maintain an unambiguous nuclear deterrent capability is at odds with Washington and NATO’s missile defense plans. Additionally, Russia’s participation in UN Security Council decisions often conflicts with America’s efforts to win Security Council resolutions that advance its foreign policy objectives. “Many of these differences are likely to endure as long as Russia’s current political arrangements remain in place and possibly beyond. Therefore, even a purposeful U.S. policy is in itself insufficient to ensure sustainable cooperation in the absence of Russian efforts to make a cooperative relationship succeed.”“Many of these differences are likely to endure as long as Russia’s current political arrangements remain in place and possibly beyond. Therefore, even a purposeful U.S. policy is in itself insufficient to ensure sustainable cooperation in the absence of Russian efforts to make a cooperative relationship succeed.” In other words, the United States can and should work to encourage those efforts of mutual cooperation but cannot guarantee them.

Putin and Bush

During the presidencies of Vladimir Putin and George W. Bush, the U.S. and Russia began to have more serious disagreements. Under Putin, Russia became more assertive in international affairs than it had been under his predecessor; under Bush, the U.S. took an increasingly unilateral course in its foreign policy, particularly in the wake of the September 11, 2001 attacks.

In 2002, Bush withdrew the United States from the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty in order to move forward with plans for a missile defense system. Putin called the decision a mistake. Russia strongly opposed the 2003 U.S. invasion of Iraq, though without exercising its veto in the United Nations Security Council. Russia has regarded the expansion of NATO into the old Eastern Bloc, and U.S. efforts to gain access to Central Asian oil and natural gas as a potentially hostile encroachment on Russia's sphere of influence.

Officials in the United States expressed concern over their perception of Putin's increasingly authoritarian rule and reversal of democratic reforms, human rights violations in Chechnya, suppression of free speech, alleged murder of political dissidents, attacks on journalists in Russia, and support for highly authoritarian regimes in other former Soviet republics.^{[citation needed]}

Moscow has also been accused of using its natural gas resources to blackmail neighboring countries like Ukraine and Georgia to gain concessions on matters of concern to the Kremlin.^{[citation needed]}

Post–Cold War increase of tensions

U.S. plan to place missiles in Poland

In March 2007, the U.S. announced plans to build an anti-ballistic missile defense installation in Poland along with a radar station in the Czech Republic. Both nations were former Warsaw Pact members. American officials said that the system was intended to protect the United States and Europe from possible nuclear missile attacks by Iran or North Korea. Russia, however, viewed the new system as a potential threat and, in response, tested a long-range intercontinental ballistic missile, the RS-24, which it claimed could defeat any defense system. Russian President Vladimir Putin warned the U.S. that these new tensions could turn Europe into a "powder keg". On 3 June 2007, Putin warned that if the U.S. builds the missile defense system, Russia would consider targeting missiles at Poland and the Czech Republic.

On 16 October 2007, Vladimir Putin visited Iran to discuss Russia's aid to Iran's nuclear power program and "insisted that the use of force was unacceptable." On 17 October Bush stated "if you're interested in avoiding World War III, it seems like you ought to be interested in preventing them from having the knowledge necessary to make a nuclear weapon," understood as a message to Putin. A week later Putin compared U.S. plans to put up a missile defense system near Russia's border as analogous to when the Soviet Union deployed missiles in Cuba, prompting the Cuban Missile Crisis.

On 14 February 2008, Vladimir Putin again announced that Russia might have to retarget some of its rockets towards the missile defense system, claiming that "If it appears, we will be forced to respond appropriately – we will have to retarget part of our systems against those missiles." He also said that missiles might be redirected towards Ukraine if they went ahead with plans to build NATO bases within their territory, saying that "We will be compelled to aim our missiles at facilities that we consider a threat to our national security, and I am putting this plainly now so that the blame for this is not shifted later,"

On 8 July 2008, Russia announced that if a U.S. anti-missile shield is deployed near the Russian border, they will react militarily. The statement from the Russian foreign ministry said "If a U.S. strategic anti-missile shield starts to be deployed near our borders, we will be forced to react not in a diplomatic fashion but with military-technical means." Later, Russia's ambassador to the United Nations Vitaly Churkin stated that "military-technical means" does not mean military action, but more likely a change in Russia's strategic posture, perhaps by redeploying its own missiles.

