|Part of a series on|
|Part of a series on|
Anti-Russian sentiment or Russophobia is a diverse spectrum of negative feelings, dislikes, fears, aversion, derision and/or prejudice of Russia, Russians, Russian policy, and/or Russian culture. While these political feelings were priorly expressed mainly in the West during Communist era when people in the Eastern Bloc were unable to talk freely, now-a-days they are highly observed in Ukraine, Georgia and also members or candidate members of EU or NATO that want to get out of the Russian sphere of influence. It is also a type of political stance in these countries where Russophobes and Russophiles form different (geo)political groups and supporters among parties. This kind of political alliance in East European countries has a long history and division between Russophiles and Russophobes can be traced back at least to 19th century.
There exists a wide variety of mass culture clichés about Russia and Russians. Many of these stereotypes were developed during the Cold War, and were used as elements of political war against the Soviet Union. Some of these prejudices are still observed in the discussions of the relations with Russia. Negative representation of Russia and Russians in modern popular culture is also often described as functional, as stereotypes about Russia may be used for framing reality, like creating an image of an enemy, or an excuse, or an explanation, for compensatory reasons, etc. Decades after the end of the Cold War, Russians are still portrayed as "Hollywood's go-to villains".
The contemporary concept of anti-Russian sentiment also has wide circulation in right-wing circles within Russia opposed to democratic reform, it is used to construct stab-in-the-back myths about the fall of the Soviet Union and is seen as the rallying point of xenophobes and defenders of autocracy.
- 1 History
- 2 Statistics
- 3 Anti-Russian sentiment by country
- 3.1 Former Soviet Union
- 3.2 Former Eastern Bloc
- 3.3 Rest of the world
- 4 Hollywood
- 5 Business
- 6 View of Russia in Western media
- 7 Russian nationalist ideology
- 8 See also
- 9 Footnotes
- 10 References
- 11 External links
On 19 October 1797 the French Directory received a document from a Polish general, Michał Sokolnicki, entitled "Aperçu sur la Russie". This became known as the so-called "Testament of Peter the Great" and was first published in October 1812, during the Napoleonic wars, in Charles Louis-Lesur's much-read Des progrès de la puissance russe: this was at the behest of Napoleon I, who ordered a series of articles to be published showing that "Europe is inevitably in the process of becoming booty for Russia". Subsequent to the Napoleonic wars, propaganda against Russia was continued by Napoleon's former confessor, Dominique Georges-Frédéric de Pradt, who in a series of books portrayed Russia as a "despotic" and "Asiatic" power hungry to conquer Europe. With reference to Russia's new constitutional laws in 1811 the Savoyard philosopher Joseph de Maistre wrote the now famous statement: "Every nation gets the government it deserves" ("Toute nation a le gouvernement qu'elle mérite").
In 1843 the Marquis de Custine published his hugely successful 1800-page, four volume travelogue La Russie en 1839. Custine's scathing narrative reran what were by now clichés which presented Russia as a place where "the veneer of European civilization was too thin to be credible". Such was its huge success that several official and pirated editions quickly followed, as well as condensed versions and translations in German, Dutch and English. By 1846 approximately 200 thousand copies had been sold.
The Prometheism political strategy conceived by Polish chief of state Józef Piłsudski sought to weaken the threat of Tsarist Russia and later the Soviet Union by facilitating its breakup into its constituent parts.
The influential British economist John Maynard Keynes wrote controversially on Russia, that the oppression in the country, rooted in the Red Revolution, perhaps was "the fruit of some beastliness in the Russian nature”, also attributing "cruelty and stupidity" to tyranny in both the "Old Russia" (tsarist) and "New Russia" (Soviet).
Hitler stated in Mein Kampf his belief that the Russian state was the work of German elements in the state and not of the Slavs:
Here Fate itself seems desirous of giving us a sign. By handing Russia to Bolshevism, it robbed the Russian nation of that intelligentsia which previously brought about and guaranteed its existence as a state. For the organization of a Russian state formation was not the result of the political abilities of the Slavs in Russia, but only a wonderful example of the state-forming efficacity of the German element in an inferior race.
A secret Nazi plan, the Generalplan Ost called for the enslavement, expulsion or extermination of most Slavic peoples in Europe.
"Need, hunger, lack of comfort have been the Russians' lot for centuries. No false compassion, as their stomachs are perfectly extendible. Don't try to impose the German standards and to change their style of life. Their only wish is to be ruled by the Germans. <...> Help yourselves, and may God help you!" ("12 precepts for the German officer in the East", 1941) 
Post-Soviet distrust of Russia and Russians is attributable to backlash against the historical memory of Russification pursued by Imperial Russia and the Soviet Union, and backlash against modern policies of the Russian government.
Vlad Sobell believes current "Russophobic sentiment" in the West reflects the West's failure to adapt and change its historical attitude towards Russia, even as Russia has (in his view) abandoned past ideology for pragmatism, successfully driving its economic revival. With the West victorious over totalitarianism, Russia serves to perpetuate the role of a needed adversary owing to its "unashamed continuity with the communist Soviet Union."
In the October 2004, the International Gallup Organization announced that according to its poll, anti-Russia sentiment remained fairly strong throughout Europe and the West in general. It found that Russia was the least popular G-8 country globally. The percentage of population with a "very negative" or "fairly negative" perception of Russia was 73% in Kosovo, 62% in Finland, 57% in Norway, 42% in the Czech Republic and Switzerland, 37% in Germany, 32% in Denmark and Poland, and 23% in Estonia. Overall, the percentage of respondents with a positive view of Russia was only 31%.
Negative attitudes towards Russia and frequent criticism of the Russian government in western media should not be confused with negative attitudes towards Russian people and culture. In a 2012 survey, the percentage of Russian immigrants in the EU that indicated that they had experienced racially motivated hate crimes was 5%, which is less than the average of 10% reported by several groups of immigrants and ethnic minorities in the EU. 17% of Russian immigrants in the EU said that they had been victims of crimes the last 12 months, for example theft, attacks, frightening threats or harassment, as compared to an average of 24% among several groups of immigrants and ethnic minorities.
