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===Bahrain=== |
===Bahrain=== |
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Over 70% of the population of Bahrain are [[Shia]] [[Muslims]]. The ruling [[Al Khalifa family]], who are [[Sunni]] Muslim, arrived in Bahrain from [[Kuwait]] at the end of the eighteenth century.<ref name=Nakash/><ref name=Amirisefat>Mahdi Amirisefat [http://edition.presstv.ir/detail/85729.htm] 'Bahraini rulers importing extremism', Feb. 15, 2009, Press TV.</ref> |
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Shia constitute the majority of the population of Bahrain. |
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According to Yitzhak Nakash,<ref>professor of Islamic and Middle Eastern Studies at [[Brandeis University]]</ref> the invasion and conquest led by the [[Al Khalifa family]] in 1783 started an illegitimate occupation, establishing a system of "political apartheid based on racial, sectarian, and tribal discrimination."<ref name=Nakash>Yitzhak Nakash ''Reaching for Power: The Shi'a in the Modern Arab World,'' (Princeton University Press, 2006).</ref> |
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According to [[Vali Nasr]], senior fellow at the [[Council on Foreign Relations]]<ref>and author of "The Shia Revival: How Conflicts Within Islam Will Shape the Future",</ref> the Sunni élite treats Shi'ites as an underclass, limiting them primarily to manual labor and denying them a fair share of state resources. "For Shi'ites, Sunni rule has been like living under apartheid."<ref name=Ghosh>Bobby Gosh, [http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,1592849-2,00.html] "Behind the Sunni-Shi'ite Divide," Feb., 22, 2007, Time Magazine.</ref> |
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New York Times columnist Nicholas Kristof and other commentators have accused the treatment of the Shia majority by the Sunni government of Bahrain of similarity to apartheid South Africa.<ref>Nicholas Kristof, "Is This Apartheid in Bahrain?" New York Times, Feb. 22, 2011</ref><ref>Ben Cohen, Huffington Post, Feb. 17, 2011</ref><ref>Euronews, "Bahrain: A Country Divided", Feb. 21, 2011, Euronews.</ref> |
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====2011 uprising==== |
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Irshad Manji condemned as "apartheid" countries in which the "Sunni Muslim minorities control the Shia majorities."<ref>Irshad Manji, The trouble with Islam: a wake-up call for honesty and change, Random House Digital, 2003, p. 221.</ref> According to Shibil Siddiqi of the Centre for the Study of Global Power and Politics at Trent University, "Bahrain is virtually an apartheid state."<ref>Shibil Siddiqi , "Democracy and the Middle East," March 21, 2011, Espress Tribune of the International Herald Tribune.</ref> |
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An estimated 1000 Bahrainis have been detained since the uprising and Bahraini and international human rights groups have documented hundreds of cases of torture and abuse of Shia detainees.<ref name=csm.murphy/> According to csmonitor.org, the government has gone beyond the crushing of political dissent to what "appears" to be an attempt to "psychologically humiliating the island’s Shiite majority into silent submission."<ref name=csm.murphy>[http://www.csmonitor.com/World/Middle-East/2011/0607/Bahrain-campaign-to-humiliate-Shiites-goes-beyond-politics?cmpid=ema:nws:World%20Daily%2006082011&cmpid=ema:nws:NzI5NjYzNTI3NwS2 Bahrain campaign to humiliate Shiites goes beyond politics], By Caryle Murphy / csmonitor.com / June 7, 2011</ref> |
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Discrimination against Shia Muslims in Bahrain is severe and systematic enough for a number of sources ([[Time magazine]],<ref name=Baker>Aryn Baker [http://globalspin.blogs.time.com/2011/03/14/saudi-troops-enter-bahrain-to-quell-protests-it-wont-work-for-long/] "Why A Saudi Intervention into Bahrain Won't End the Protests"< March 14, 2011, Time Magazine.</ref> [[Vali Nasr]], Yitzhak Nakash, Counterpunch,<ref name=Lamb>Franklin Lamb [http://www.counterpunch.org/lamb04152011.html] " The Obama Doctrine: AWOL in Bahrain," April 15–17, 2011, [[CounterPunch]].</ref> [[Bahrain Centre for Human Rights]],<ref name=BCHRI>[http://www.bahrainrights.org/en/node/3132 "A Smearing Campaign against the Shiite Bahraini Citizens with the Participation of the Bahraini Crown Prince and the Ambassador of Bahrain in Washington"], [[Bahrain Centre for Human Rights]], viewed Mar 31, 2011</ref> etc.) to have used the term “apartheid” in describing it. |