On 14 August 2008, the United States and Poland agreed to have 10 two-stage missile interceptors – made by Orbital Sciences Corporation – placed in Poland, as part of a missile shield to defend Europe and the U.S. from a possible missile attack by Iran. In return, the U.S. agreed to move a battery of MIM-104 Patriot missiles to Poland. The missile battery would be staffed – at least temporarily – by U.S. Military personnel. The U.S. also pledged to defend Poland – a NATO member – quicker than NATO would in the event of an attack. Additionally, the Czech Republic recently agreed to allow the placement of a radar-tracking station in their country, despite public opinion polls showing that the majority of Czechs are against the plans and only 18% support it. The radar-tracking station in the Czech Republic would also be part of the missile defense shield. After the agreement was announced, Russian officials said defences on Russia's borders would be increased and that they foresee harm in bilateral relations with the United States

On November 5, 2008, Russian President Dmitry Medvedev in his first annual address to the Federal Assembly of Russia promised to deploy Iskander short-range missilies to Kaliningrad, near the border with American-backed Poland.

Russian-Georgian clash

Main article: Russia–Georgia war

In August 2008, American-Russian relations were strained, when Georgia invaded South Ossetia, resulting in Russia intervening. Russia claimed that it was a mission to protect Georgian separatist regions of South Ossetia and Abkhazia from a Georgian military offensive. The United States chose to support Georgia in the conflict, sending humanitarian aid to Georgia and assisted with the withdrawal of Georgian troops from Iraq. The United States also threatened Russia with military intervention.^{[citation needed]}.

After the conflict, in 2009, U.S. Vice President Biden visited Georgia then said that the Russians "have a shrinking population base, have a withering economy, have a banking sector and structure that is not likely to be able to withstand the next 15 years."

Russian-Venezuelan military cooperation

Main article: Russia–Venezuela relations

On November 25, 2008, a Russian naval fleet arrived in Venezuela, a nation the U.S. considers to be part of its sphere of influence. Russian war vessels- including "Peter the Great", which is equipped with missiles- arrived in the port of La Guaira to conduct joint naval exercises with the Venezuelan navy. The incident is seen by many as an echo of the Cuban Missile Crisis of the Cold War Era, and has increased tensions between Russia and the United States^{[citation needed]}. While Russia maintains that the exercises are nothing more than a method of strengthening ties with Venezuela, the United States believes that the placing of Russian war ships into the American sphere of influence is blatant provocation and a direct retaliation for both the American missile plan in Eastern Europe and interference with the Russia-Georgia situation of August 2008.

North Korean nuclear threat

On May 25, 2009, North Korea's new nuclear test shocked North Korea's bilateral relations with Russia and China. Russia responded to this new nuclear program by condemning North Korea's move and that it could lead to a nuclear war. North Korea later threatened to attack its neighboring rival South Korea after it joined a U.S. led plan to check vessels suspected of carrying equipment for weapons of mass destruction. Due to this, ambassadors from five permanent veto-wielding council members (China, France, Russia, United Kingdom, and the United States) were ready to have a meeting to make a new resolution to this nuclear strike. On June 15, 2009, Russia and China have both supported the new UN sanctions on North Korea.

Syrian uprising

While the U.S. favored sanctions and resolutions calling Assad to quit, Russia has refused to support such moves. On March 2012 group of 17 U.S. senators has called on the Department of Defense to stop doing business with Russian state-controlled arms exporter Rosoboroneksport over its arming of the Syrian regime. The senators were John Cornyn, R-Texas, Dick Durbin, D-Ill., Kelly Ayotte, R-N.H., and Kirsten Gillibrand, D-N.Y.

"Reset" of relations under Barack Obama and Dmitry Medvedev

U.S. President Barack Obama with Russian President Dmitry Medvedev in 2009.

Despite U.S.-Russia relations becoming strained during the Bush administration, Russian President Dmitry Medvedev and U.S. President Barack Obama struck a warm tone at the 2009 G20 summit in London and released a joint statement that promised a "fresh start" in U.S.-Russia relations. The statement also called on Iran to abandon its nuclear program and to permit foreign inspectors into the country.