Anti-Russian sentiment by country
Former Soviet Union
Anti-Russian sentiment in Armenia has historically been very low. According to a July 2007 poll, only 2% of Armenians see Russia as a threat, as opposed to 88% who view Russia as Armenia's partner. According to Manvel Sargsyan, the Director of the Armenian Center of National and Strategic Research, "There are no special anti-Russian sentiments in Armenia." Armenia's first president Levon Ter-Petrosyan stated in 2013 that anti-Russian sentiment "has never existed and still does not exist" in Armenia, except "some marginal elements and some individuals with anti-Russian sentiment." During the dissolution of the Soviet Union and rise of nationalism in the Soviet republics and Eastern bloc countries, Armenian nationalists were the only exception that did not "interpret Russia as their most significant threat." Armenian Foreign Minister Vartan Oskanian stated in 2001 that "Anti-Soviet sentiment did not mean anti-Russian in Armenia's case."
On several occasions, however, anti-Russian sentiment has been expressed in Armenia, particularly in response to real or perceived anti-Armenian actions by Russia. In June 1903, Nicholas II issued a decree ordering the confiscation of all Armenian Church properties (including church-run schools) and its transfer to the Russian Interior Ministry. The decision was perceived by Armenians to be an effort of Russification and it met widespread popular resistance by the Russian Armenian population and led by the Dashnak and Hunchak parties. This included attacks on Russian authorities in attempts to prevent the confiscation. The decree being eventually canceled in 1905. In more recent times, in July 1988, during the Karabakh movement, the killing of an Armenian man and the injury of tens of others by the Soviet army in a violent clash at Zvartnots Airport near Yerevan sparked anti-Russian and anti-Soviet sentiment in the Armenian public.
Anti-Russian sentiment is prevalent among a large number of Azerbaijanis, especially due to the violent crackdown by the Soviet military of the anti-Armenian violence in Baku in January 1990, which resulted in more than one hundred civilian deaths.
According to a 2012 poll, 35% of Georgians perceive Russia as Georgia's biggest enemy, while the percentage was significantly higher in 2011, at 51%. In a February 2013 poll, 63% of Georgians said Russia is Georgia's biggest political and economic threat as opposed to 35% of those who looked at Russia as the most important partner for Georgia.
According to veteran German author, journalist and Russia-correspondent Gabriele Krone-Schmalz, there is deep disapproval of everything Russian in Estonia, this however has been challenged in a poll conducted by Gallup International which suggests that 23% of Estonians see Russia in negative light while 34% have positive attitude towards Russia. In a 2012 poll, 3 % of the Russian minority in Estonia reported that they had experienced a racially motivated hate crime (as compared to an avarerage of 10% among immigrants in EU).
According to Estonian philosopher Jaan Kaplinski, the birth of anti-Russian sentiment in Estonia dates back to 1940, as there was little or none during the czarist and first independence period, when anti-German sentiment predominated. Kaplinski states the imposition of Soviet rule in 1940 and subsequent actions by Soviet authorities led to the replacement of anti-German sentiment with anti-Russian sentiment within just one year, and characterized it as "one of the greatest achievements of the Soviet authorities". Kaplinski supposes that anti-Russian sentiment could disappear as quickly as anti-German sentiment did in 1940, however he believes the prevailing sentiment in Estonia is sustained by Estonia's politicians who employ "the use of anti-Russian sentiments in political combat," together with the "tendentious attitude of the [Estonian] media." Kaplinski says that a "rigid East-West attitude is to be found to some degree in Estonia when it comes to Russia, in the form that everything good comes from the West and everything bad from the East"; this attitude, in Kaplinski's view, "probably does not date back further than 1940 and presumably originates from Nazi propaganda."
The Estonian businessman and politician Tiit Vähi, who briefly served as Estonia's prime minister in 1992 and once more in 1995-1997, described "overall anti-Russian sentiment" as a feature of the populist current in the country's politics, raising it as one among a number of issues with the ruling coalition of Prime Minister Andrus Ansip.
According to Andrei Tsygankov (a Russian himself), ethnic Russians in Latvia are subjected to ethnic discrimination. In a 2012 poll, 2 % of the Russian minority in Latvia reported that they had experienced a racially motivated hate crime (as compared to an avarerage of 10% among immigrants and minorities in EU).
Latvian American doctor and former member of the Civic Union, Aivars Slucis wrote op-eds in the New York Times and Washington Post in which he explains to the Americans that Russians have invading other nations in their genes, and they can only understand the language of force. Slucis wrote that he would personally never treat a Russian patient with soviet symbols tattooed on his body who came into his office. In November 2010, Ģirts Valdis Kristovskis, the Latvian Foreign Affairs Minister, became embroiled in a scandal with Slucis after email correspondence between the two from 2009 was released by journalist Lato Lapsa. In one of the letters, Slucis stated that he would not be able to treat Russians with the same level of care that we would Latvians, and also stated that in the event of a shortage of medical supplies he would deny Russians the right to access to those supplies. In reply, Kristovskis stated that he approved of "both his assessment and vision of the situation". According to Lapsa, Kristovskis was also in agreeance with Slucis advocating for freezing and reviewing all citizenships granted after 1991 with the thought of rescinding a majority.
In a report by the Jamestown Foundation, dealing with the topic of the (extremely positive according to the report) reception of American Republican senator John McCain's statements about Russia's "double standards in the Caucasus" (referring to how Russia recognized South Ossetia but would not let Chechnya go), one Chechen was quoted to have gone so far as to tell the website that Chechnya "cannot exist within the borders of Russia because every 50 years... Russia kills us Chechens"., demonstrating local fear of the Russian government.
Journalist Fatima Tlisova released an article in 2009 discussing the frequent occurrences of Russian Orthodox crosses being sawed off buildings and thrown off mountains in Circassia, due to the cross being associated with the people who initiated the mass expulsions of Circassians.
In a poll held by Kyiv International Institute of Sociology in May 2009 in Ukraine, 96% of respondents were positive about Russians as an ethnic group, 93% respected the Russian Federation and 76% respected the Russian establishment. In a poll held by Levada Center in Russia in June 2009, 75% of respondents respected Ukrainians as an ethnic group, but 55% were negative about Ukraine as the state.
According to the statistics released on October 21, 2010 by the Institute of Sociology of National Academy of Science of Ukraine, positive attitudes towards Russians have been decreasing since 1994. In response to a question gauging tolerance of Russians, 15% of Western Ukrainians responded positively. In Central Ukraine, 30% responded positively (from 60% in 1994); 60% responded positively in Southern Ukraine (from 70% in 1994); and 64% responded positively in Eastern Ukraine (from 75% in 1994). Furthermore, 6-7% of Western Ukrainians would banish Russians entirely from Ukraine, and 7-8% in Central Ukraine responded similarly. This level of sentiment was not found in Southern or Eastern Ukraine.