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Ameen Izzadeen writing in the Daily Mirror asserts that{{quotation|after the dismantling of the apartheid regime in South Africa, Bahrain remained the only country where a minority dictated terms to a majority. More than 70 percent of the Bahrainis are Shiite Muslims, but they have little or no say in the government.<ref>Ameen Izzadeen [24] "Bahrain: the butchery of democracy dream," March 18, 32011, Daily Mirror</ref>}} |
Ameen Izzadeen writing in the Daily Mirror asserts that{{quotation|after the dismantling of the apartheid regime in South Africa, Bahrain remained the only country where a minority dictated terms to a majority. More than 70 percent of the Bahrainis are Shiite Muslims, but they have little or no say in the government.<ref>Ameen Izzadeen [24] "Bahrain: the butchery of democracy dream," March 18, 32011, Daily Mirror</ref>}} |
Revision as of 17:09, 8 October 2011
Part of a series on Shia Islam |
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The dispute over the right successor to Muhammad resulted in the formation of two main sects, the Sunni, and the Shia. The Sunni, or followers of the way, followed the caliphate and maintained the premise that any devout Muslim could potentially become the successor to the Prophet if accepted by his peers. The Shia however, maintain that only the person selected by God and announced by the Prophet could become his successor, thus Imam Ali became the religious authority for the Shia people. Militarily established and holding control over the Umayyad (pronounced and spelled more like "Umayya" in Arabic) government, many Sunni rulers perceived the Shia as a threat – both to their political and religious authority.[1]
The Sunni rulers under the Umayyads sought to marginalize the Shia minority and later the Abbasids turned on their Shia allies and further imprisoned, persecuted, and killed Shias. The persecution of Shias throughout history by Sunni co-coreligionists has often been characterized by brutal and genocidal acts. Comprising only around 10-15% of the entire Muslim population, to this day, the Shia remain a marginalized community in many Sunni Arab dominant countries without the rights to practice their religion and organize.[2]
Historical Persecution
Persecution under Umayyads
The grandson of Muhammad, Imam Hussein, refused to acknowledge the legitimacy of the caliphate of Yazid. Soon after in 680 C.E., Yazid sent thousands of Umayyad troops to lay siege to Hussein’s caravan.During the Battle of Karbala, after holding off the Umayyad troops for six grueling days, Hussein and his seventy-two companions were massacred, beheaded, and their heads were sent back to the caliph in Damascus. While Imam Hussein’s martydom ended the prospect of a direct challenge to the Umayyad caliphate, it also made it easier for Shiism to gain ground as a form of moral resistance to the Umayyads and their demands.[3]
"Under the peaceful conditions of life at Alexandria, the Greek philosophers certainty could continue their work. The political ferment in the eastern regions, however, was something else. Muawiyah had appointed al-Mughirah ibn-Shuvah as governor of al-Basrah, and when Mughirah died,Yazid became ruler of Arabia, Iraq, and Persia, ruling through a secret service of 4,000 men. The main purpose of these 4,000 was to unmask the Shiites, and bring them to justice, which in this case meant death. So while peace seems to reign in Damascus, the western half of the empire was soon bathed in blood."[4]
Persecution under Abbasids (750-1258)
The Abbasid caliphs who ruled from Baghdad imprisoned and killed Shia Imams and encouraged Sunni ulama to define Sunni orthodoxy and contain the appeal of Shiism. The last decades of the tenth century witnessed anti-Shia violence in and around Baghdad. Shias were attacked in their mosques and during the day of Ashura processions often being killed or burned alive. In 971 C.E., when Roman forces attacked the Abbasid empire, the first response of the caliph’s forces and angry Sunnis was to blame the Shia. Shia homes in Al-Karkh (Modern-day Iraq) were torched. This pattern of behavior became repetitive and was repeated throughout the centuries to present day. The Shia bore the forefront of popular frustrations with the failures of the Sunni rulers. They were usually treated as the enemy within and were the first to come under suspicion if there was a threat to the ruling Sunni establishment. By the middle of the eleventh-century, it became custom for Sunni mobs to loot the Shia town of al-Khakh every Saturday. These anti-Shia attitudes were further propagated by Sunni jurists of the Hanbali school of thought. Hanbalis labeled Shias as rejectors of the truth.[5]