In March, 2009, U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and her Russian counterpart Sergey Lavrov symbolically pressed a "reset" button. The gag fell short as the Russian on the button was wrongly translated by the State Department as "overload" instead of "reset". After making a few jokes, they decided to press the button anyway.

On March 24, 2010 the United States and Russia reached an agreement to reduce their stockpiles of nuclear weapons. The new nuclear arms reduction treaty (called New START) was signed by President Obama and President Medvedev on April 8, 2010 in Prague. The agreement cut the number of long-range nuclear weapons held by each side to about 1,500, down from the current 1,700 to 2,200 set by the Moscow Treaty of 2002. The New START replaced the 1991 Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty, which expired in December 2009.

In 2010, it was acknowledged that the "rapprochement" with Russia was one of the biggest foreign policy achievements of Barack Obama's presidency so far. Obama's approach to Russia has been described as "pragmatic", and "he refuses to cast Russia as an enemy".

Vigilant Eagle 2010

In August 2010, the United States and Russia conducted a joint anti-hijacking exercise.

Putin's third term

In March 2012 with the election of Putin back to presidency, White House spokesman Jay Carney said U.S.-Russian cooperation is based on mutual interests. He also said it is a policy based on an approach based on U.S. national interests and the areas where the U.S can reach an agreement with Russia on things like Iran, on trade and other matters.

The Twitter War

On May 28, 2012, following an address by Michael McFaul, U.S. ambassador to Moscow, at National Research University - Higher School of Economics regarding the "Reset" of U.S.–Russian relations the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation launched an extended criticism of Ambassador McFaul on Twitter. McFaul replied a number of times and released a slideshow used during the talk.

Increased military tension

In May 2012, Russian General Nikolay Yegorovich Makarov said that there is a possibility of a preemptive strike on missile defense sites in Eastern Europe, to apply pressure to the United States regarding Russia's demands. In July 2012, two Tu-95 Bears were intercepted by NORAD fighters in the air defense zone off the U.S. coast of Alaska, where they may have been practicing the targeting of Fort Greely and Vandenberg Air Force Base. Later in August 2012, it was revealed that an Akula class submarine had conducted a patrol within the Gulf of Mexico without being detected, raising alarms of the U.S. Navy's anti-submarine warfare capabilities.

On 12 February 2013, just hours before the 2013 State of the Union Address, two Russian Tu-95 Bear strategic bombers equipped with nuclear-tipped cruise missiles circled the United States territory of Guam. Air Force F-15 jets based on Andersen Air Force Base were scrambled to intercept the aircraft. The Russian aircraft reportedly "were intercepted and left the area in a northbound direction."

North Korean Threat 2013

Main article: 2013 Korean crisis

In April 2013, North Korean leader Kim Jong-un ordered missiles to be ready to launch at U.S. military bases in South Korea, Japan and Guam. Russia immediately supported U.N. sanctions against North Korea.^{[citation needed]}Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov and Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Igor Morgulo specifically told North Korea to stop causing tensions in the Korean peninsula.^{[citation needed]} Both Russia and China have condemned North Korea's actions and support U.N. sanctions against North Korea.^{[citation needed]}

Russian intelligence operations

Main article: Russian influence operations in the United States

According to the 2007 reports referring to American sources, Russian espionage under Vladimir Putin had reached Cold War levels.

Perception of the United States within Russia

A poll by the University of Maryland, College Park released early July 2009 found that only two percent of Russians had "a lot of confidence" that American President Barack Obama would do the right thing in world affairs. Russian media has criticized the United States over the past years for pursuing an anti-missile system in Europe, for favoring NATO expansion and for supporting Georgia in its armed conflict with Russia in 2008.

The Russian press expresses varying opinions of Russian-America relations. Russian media treatment of America ranges from doctrinaire and nationalistic to fully open-minded toward the United States and the West. Business journals such as Kommersant and Vedomosti, which carry political coverage, do not shy away from an occasional criticism of the Russian regime.

Timeline of peace between the United States and Russia

This timeline of peace shows the growing relations between the United States and Russia following the end of the Cold War.