The right-wing political party "Svoboda", has invoked radical Russophobic rhetoric (see poster) and has electoral support enough to garner majority support in local councils, as seen in the Ternopil regional council in Western Ukraine. Analysts explained Svoboda’s victory in Eastern Galicia during the 2010 Ukrainian local elections as a result of the policies of the Azarov Government who were seen as too pro-Russian by the voters of "Svoboda".
Oleh Tyahnybok, the leader of the far-right Svoboda party, whose members hold senior positions in Ukraine's government, urged his party to fight "the Moscow-Jewish mafia" ruling Ukraine. Right Sector's leader for West Ukraine, Oleksandr Muzychko, has talked about fighting "communists, Jews and Russians for as long as blood flows in my veins." Ukrainian–Israeli oligarch and governor of Dnipropetrovsk Ihor Kolomoisky issued a $10,000 bounty for the apprehension of Russian 'saboteurs'. At least one billboard exists with the following text: "$10,000 for a Moskal" (derogatory name for Russians).
Igor Shafarevich associates anti-Russian sentiment with the historiography inspired by Jewish nationalism, he writes that Russophobes were the enemies of Russian nationalism and specifically characterised the Jews as the special embodiment of anti-Russian antipathy. Russian nationalists accuse the oligarchs of being Russophobes who hate Russia. Most believe that the anti-Russian sentiment of the oligarchs is connected to the fact that so many of them are not Russians but Jews, who they claim despise Russians as an inferior ethnic group. Oligarchs such as Boris Berezovsky (who is a convert to Orthodox Christianity) are seen as archetypical Jews. Viktor Ilyukhin, a Duma deputy for the Communist Party, claimed the problems of the Yeltsin era was due to Yeltsin's inner circle consisting "exclusively of one group, the Jews". Thus "Russophobe" has become a codeword for Jew popularized in Russia.
Former Eastern Bloc
Mutual animosity between Poland and Russia have a long history, dating to the late Middle Ages, when the Kingdom of Poland and Grand Duchy of Muscovy struggled over control of their borderlands. Over centuries, there have been several Polish-Russian wars, with Poland once occupying Moscow and later Russians controlling much of Poland in the 19th century as well as in the 20th century.
Much of the modern anti-Russian feelings in Poland is caused by grievances of the past. The most contentious issue is the massacre of 22,000 Polish officers, priests and intellectuals in Katyn Forest in 1940, even though the Russian government has officially acknowledged and apologized for the atrocity.
The New York Times reported after the Polish daily Gazeta Wyborcza that Gleb Pavlovsky, an advisor to President of Russia Vladimir Putin, complained during his 2005 visit to Warsaw that "Poles talk about Russians the way anti-Semites talk about Jews." On the other hand, Poland's foreign minister Adam Rotfeld thinks that Russian politicians are "looking for an enemy and...find it in Poland."
Jakub Boratyński, the director of international programs at the independent Polish think tank Stefan Batory Foundation, said that anti-Russian feelings have substantially decreased since Poland joined the EU and NATO, and that Poles feel more secure than before, but he also admitted that many people in Poland still look suspiciously at Russian foreign-policy moves and are afraid Russia is seeking to "recreate an empire in a different form." 
Anti-Russian sentiment dates back to the conflict between Russian and the Ottoman empires in the early 19th century and the ceding of part of the Moldavian principality to Russia by the Ottoman Empire in 1812 after its de facto annexation, and to the annexations during World War II and after by the Soviet Union of Northern Bukovina and Bessarabia and the policies of ethnic cleansing, Russification and deportations that have taken place in those territories against ethnic Romanians. Following WWII, Romania, an ally of the Nazi Germany, was occupied by Soviet forces. Soviet dominance over the Romanian economy was manifested through the so-called Sovroms, exacting a tremendous economic toll ostensibly as war-time reparations. Overall, there is a negative perception of everything Russian, including language, culture and people, and individuals who take an interest in these matters are seen as pro-Communists or Russophiles.
Rest of the world
According to the World Public Opinion poll undertaken in 2013, 53% of Australians had a negative view of Russia, up 15% from 2012. Following the shooting down of Malaysia Airlines Flight 17, allegedly by Russian-backed separatists in eastern Ukraine, which claimed the lives of at least 27 Australians, the Australian government and the Opposition became decidedly anti-Russian, with Prime Minister Tony Abbott considering barring Russian President Vladimir Putin from attending the 2014 G-20 Brisbane summit.
In Finland, anti-Russian sentiment has been studied since the 1970s. The history of anti-Russian sentiment has two main theories. One of them considers the Finns and the Russians have been the arch-enemy throughout history. The position is considered to have been dominated at least the 1700s since the days of the Greater Wrath, when the Russians "occupied Finland and raped it." This view largely assumes that through the centuries, "Russia is a violent slayer and Finland is an innocent, virginal victim". In 1920s and 1930s this anti-Russian and anti-Communism propaganda had a fertile ground. Failed Russian actions to terminate Finnish autonomy and cultural uniqueness (1899–1905 and 1908–1917) contributed greatly to both the anti-Russian feelings in Finland. The Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact which granted Finland to Soviet Union, followed the attack of the Soviet Union against Finland during the Winter War and Soviet annexation of large parts of Finland. This caused lots of casualties among Finnish population and 11% of the total population having to leave their homes in the caused a lot of bitterness, and has endured as the Karelian question in Finnish politics.
Other theory considers that anti-Russian sentiment was born in Finland at the time of civil war 1917–1918, and was anti-Russian political and ideological White Finland created a confrontation by deliberately blow and spread. Anti-Russian sentiment was created against the external threat of the Soviet Union and it was almost a national duty in 1920s and 1930s. During World War II, Finns organized internment camps to the occupied East Karelia where ethnic segregation between 'relatives' (Finnic population) and 'non-relatives' (other, primarily Russian population) took place which has been attributed to anti-Russian sentiment.
According to polls in 2004, 62% of Finnish citizens had a negative view of Russia. The main reasons were historically rooted antipathy. Deportation of Ingrian Finns, autochthones of St. Petersburg, Ingria and other Soviet repressions against its Finnish minorities have contributed to negative views of Russia. In a 2012 poll, 12% of Russian immigrants in Finland reported that they had experienced a racially motivated hate crime (as compared to an avarerage of 10% of immigrants in EU).
The Swedish words russofob (Russophobe) and russofobi (Russophobia) were first recorded in 1877 and 1904 respectively and its more frequent synonym rysskräck (fear of Russia or Russians) in 1907. Older synonyms were rysshat (hatred of Russia or Russians) from 1846 and ryssantipati (antipathy against Russia or Russians) from 1882.