Persecution during Siege Baghdad
After the Mongol sack of Baghdad in 1258, violence against Shias became more frequent, reminiscent of blaming Shias for external problems.[6]
Persecution under Seljuk/Ottoman Empire
In response to the growth of Shiism and the growing influence of the Safavids, the Ottoman Empire put Shias to the sword in Anatolia. Thousands of Shias were massacred in the Ottoman Empire, including the Alevis in Turkey, the Alawis in Syria and the Shi'a of Lebanon.[7]
Persecution in India
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Shias in India faced persecution by some Sunni rulers and Mughal Emperors which resulted in the martyrdom of Indian Shia scholars like Qazi Nurullah Shustari (also known as Shaheed-e-Thaalis, the third Martyr) and Mirza Muhammad Kamil Dehlavi (also known as Shaheed-e- Rabay, the fourth Martyr) who are two of the five martyrs of Shia Islam. Shias also faced persecution in India in Kashmir for centuries, by the Sunni invaders of the region which resulted in massacre of many Shias and as a result most of them had to flee the region.[8]
Shias in Kashmir in subsequent years had to pass through the most atrocious period of their history. Plunder, loot and massacres which came to be known as ‘Taarajs’ virtually devastated the community. History records 10 such Taarajs also known as ‘Taraj-e-Shia’ between 15th to 19th century in 1548, 1585, 1635, 1686, 1719, 1741, 1762, 1801, 1830, 1872 during which the Shia habitations were plundered, people slaughtered, libraries burnt and their sacred sites desecrated. Such was the reign of terror during this period that the community widely went into the practice of Taqya in order to preserve their lives and the honor of their womenfolk.[8]
Village after village disappeared, with community members either migrating to safety further north or dissolving in the majority faith. The persecution suffered by Shias in Kashmir during the successive foreign rules was not new for the community. Many of the standard bearers of Shia’ism, like Sa’adaat or the descendants of the Prophet Mohammad and other missionaries who played a key role in spread of the faith in Kashmir, had left their home lands forced by similar situations.[8]
Persecution in China
Most foreign slaves in Xinjiang were Shia Ismaili Mountain Tajiks of china, they were referred to by Sunni turkic muslims as Ghalcha, and subjected to enslavement because they were different from the Sunni Turkic inhabitants.[9] Shia Muslims were sold as slaves in Khotan. The Muslims in Xinjiang ignored Islamic rules, selling and buying Muslims as slaves.[10]
Modern Times
Saudi Arabia
Part of a series on Islamism |
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In modern day Saudi Arabia, the Wahabi rulers limit Shia political participation to a game of notables. These notables benefit from their ties to power and in turn, are expected to control their community.[11] Saudi Shias are a minority comprising only about 10-15%, about 2 million, of the some 20 million Saudi population.[12] Although some live in Medina (known as the Nakhawila), Mecca, and even Riyadh, the majority are concentrated in the oases of al-Hasa and Qatif in the oil-rich areas of the Eastern Province. For years, they have faced religious and economic discrimination because they’re viewed as Iranian puppets. They have usually been denounced as heretics, traitors, and non-Muslims. Shias were accused of sabotage, most notably for bombing oil pipelines in 1988. A number of Shias were even executed. In response to Iran’s militancy, the Saudi government collectively punished the Shia community in Saudi Arabia by placing restrictions on their freedoms and marginalizing them economically. Wahabi ulama were given the green light to sanction violence against the Shia. What followed were fatwas passed by the country’s leading cleric, Abdul-Aziz ibn Baz which denounced the Shias as apostates. Another by Adul-Rahman al-Jibrin, a member of the Higher Council of Ulama even sanctioned the killing of Shias. This call was reiterated in Wahabi religious literature as late as 2002.[12]
Unlike Iraq and Lebanon which have a sizable number of wealthy Shia, Saudi Arabia has nothing resembling Shia elite of any kind. There have been no Shia cabinet ministers. They are kept out of critical jobs in the armed forces and the security services. There are no Shia mayors or police chiefs, and not one of the three hundred Shia girls’ schools in the Eastern Province has a Shia principal.[12]