• 1992: Russian President Boris Yeltsin visits the United States.
• 1992: Russia attends the Washington Summit on June 16.
• 1993: U.S. President George H. W. Bush and Russian President Boris Yelstin sign the START II treaty in Moscow on January 3.
• 1993: U.S. President Bill Clinton and Russian President Boris Yelstin meet for the first time in Vancouver, Canada and declared commitment to a dynamic and effective U.S.-Russian partnership that strengthens international stability from April 3 to April 4.
• 1994: U.S. President Bill Clinton and Russian President Boris Yelstin sign the Kremlin accords on January 14 in Moscow.
• 1994: First joint U.S.-Russian Space Shuttle mission on February 3.
• 1994: Russia joins the Partnership for Peace program on June 22.
• 1995: U.S. President Bill Clinton and Russian President Boris Yelstin hold a summit on European Security in Moscow on May 9 to May 10.
• 1995: Russia joins the NATO-led IFOR in the aftermath of the Bosnian War on December 20.
• 1996: Ratification of START II treaty on January 26.
• 1997: Russia joins the NATO-led Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council to cooperate on political and security issues on January 1.
• 1997: U.S. President Bill Clinton and Russian President Boris Yelstin hold another summit on European Security in Helinski, Finland on March 21.
• 1997: Russia attends the NATO summit in Paris, France on May 27.
• 1998: Launch of the International Space Station on November 20.
• 1999: Russia joins the NATO-led KFOR in the aftermath of the Kosovo War on June 12.
• 2000: The United States and Russia occupy the International Space Station for the first time.
• 2001: Russia supports the U.S. in the aftermath of the September 11 attacks on September 12.
• 2002: U.S. President George W. Bush and Russian President Vladimir Putin meet in Moscow and sign the Strategic Offensive Reductions Treaty and declaration on a new strategic relationship between the United States and Russia on May 24.
• 2002: NATO and Russia create the NATO-Russia Council during Rome summit on May 28.
• 2002: The United States gives condolences to Russia in the aftermath of the Moscow theater hostage crisis on October 29.
• 2004: U.S. President George W. Bush gives condolences to Russian President Vladimir Putin in the aftermath of the Beslan school hostage crisis on September 21.
• 2005: U.S. airmen take part in the Moscow International Aviation and Space Salon from August 17 to August 21.
• 2006: The United States and Russia condemn North Korea's first nuclear launch test on October 6.
• 2007: Russia offers the United States to put a joint missile defence system in Azerbaijan on June 8.
• 2008: Russian President Dmitry Medvedev visits the United States for the first time at the 2008 G-20 summit in Washington D.C. from November 14 to November 15.
• 2009: U.S. President Barack Obama and Russian President Dmitry Medvedev meet for the first time at the G-20 Summit in London on April 1.
• 2009: The United States and Russia disapprove the nuclear test by North Korea on May 25.
• 2009: U.S. President Barack Obama and Russian President Dmitry Medvedev announce the Obama–Medvedev Commission to improve communication and cooperation between the United States and Russia on July 6, 2009 in Moscow.
• 2009: Russia agrees to allow U.S. and NATO troops and supplies to pass through Russia on route to Afghanistan on December 16.
• 2010: U.S. President Barack Obama gives condolences to Russian President Dmitry Medvedev in the aftermath of the Moscow Metro bombings on March 29.
• 2010: The United States and Russia reach a final consensus on the replacement of START I, allowing for signing of the New START treaty in Prague, Czech Republic on April 8; it will eventually see the reduction of both nations' nuclear arsenals to 1,500 warheads per country.
• 2010: American soldiers participated in the 2010 Moscow Victory Day Parade alongside its European allies and members of the CIS, marking the first time American soldiers have ever participated in the annual event on May 9.
• 2010: The United States and Russia conduct a joint anti-hijacking exercise called Vigilant Eagle-2010 on August 14.
• 2010: Russian President Dmitry Medvedev attends the 2010 NATO summit in Lisbon, Portugal from November 19 to November 20.
• 2011: U.S. President Barack Obama gives condolences to Russia in the aftermath of the Domodedovo International Airport bombing on January 24.
• 2011: The New START treaty is ratified on February 5.
• 2011: The United States, Russia and NATO have their first joint submarine exercise on May 30.
• 2011: The United States, Russia and NATO have their first joint fighter jet exercise called Vigilant Skies 2011 from June 6 to June 10.
• 2012: Russia agrees to host a U.S. and NATO transit hub at Ulyanovsk airport to help the U.S. and NATO withdrawel from Afghanistan on March 21.
• 2012: Russian troops are allowed into the United States for the first time to participate in a joint U.S.-Russia military drill in Colorado on April 25.
• 2012: Russian Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev attends the 38th G8 summit at Camp David, Maryland from May 18 to May 19
• 2012: Russian President Vladimir Putin gives condolences to U.S. President Barack Obama in the aftermath of the Aurora theater shooting on July 21.
• 2012: The United States allows a Russian intelligence-gathering ship to dock in Jacksonville, Florida to avoid contact with Hurricane Sandy on November 5.
• 2012: Russia sends aid to the United States in the aftermath of Hurricane Sandy on November 11.
• 2012: Russian President Vladimir Putin gives condolences to U.S. President Barack Obama in the aftermath of the Sandy Hook Elementary School shooting on December 15.
• 2013: Russia supports the United States against North Korea for building up tensions in the Korean peninsula and for threatening the Unites States during the crisis with North Korea on April 8.
• 2013: Russia supports the United States in the investigation and the aftermath of the Boston Marathon bombings on April 19.
• 2013: The United States and Russia agree to have an international conference to help end the Syrian civil war on May 8.
• 2013: The United States and Russia condemn the missile launches by North Korea that land in the Sea of Japan from May 18 to May 20 on May 20.
• 2013: Russia offers aid to the United States in the aftermath of the Moore, Oklahoma tornado on May 21.