The Russian state is said to have been organized in the 9th century AD at Novgorod by Rurik, supposedly coming from Sweden. In the 13th century, Stockholm was founded to stop foreign navies from invading lake Mälaren. Both events are signs that hostile naval missions across the Baltic Sea go a long way back, temporarily ending with the peace treaty of Nöteborg 1323 between Sweden and the Novgorod Republic (which later became Russia), soon to be broken by another catholic Swedish crusade into Greek-orthodox Novgorod. Russia has been described as Sweden's "archenemy" (a title also given to Denmark). The two countries have often been at war, most intensively during the Great Northern War (1700–1721) and the Finnish War (1808–1809), when Sweden lost that third of its territory to Russia that now is Finland. Sweden defeated a Russian army in the Battle of Narva (1700), but was defeated by Russia in the Battle of Poltava 1709. In 1719 Russian troops burnt most Swedish cities and industrial communities along the Baltic sea coast to the ground (from Norrköping up to Piteå in the north) in what came to be called "Rysshärjningarna" (the Russian ravages, a term first recorded in 1730). "The Russians are coming" (ryssen kommer) is a traditional Swedish warning call. After the death of king Charles XII in 1718 and the peace in 1721, Swedish politics was dominated by a peace-minded parliament, with a more aggressive opposition (Hats and Caps). When Swedish officer Malcolm Sinclair was murdered in 1739 by two Russian officers, the anti-Russian ballad Sinclairsvisan by Anders Odel became very popular.
After 1809, there have been no more wars between Russia and Sweden, partly due to Swedish neutrality and nonalignment foreign policy since then. Peaceful relationships and the Russian capital being Saint Petersburg, many Swedish companies ran large businesses in Imperial Russia, including Branobel and Ericsson. Many poets still grieved the loss of Finland and called for a military revenge, ideas that were refueled by the Crimean War in the 1850s. With the increasing cultural exchange between neighboring countries (Scandinavism) and the nationalist revival in Finland (through Johan Ludvig Runeberg and Elias Lönnrot), contempt with the attempts of Russification of Finland spread to Sweden. Before World War I, travelling Russian saw filers were suspected of espionage by Swedish proponents of increased military spending. After the Russian Revolution in the spring of 1917 and the abdication of the Tsar, great hope was vested in the new provisional government, only to be replaced with despair after the so-called October Revolution. Old anti-Russian sentiment was replaced by new anti-communism, to last for the duration of the Soviet Union. Many Swedes voluntarily joined the Finnish side in the Winter War between Finland and Soviet Union 1939–1940. When the Soviet union was finally dissolved in 1991, anti-communism became obsolete and nobody seemed to remember its predecessor. The old cry ryssen kommer was also obsolete.
Thus, in statements made by Swedish politicians, the Swedish sentiments against the Russian government have always been about fear of military invasion, which now (before the intervention in Ukraine) seemed to be gone for the foreseeable future, and also about human rights and democracy issues. Only 31% of Swedes stated that they liked Russia in 2011, and 23% in 2012, and only 10% have confidence in Russian elections.
In June 2014, political scientist Sergey Markov complained about Russophobia in Sweden and Finland, comparing it to antisemitism. "Would you want to be part of starting a Third World War? Antisemitism started the Second World War, Russophobia could start a third.", he commented. The retired Swedish history professor and often cited expert on Russia Kristian Gerner said he was "almost shocked" by Markov's claim, and described his worldview as "nearly paranoid".
The history of Anti-Russian sentiment in New Zealand was analyzed in Glynn Barratt's book Russophobia in New Zealand, 1838-1908. This research was expanded to cover the period up to 1939 in an article by Tony Wilson.
According to Wilson, Russophobia towards the Russian Empire had no roots in the country itself and was fueled by British Russophobic attitude, New Zealand being a British colony. It was aggravated by lack of information about Russia and contacts with it due to the mutual remoteness. Various wars involving the Russian Empire fueled the "Russian scare". Additional negative attitude was brought by Jewish immigration after Anti-Jewish pogroms in the Russian Empire, which was halted as a combined result of Russophobia and anti-Semitism. As of 1916, there were 1242 settlers of Russian origin in the country, including 169 Jews. During World War I Russophobia was temporarily supplanted by Germanophobia for evident reasons; however, soon after the Russian Revolution of 1917, the fear of Marxism and Bolshevism revived Russophobia in the form of "Red Scare". Notably, local Russians had no issues with Russophobia. By late 1920s pragmatism moderated Russophobia in official circles, especially during the Great Depression. Sympathetic views were propagated by visitors to the Soviet Union, such as George Bernard Shaw, impressed by Soviet propaganda.
In Great Britain, anti-Russian sentiment arose during conflicts including the Crimean War and the Anglo-Afghan wars, which were seen as representing Russia's territorial ambitions regarding the British empire in India. This competition for spheres of influence and colonies (see e.g. The Great Game and Berlin Congress) fueled anti-Russian sentiment in Great Britain. British propaganda of the time took up the theme of Russians as uncultured Asiatic barbarians. The American professor Jimmie E. Cain Jr has claimed that these views were then exported to other parts of the world and were reflected in the literature of late the 19th and early 20th centuries, though this is to miss the fact that these views had been formulated much earlier and already widely published by various French sources since 1812.
The Chinese Qing dynasty General Zuo Zongtang called for war against Russia during the Ili crisis, saying: "We shall first confront them [the Russians] with arguments...and then settle it on the battlefields."
In 1930s, a White Russian driver accompanying the Nazi agent Georg Vasel in Xinjiang was afraid to meet the Hui General Ma Zhongying, saying "You know how the Tungans hate the Russians." Tungan is another name for Hui. Georg passed the Russian driver off as German to get through. Ma Zhongying, a general in the Chinese army, then did battle against the Russians during the Soviet Invasion of Xinjiang. He was chief of the Tungan 36th Division (National Revolutionary Army). His brother Ma Hushan fought the Russians again, and killed many Russians in combat, leaving many graves at a memorial to war dead with Russian Orthodox crosses.
In 1951, Chinese Muslim General Bai Chongxi made a speech to the entire Muslim world calling for a war against Russia, and Bai also called upon Muslims to avoid the Indian prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru, accusing him of being blind to Soviet imperialism.
Most Japanese interaction with Russian individuals – besides in major cities such as Tokyo – happens with seamen and fishermen of the Russian fishing fleet, therefore Japanese people tend to carry the stereotypes associated with sailors over to Russians. According to a 2012 Pew Global Attitudes Project survey, 72% of Japanese people view Russia unfavorably, compared with 22% who viewed it favorably, making Japan the most anti-Russian country surveyed.
According to a 2013 survey 73% of Turks look at Russia unfavorably against 16% with favorable views.
In the 20th century, anti-Russian sentiment in Turkey was so great that the Russians refused to allow a Turkish military attache to accompany their armies.
|This section requires expansion. (November 2014)|
According to the 2013 Poll, 59% of Americans had a negative view of Russia, 23% had a favorable opinion, and 18% were uncertain.
In a 2014 news story, Fox News reported, "Russians may also be unimpressed with Hollywood’s apparent negative stereotyping of Russians in movies. “The Avengers” featured a ruthless former KGB agent, “Iron Man 2” centers on a rogue Russian scientist with a vendetta, and action thriller “Jack Ryan: Shadow Recruit” saw Kenneth Branagh play an archetypal Russian bad guy, just to name a few."
In May and June 2006, Russian media cited discrimination against Russian companies as one possible reason why the contemplated merger between the Luxembourg-based steelmaker Arcelor and Russia's Severstal did not finalize. According to the Russian daily Izvestiya, those opposing the merger "exploited the 'Russian threat' myth during negotiations with shareholders and, apparently, found common ground with the Europeans", while Boris Gryzlov, speaker of the State Duma observed that "recent events show that someone does not want to allow us to enter their markets." On 27 July 2006, the New York Times quoted the analysts as saying that many Western investors still think that anything to do with Russia is "a little bit doubtful and dubious" while others look at Russia in "comic book terms, as mysterious and mafia-run."
View of Russia in Western media
Some Russian and Western commentators express concern about a far too negative coverage of Russia in Western media (some Russians even describe this as a "war of information"). In April 2007, David Johnson, founder of the Johnson's Russia List, said in interview to the Moscow News: "I am sympathetic to the view that these days Putin and Russia are perhaps getting too dark a portrayal in most Western media. Or at least that critical views need to be supplemented with other kinds of information and analysis. An openness to different views is still warranted." 
In 1995, years before Vladimir Putin was elected to his first term, the Pew Research Center for the People and the Press reported: "coverage of Russia and its president, Boris Yeltsin, was decidedly negative, even though national polls continue to find the public feeling positive toward Russia and largely uncritical of Yeltsin." 
In February 2007, the Russian creativity agency E-generator put together a "rating of Russophobia" of Western media, using for the research articles concerning a single theme — Russia's chairmanship of G8, translated into Russian by InoSmi.Ru. The score was composed for each edition, negative values granted for negative assessments of Russia, and positive values representing positive ones. The top in the rating were Newsday (-43, U.S.), The Financial Times (-34, Great Britain), The Wall Street Journal (-34, U.S.), Le Monde (-30, France), while editions on the opposite side of the rating were Toronto Star (+27, Canada) and The Conservative Voice (+26, U.S.) 
California-based international relations scholar Andrei Tsygankov has remarked that anti-Russian political rhetoric coming from Washington circles has received wide echo in American mainstream media, asserting that "Russophobia's revival is indicative of the fear shared by some U.S. and European politicians that their grand plans to control the world's most precious resources and geostrategic sites may not succeed if Russia's economic and political recovery continues."
Russian nationalist ideology
The scare of anti-Russian sentiment has become an indispensable part of contemporary Russian nationalist ideology. According to this self-characterised "national-patriotic" movement, there is a clash of civilizations, a global struggle between the idealist, collectivist, morally and spiritually superior Eurasia led by Russia, and the corrupt, materialistic, decadent, morally and spiritually polluted West led by the United States. This national-patriotic view holds that for centuries the West has wanted to force Russia to her knees and plunder her natural resources, thus has worked to undermine Russia's self-sacrificing messianic mission to enlighten and save mankind, with the collapse of the Soviet Union as evidence. Thus those who espouse Western values such as rationalism, intellectualism, liberalism and democracy, are accused of "Russophobia" by Russian nationalists.
- List of anti-ethnic and anti-national terms
- Nazi crimes against Soviet POWs
- Russophobia, Merriam Webster
- -phobia, Collins
- Boyko Vassilev, The Vanishing of the Russophiles, 5 June 2014
- Protesting anti-governmental Russophobes in Bulgaria TV debate with Russophile MP: Русофили и русофоби за конфликта между Украйна и Русия // Russophiles and russophobes about the conflict between Ukraine and Russia (Bulgarian) (video), Btv, 6 May 2014
- For example the Russophile group inside Bulgarian Socialist Party, see Russophile Formation within BSP to Work For Left Unity and Principles, Bulgarian News Agency, 11 July 2014
- Двете лица на Русия в България // Two faces of Russia in Bulgaria (Bulgarian), DW, 26 March 2014
- "Envoy complains Britons mistreat Russians". Reuters. 2007-07-08. Retrieved 2007-07-30.
- "The west's new Russophobia is hypocritical - and wrong", The Guardian, June 30, 2006
- Forest, Johnson, Till. Post-totalitarian national identity: public memory in Germany and Russia. Social & Cultural Geography, Volume 5, Number 3, September 2004. Routledge.
- Post-Colonial Debate in Poland
- Framing Russia: The construction of Russia and Chechnya in the western media.
- COLLECTIVE MEMORIES AND REPRESENTATIONS OF NATIONAL IDENTITY IN EDITORIALS. Obstacles to a renegotiation of intercultural relations. Elisabeth Le
- The Image of Russia in the "New Abroad": The Russian-speaking Diaspora along the Baltic. Irina Novikova
- Japan's National Identity and Japan-Russia Relations. Alexander Bukh
- Kurutz, Steven (17 January 2014). "Russians: Still the Go-To Bad Guys". New York Times. Retrieved 18 January 2014.
- Horvath, Robert (2005). The legacy of Soviet dissent: dissidents, democratisation and radical nationalism in Russia. Psychology Press. p. 262. ISBN 978-0-415-33320-7.
- Neumann, Iver B. "Europe's post-Cold War memory of Russia: cui bono?" in Memory and power in post-war Europe: studies in the presence of the past ed. Jan-Werner Müller. Cambridge University Press, 2002: p. 132
- McNally, Raymond T. "The Origins of Russophobia in France" in American Slavic and East European Review Vol. 17, No. 2 (Apr., 1958): pp. 173-189
- Neumann, 2002: p. 133
- Famous Sayings and their Authors, Edward Latham, 1906, Google Books
- Bartlett's Roget's Thesaurus, 2003, Google Books
- Fisher, David C. “Russia and the Crystal Palace 1851” in Britain, the Empire, and the World at the Great Exhibition of 1851 ed. Jeffery A. Auerbach & Peter H. Hoffenberg. Ashgate, 2008:pp. 123-124.