Space exploration

The Planetary Society is known to have collaborated with Russia, especially Cosmos 1 and LIFE.

Economic ties

The U.S. Congress voted to repeal the Jackson–Vanik amendment on 16 November 2012.

Military ties

The United States and Russia have conducted joint military maneuvers, training and counter-terrorist exercises in Germany. This was done in hopes to strengthen relations with the United States and Russia. The Russian president has also proposed that the United States and Russia put a joint missile defense system in Azerbaijan, a proposal being considered by the United States. In 2008, in response to tensions over Georgia, the United States had cancelled its most recent joint NATO-Russia military exercises^{[citation needed]}.

As of August 2012, the U.S. and Russia continue to hold joint military exercises like Northern Eagle (held since 2004, together with Norway) and Vigilant/Watchful Eagle (with Canada) among others, with the aim of improving joint cooperation against terrorism and piracy.

NATO-Russia relations

Main article: NATO-Russia relations

Russian-American relations are heavily influenced by the United States' deep involvement with NATO and its policies. NATO and Russia agreed to cooperate on security issues at the 2002 Rome summit and have been gradually improving relations ever since. However, due to the expansion of the alliance, the Russian intervention in Georgia and other controversies, relations deteriorated significantly.

As part of the NATO-Russia cooperation the Russian government offered and recently agreed to host a NATO transit hub at Ulyanovsk airport to facilitate the NATO withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2014, which drew criticism from the Communist Party.

Joint operations and mutual support

Russia has expressed support for the United States' War on Terror by deploying a military hospital and a small number of military personnel (for the military hospital) to Afghanistan in order to aid the U.S. Military, allied military forces and Afghan civilians.^{[citation needed]} Russia has also agreed to provide logistic support for the United States forces in Afghanistan to aid in anti-terrorist operations. Russia has also allowed U.S. and NATO forces to pass through its territory to go to Afghanistan. Russian Special Forces have also assisted U.S., NATO and Afghan forces in operations in Afghanistan, by helping with intel and studying the lay of the land.^{[citation needed]} The two nations support each other in combating piracy in the waters of Somalia.^{[citation needed]}

Victory Day

On May 9, 2010, the 2nd Battalion of the 18th Infantry Regiment of the U.S. Army marched across Red Square in Russia's Victory Day Parade. They were also joined by British, French, and Polish troops as well as detachments from the CIS member states. Labeled by Russian president Dmitry Medvedev as the "Anti-Hitler Coalition," it marked the first time in history that NATO troops joined the Russian military in the Victory Parade.