- A Short View of Russia, Essays in Persuasion, (London 1932) John Maynard Keynes, 297-312
- Müller, Rolf-Dieter, Gerd R. Ueberschär, Hitler's War in the East, 1941–1945: A Critical Assessment, Berghahn Books, 2002, ISBN 1-57181-293-8, page 244
- Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf, Volume One - A Reckoning, Chapter XIV: Eastern Orientation or Eastern Policy
- Russian: Политика геноцида, Государственный мемориальный комплекс «Хатынь»
- Peter Lavelle is a host of CrossTalk show at RT.Peter Lavelle et al. (2005-07-08). "RP’s Weekly Experts’ Panel: Deconstructing "Russophobia" and "Russocentric"". Russia Profile. Retrieved 2007-07-30.
- Sobell, currently at the Daiwa Research Institute, is a noted expert in the post-Soviet transition of society.
- Western treatment of Russia signifies erosion of reason Dr. Vlad Sobell, 2007
- Helsingin Sanomat, October 11, 2004, International poll: Anti-Russian sentiment runs very strong in Finland. Only Kosovo has more negative attitude
- World Doesn't Like Russia or the U.S., Survey Shows, Moscow Times, October 13, 2014
- Pressrelase and Fact sheet for the study "Hate crime in the Europaen Union" by EU Fundamental Rights Agency November 2012
- Minorities as Victims of Crime
- "BBC World Service poll". BBC. 3 June 2014.
- "Armenia National Voter Study July 2007". IRI, USAID, Baltic Surveys Ltd./The Gallup Organization, ASA. p. 45. Retrieved 4 May 2013.
- "Video Bridge - V. Putin’s State Visit to Armenia on December 2, 2013". Public Dialogues. 9 December 2013. Retrieved 20 July 2014.
- "With regard to anti-Russian sentiments, unfortunately, I consider the thoughts of the first president unrelated or misleading from the subject.". Aravot. 23 December 2013. Retrieved 26 December 2013.
- Abdelal, Rawi (2005). National Purpose in the World Economy: Post-Soviet States in Comparative Perspective. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press. pp. 80–81. ISBN 9780801489778.
- "East meets West in the Caucasus". BBC News. 22 July 2001. Retrieved 20 July 2014.
- Batalden, Stephen K.; Batalden, Sandra L. (1997). The Newly Independent States of Eurasia: Handbook of Former Soviet Republics (2nd ed.). Phoenix: Oryx. p. 99. ISBN 9780897749404.
- Cohen, Ariel (1998). Russian Imperialism: Development and Crisis. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 135. ISBN 9780275964818.
At his funeral, the Armenians erupted in anti-Russian and anti-Soviet demonstrations.
- Nikoghosyan, Alina (13 January 2015). "Shock and Questions: Gyumri mourns murders as it looks for reasons". ArmeniaNow.
- Hunter, Shireen T. (1999). "The Evolution of the Foreign Policy of the Transcaucasian States". In Bertsch, Gary K.; Craft, Cassady B.; Jones, Scott A.; Beck, Michael D. Crossroads and Conflict: Security and Foreign Policy in the Caucasus and Central Asia. New York: Routledge. p. 40. ISBN 978-0415922746.
- "The South Caucasus Between The EU And The Eurasian Union". Caucasus Analytical Digest #51-52. Forschungsstelle Osteuropa, Bremen and Center for Security Studies, Zürich. 17 June 2013. pp. 20–21. ISSN 1867-9323. Retrieved 3 July 2013.
- "Georgian National Study February 18 – 27, 2013". International Republican Institute, Baltic Surveys Ltd. / The Gallup Organization, The Institute of Polling And Marketing. p. 35. Retrieved 15 March 2014.
- Krone-Schmalz, Gabriele (2008). "Zweierlei Maß". Was passiert in Russland? (in German) (4 ed.). München: F.A. Herbig. pp. 45–48. ISBN 978-3-7766-2525-7.
- Subrenat, Jean-Jacques (2004). Estonia: identity and independence. Rodopi. p. 273. ISBN 90-420-0890-3.
- Subrenat, Jean-Jacques, A. Bertriko, David Cousins, Alexander Harding, and Richard C. Waterhouse. Estonia: Identity and Independence. Translated by David Cousins, Alexander Harding, Richard C. Waterhouse. Rodopi, 2004. ISBN 90-420-0890-3, ISBN 978-90-420-0890-8. P. 273.
- Hõbemägi, Toomas. "Tiit Vähi: Estonian PM Lies and Doesn’t Even Blink". Baltic Business News. 9 October 2008. Retrieved 20 August 2009.
- "Sixth Periodic Report" on the Implementation of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination Submitted by the Republic of Estonia under Article 9 of the Convention", 2004
- Shmelev, M. Strange accent of the local translation." Daily Vesti, 16.09.2008; the reference taken from "Racism in Estonia", ENAR Shadow Report 2008
- Tsygankov, Andrei (2009). Russophobia: Anti-Russian Lobby and American Foreign Policy. Palgrave MacMillan. p. 58. ISBN 978-0-230-61418-5.
- Tsygankov, Andrei (2009). Russophobia: Anti-Russian Lobby and American Foreign Policy. Palgrave MacMillan. p. 44. ISBN 978-0-230-61418-5.
- Solovyov, Vyacheslav (10 November 2010). "Russophobe remains at his post in Latvia". Voice of Russia. Retrieved 10 June 2011.
- "Integration and Minority Information Service". Latvian Centre for Human Rights. 8 November 2010. Retrieved 17 June 2011.
- Slucis' actual mail to Kristovskis is even worse, KasJauns news portal, retrieved June 10, 2011
- Ukraine's orange-blue divide | csmonitor.com
- David Duke makes repeat visit to controversial Kyiv university Kyiv Post
- Russians about Ukraine, Ukrainians about Russia (Russian)
- "Institute of Sociology: Love for Russians dwindling in Western Ukraine". zik. Retrieved 21 October 2010.
- "Tiahnybok considers 'Svoboda' as the only right-wing party in Ukraine", Hazeta po-ukrainsky, 06.08.2007. edition, edition
- UKRAINIAN APPEALS TO ANTI-SEMITISM IN ELECTION WIN, Internet Centre Anti-Racism Europe (November 4, 2010)
- (Ukrainian) Вибори: тотальне домінування Партії регіонів, BBC Ukrainian (November 6, 2010)
- (Ukrainian) Генеральна репетиція президентських виборів: на Тернопільщині стався прогнозований тріумф націоналістів і крах Тимошенко, Ukrayina Moloda (March 17, 2009)
- Nationalist Svoboda scores election victories in western Ukraine, Kyiv Post (November 11, 2010)
- (Ukrainian) Підсилення "Свободи" загрозою несвободи, BBC Ukrainian (November 4, 2010)
- The Ukrainian Nationalism at the Heart of ‘Euromaidan’, The Nation (January 21 2014)
- "Blind eye turned to influence of far-right in Ukrainian crisis: critics". Global News. March 7, 2014.
- Luhn, Alec (17 April 2014). "Ukrainian oligarch offers bounty for capture of Russian 'saboteurs'". The Guardian.
- "Kolomoisky promises cash rewards for fighting pro-Russian separatists". Kyiv Post. 17 April 2014.
- Rossman, Vadim (2002). Russian intellectual antisemitism in the post-Communist era. U of Nebraska Press. p. 171. ISBN 978-0-8032-3948-7.
- Klier, John (1995). "Russian Jewry as the 'Little Nation' of the Russian Revolution". In Ro'i, Yaacov. Jews and Jewish life in Russia and the Soviet Union. Routledge. p. 146. ISBN 978-0-7146-4619-0.
- Shenfield, Stephen (2003). "Foreign Assistance as Genocide The Crisis in Russia the IMF and Interethnic relations". In Esman, Milton. Carrots, Sticks, and Ethnic Conflict: Rethinking Development Assistance. Ronald Herring. University of Michigan Press. ISBN 978-0-472-08927-7.
- Garrard, John; Carol Garrard (2008). Russian Orthodoxy resurgent: faith and power in the new Russia. Princeton University Press. p. 262. ISBN 978-0-691-12573-2.
- 2013 World Service Poll, BBC
- Radio Free Europe. Eastern Europe: Russian-Polish Tensions Rise Over Attack On Russian Children In Warsaw, by Valentinas Mite. 3 August 2005; last accessed on 14 July 2007
- The Saint Petersburg Times. Lingering Bitterness Over May 9. 26 April 2005. retrieved on 14 July 2007
- "After Centuries of Enmity, Relations Between Poland and Russia Are as Bad as Ever" (free text)
- Olga Popescu: Ion Iliescu pentru presa rusa: “Nu stim cine a tras la Revolutie, este o enigma. Probabil au fost oameni extrem de devotati lui Ceausescu", http://www.hotnews.ro/stiri-esential-6753081-ion-iliescu-pentru-presa-rusa-nu-stim-cine-tras-revolutie-este-enigma-probabil-fost-oameni-extrem-devotati-lui-ceausescu.htm
- George Roncea: Realitatea TV, ecoul Moscovei în România contra lui Băsescu, http://www.curentul.ro/2010/index.php/2010011138407/Actualitate/Realitatea-TV-ecoul-Moscovei-in-Romania-contra-lui-Basescu/Page-2.html
- Liliana Popa: Traian Basescu tuna impotriva Rusiei, dar apropiatii sai obtin contracte grase de la Gazprom, http://www.financiarul.com/articol_38759/traian-basescu-tuna-impotriva-rusiei-dar-apropiatii--sai-obtin-contracte-grase-de-la-gazprom.html
- Dan Tapalaga: Cortina de vorbe goale, http://www.hotnews.ro/stiri-opinii-5598180-cortina-vorbe-goale.htm
- (Romanian) Matei Udrea, "Originea rusofobiei la români. De ce am ajuns să îi urâm pe ruşi", Adevărul, November 3, 2012
- "BBC World Service poll". BBC. 22 May 2013. Retrieved 4 October 2013.
- "Abbott holds hard line against Russia over MH17 investigation". The Australian. 19 July 2014. Retrieved 19 July 2014.
- "Consider barring Putin from G20: Shorten". Seven News. 19 July 2014. Retrieved 19 July 2014.
- Osmo Kuusi,Hanna Smith,Paula Tiihonen (ed.). "Venäjä 2017: Kolme skenaariota" (in Finnish). Eduskunnan tulevaisuusvaliokunta. Retrieved 2008-02-15.
- Kustaa H. J, Vilkuna (2007). Paholaisen sota (in Finnish). Helsinki: Teos.
- "Kirja-arvostelu: Ryssävihan kulta-aika" (in Finnish). Agricola-historiaverkko. Retrieved 2007-11-20.
- Svenska Akademiens Ordbok
- Alla ha rätt in Carl G. Laurin, Alla ha rätt samt andra uppsatser med anledning av världskriget (1917)
- Carelius och Odel in Bernhard Elis Malmströms samlade skrifter (1866-1869), part 1 (of 8)
- Sjuttonhundratal in Bonniers litterära magasin (1943)
- Tegnér, Nybom, Strandberg are mentioned in the chapter on Esaias Tegnér in Carl Grimberg, Svenska folkets underbara öden (1913–1939), VIII. 1809 års män, Karl Johans och Oskar I:s tid samt Vårt näringsliv och kommunikationsväsen under teknikens tidevarv 1809-1859
- More names are mentioned in  in Cecilia Bååth-Holmberg, Frihetens sångar-ätt i Sverige på 1840-talet (1889)
- Oskar I in Carl Grimberg, Svenska folkets underbara öden (1913–1939), VIII. 1809 års män, Karl Johans och Oskar I:s tid samt Vårt näringsliv och kommunikationsväsen under teknikens tidevarv 1809-1859
- Winter, Jan (8 June 2014). "Putins sändebud varnar för tredje världskrig". Dagens Nyheter. TT. Retrieved 8 June 2014.
- Rysslandskännare ”chockad” över Markovs uttalanden, Svenska Dagbladet, 9 June 2014.
- ”Vanliga ryssar är arga på västs dubbelmoral och rysshat”, Svenska Dagbladet, 10 June 2014.
- McNally, T. (1958). "The Origins of Russophobia in France: 1812 - 1830". American Slavic and East European Review XVII (2): 173–189. doi:10.2307/3004165.
- Barratt, Glynn (1981). Russophobia in New Zealand, 1838-1908. Dunmore Press. ISBN 978-0-908564-75-0.