Bering Strait crossing

The Bering Strait crossing was authorized by Tsar Nicholas II as early as 1906. The Bering Strait is 37 km wide; 3 km wider than the Channel.

Russian Adoption Ban

Main article: Federal law of Russian Federation no. 272-FZ of 2012-12-28

Overview

In December 2012, Russian President Vladimir Putin signed a bill that would completely banned any United States citizen from adopting children from Russia. Russia's lower house of Parliament, the State Duma, passed the new legislation in a landslide 420-7 vote, sparking protests and outrage from Russian citizens. The so-called "March Against Scoundrels" protest, in which an estimated 20,000 people participated, aimed to shame lawmakers into retracting the bill. Although a poll by the Public Opinion Foundation (FOM) reported that 56% of the Russian public was in support of the bill, 100,000 signatures have already been collected in a petition against the new legislation, which is scheduled to go into effect as of January 2014.

In 2012, U.S. parents adopted around 1,000 orphans from Russia. Many parents in the process of adopting children from Russia as of the end of 2012 and beginning of 2013, 46 families in total, were left in a 'limbo' state. These families had been approved for the adoption of particular children, whom they had met and bonded with, but were unable to finish the adoption process upon the signing of the new legislature. Families wishing to adopt Russian children with disabilities may still be able to do so in the future however. As of December 29, 2012, Robert Shlegel, a member of Russia's Parliament, sought to propose an amendment to the bill that would still allow the adoption of Russian orphans who had physical or mental disabilities. Currently, however, no such option exists for prospective U.S. parents.

Speculative Reasons Behind the Bill

Some speculate that the event that galvanized the new Russian law was in fact a bill signed by President Barack Obama on December 14, 2012, called the Magnitsky Act. The purpose of the act was to "[impose] U.S. travel and financial restrictions on human rights abusers in Russia". However, the name of the act itself likely angered Russian officials. Sergei Magnitsky, the namesake of this new U.S. bill, was a Russian lawyer who discovered an enormous tax fraud wherein certain Russian government officials were stealing money from the state via rebates. In 2009, Magnitsky died in a Moscow detention center "apparently beaten to death". Hence, the title of the U.S. bill in and of itself had the potential to be offensive to some Russian officials.

Russian Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev gave another reason behind the Russian rationale. "Unfortunately, in our country we know a lot of cases when children adopted by American parents died or were tortured or lost their health in the U.S." he cited as one of the primary reasons behind the bill in an interview with CNN in January 2013. In the past two decades, around 60,000 Russian children have been adopted into the U.S. and out of those, 20 children have died. The U.S. State Department empathized with the concerns of the Russia government in this respect, saying, "We do not disagree this is unacceptable" in regards to the 20 deaths.

See also

• Kremlinology
• Soviet Union–United States relations
• Slavic Voice of America
• Embassy of the United States in Moscow
• Russia–United Kingdom relations
• Russian influence operations in the United States
• U.S.-Russia Business Council
• The Collapse of the United States

External links

• History of Russia - U.S. relations
• Report from the Commission on U.S. Policy Toward Russia Harvard Kennedy School's Belfer Center
• US-EU-Russia: New Strategic Dynamics after Bush, ACDIS Swords and Ploughshares, ed. by Matthew A. Rosenstein, published by the Program in Arms Control, Disarmament, and International Security (ACDIS), University of Illinois (winter 2008-9).
• From Cooperation to Confrontation: Russia and the United States since 9/11, ACDIS Occasional Paper, by Roger E. Kanet, published by the Program in Arms Control, Disarmament, and International Security (ACDIS), University of Illinois (May 2009).
• Back to the Future? US-Russia Relations after Georgia, by Marcin Zaborowski, European Union Institute for Security Studies, Analysis, September 2008.
• translations of foreign newspaper articles about Russian-American relations from nonprofit WorldMeets.US
• link to PDF slideshow, 'The “Reset”: Theory, Results, Future' released by Michael McFaul U.S. Ambassador to the Russian Federation during the Twitter War of May 28, 2012
• U.S.-Russia Bilateral Presidential Commission: Spring 2012 Joint Report