- TONY WILSON, Russophobia and New Zealand-Russian Relations, 1900s to 1939, New Zealand Slavonic Journal, (1999), pp. 273-296
- Jimmie E. Cain Jr. (15 May 2006), Bram Stoker and Russophobia: Evidence of the British Fear of Russia in Dracula and The Lady of the Shroud, McFarland & Co Inc.,U.S., ISBN 0-7864-2407-9
- Peter Hopkirk. The Great Game, Kodansha International, 1992, ISBN 4-7700-1703-0
- John King Fairbank, Kwang-ching Liu, Denis Crispin Twitchett (1980). Late Ch'ing, 1800-1911. Cambridge University Press. p. 93. ISBN 0-521-22029-7. Retrieved 2010-06-28.
- Bruce A. Elleman (2001). Modern Chinese warfare, 1795-1989. Psychology Press. p. 79. ISBN 0-415-21474-2. Retrieved 2010-06-28.
- John Immanuel Chung-yueh Hsü (1995). The rise of modern China. Oxford University Press. p. 322. ISBN 0-19-508720-8. Retrieved 2010-06-28.
- David Scott (2008). China and the international system, 1840-1949: power, presence, and perceptions in a century of humiliation. SUNY Press. p. 104. ISBN 0-7914-7627-8. Retrieved 2010-06-28.
- Sir Clarmont Percival Skrine, Pamela Nightingale (1973). Macartney at Kashgar: new light on British, Chinese and Russian activities in Sinkiang, 1890-1918. Methuen. p. 124. Retrieved 2010-06-28.
- Georg Vasel, Gerald Griffin (1937). My Russian jailers in China. Hurst & Blackett. p. 143. Retrieved 2010-06-28.
- Memorial to men who died in battle against Ma Hushan, includes Russian Orthodox crosses
- UNSUCCESSFUL ATTEMPTS TO RESEOLVE POLITICAL PROBLEMS IN SINKIANG; EXTENT OF SOVIET AID AND ENCOURAGEMENT TO REBEL GROUPS IN SINKIANG; BORDER INCIDENT AT PEITASHAN
- "Moslems Urged To Resist Russia". Christian Science Monitor. 25 Sep 1951.
- "CHINESE ASKS ALL MOSLEMS TO FIGHT REDS". Chicago Daily Tribune. 24 Sep 1951.
- Aris Stephen Snetkov Aglaya (2013). The Regional Dimensions to Security: Other Sides of Afghanistan. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 34.
- For Iran’s Opposition, ‘Death to Russia’ Is the New ‘Death to America’, 20 July 2009
- Otaru onsen lawsuit, hearing 7: oral testimonies by the plaintiffs, March 11, 2002, Sapporo district court
- Jon Letman March 31, 2000: Russian visitors boiling over Japanese bathhouses
- "Opinion of Russia". Pew Research Center. 2012. Retrieved 12 August 2013.
- Poushter, Jacob (31 October 2014). "The Turkish people don’t look favorably upon the U.S., or any other country, really". Pew Research Center.
- Hacaoglu, Selcan (16 June 2002). "Turkey Battles a Tide of Foreign Prostitutes". Los Angeles Times.
There are so many Slavic women working as prostitutes that Turks have taken to calling any foreign prostitute "Natasha."
- Towle, Philip (1980). "British Assistance to the Japanese Navy during the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-5". The Great circle: journal of the Australian Association for Maritime History (Australian Association for Maritime History) 2 (1): 44–54.
- Russia blacklists more U.S. citizens from entry under "anti-Magnitsky" bill 19 January 2013
- What Boston Bombers' Chechen Ties May Mean for U.S.-Russia Relations April 9, 2013
- "Boston bombings must unite Russia and America not cause divisions, Putin argues". April 25, 2013. Retrieved November 14, 2014.
- "Russian film industry and Hollywood uneasy with one another." Fox News. October 14, 2014
- Как закалялась "Северсталь", by Izvestija 26 June 2006
- Russian: Председатель Госдумы Борис Грызлов, комментируя пропагандистскую кампанию против слияния российской "Северстали" и европейской "Arcelor", заявил, что Россию не хотят пускать на мировые рынки, by Rossijskaya Gazeta 27 June 2006
- Russian Politicians See Russophobia in Arcelor's Decision to Go With Mittal Steel, by the New York Times 27 July 2006
- "Pravda" on Potomac, by Edward Lozansky, Johnson's Russia List, December 2005
- Why are the American media, both liberal and conservative, so unanimously anti-Russian?, by Ira Straus, Johnson's Russia List, January 2005
- (Russian) Western Media "put" Russia "to the place", by km.Ru, June 2007
- Interview with David Johnson by the Moscow News, April 2007
- 1995 report of the Pew Research Center for the People and the Press
- (Russian) Rating of Russophoby, by E-generator, February 2007
- Matveeva, Anna (13 December 2008). "Anna Matveeva: The western media must not spoil the vital relationship between Russia and the west". The Guardian (London).
- Tsygankov, Andrei. "The Russophobia Card". Atlantic Community. 19 May 2008. Retrieved 17 August 2009.
- Khazanov, Anatoly M. (2003). "A State without a Nation? Russia after Empire". In Paul, T.V. The nation-state in question. G. John Ikenberry, John A. Hall. Princeton University Press. pp. 96–97.
- (Polish)/(Russian) ed. Jerzy Faryno, Roman Bobryk, "Polacy w oczach Rosjan — Rosjanie w oczach Polaków. Поляки глазами русских — русские глазами поляков. Zbiór studiów" - conference proceedings; in Studia Litteraria Polono-Slavica; Slawistyczny Ośrodek Wydawniczy Instytutu Slawistyki Polskiej Akademii Nauk, Warszawa 2000, ISBN 83-86619-93-7.
|Wikimedia Commons has media related to Personifications of Russia.|
- The Genesis of Russophobia in Great Britain
- Anatol Lieven, Against Russophobia, World Policy Journal, Volume XVII, No 4, Winter 2000/01; a review of a modern Russophobia in international politics.
- New York Times After Centuries of Enmity, Relations Between Poland and Russia Are as Bad as Ever, July 3, 2005 (subscription may be required for full text)
- Sergei Yastrzhembsky: Russophobia Still Rampant
- More Russophobia in International Press
- Corruption, Russophobia Weigh on Poland
- Finnish Russophobia: The Story of an Enemy Image
- Battling Russophobia, Guardian, 2008, by Anna Matveeva
- The Will of Peter the Great / Testament of Peter the Great