The government has restricted the names that Shias can use for their children in an attempt to discourage them from showing their identity. Saudi textbooks, criticized for their anti-Semitism, are equally hostile to Shiism often characterizing the faith as a form of heresy worse than Christianity and Judaism. Wahabi teachers frequently tell classrooms full of young Shia schoolchildren that they are heretics.[13]
In the town of Dammam, a quarter of whose residents are Shia Ashura is banned, and there is no distinctly Shia call to prayer. There is no Shia cemetery for the nearly quarter of the 600,000 Shias that live there. There is only one mosque for the town’s 150,000 Shias. The Saudi government has often been viewed as an active oppressor of Shias because of the funding of the Wahabi ideology which denounces the Shia faith.[14]
In March 2011, police opened fire on protesters in Qatif, and after Shia unrest in October 2011 the Saudi government promised to crushed any further trouble in the eastern province with "an iron fist."[15]
Apartheid
Saudi Arabia is often accused of practicing apartheid against its Shia citizens.[16] Mohammad Taqi writes that
The Saudi regime is also acutely aware that, in the final analysis, the Shiite grievances are not merely doctrinal issues but stem from socioeconomic deprivation, as a result of religious repression and political marginalization bordering on apartheid.[17]
Bahrain
Over 70% of the population of Bahrain are Shia Muslims. The ruling Al Khalifa family, who are Sunni Muslim, arrived in Bahrain from Kuwait at the end of the eighteenth century.[18][19]
According to Yitzhak Nakash,[20] the invasion and conquest led by the Al Khalifa family in 1783 started an illegitimate occupation, establishing a system of "political apartheid based on racial, sectarian, and tribal discrimination."[18]
According to Vali Nasr, senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations[21] the Sunni élite treats Shi'ites as an underclass, limiting them primarily to manual labor and denying them a fair share of state resources. "For Shi'ites, Sunni rule has been like living under apartheid."[22]
2011 uprising
An estimated 1000 Bahrainis have been detained since the uprising and Bahraini and international human rights groups have documented hundreds of cases of torture and abuse of Shia detainees.[23] According to csmonitor.org, the government has gone beyond the crushing of political dissent to what "appears" to be an attempt to "psychologically humiliating the island’s Shiite majority into silent submission."[23]
Apartheid
Discrimination against Shia Muslims in Bahrain is severe and systematic enough for a number of sources (Time magazine,[24] Vali Nasr, Yitzhak Nakash, Counterpunch,[25] Bahrain Centre for Human Rights,[26] etc.) to have used the term “apartheid” in describing it.
Ameen Izzadeen writing in the Daily Mirror asserts that
after the dismantling of the apartheid regime in South Africa, Bahrain remained the only country where a minority dictated terms to a majority. More than 70 percent of the Bahrainis are Shiite Muslims, but they have little or no say in the government.[27]
The Christian Science Monitor describes Bahrain as practicing
a form of sectarian apartheid by not allowing Shiites to hold key government posts or serve in the police or military. In fact, the security forces are staffed by Sunnis from Syria, Pakistan, and Baluchistan who also get fast-tracked to Bahraini citizenship, much to the displeasure of the indigenous Shiite population.[28]
Afghanistan
Violence among Pashtuns between Shiite minorities[citation needed].
Pakistan
Sectarian violence in Pakistan.
See also
References
- ^ The Origins of the Sunni/Shia split in Islam
- ^ Nasr,Vali (2006). The Shia Revival: How Conflicts Within Islam Will Shape the Future. W.W. Norton & Company Inc. ISBN 978-0-393-06211-3 p. 52-53
- ^ Nasr(2006), p. 41
- '^ Edwin P. Hoyt Arab Science: Discoveries and Contributions. Thomas Nelson Inc., Publishers. Nashville, New York 1975. pg 28-29
- ^ Nasr(2006), p. 52-54
- ^ Nasr(2006), p. 53
- ^ Nasr(2006)p. 65-66
- ^ a b c "Shias of Kashmir – Socio Political Dilemmas". Kashmir Observer. Retrieved 2010-07-01.
- ^ Ildikó Bellér-Hann (2007). Situating the Uyghurs between China and Central Asia. Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. p. 20. ISBN 0754670414. Retrieved 2010-07-30.
- ^ Ildikó Bellér-Hann (2008). Community matters in Xinjiang, 1880-1949: towards a historical anthropology of the Uyghur. BRILL. p. 138. ISBN 9004166750. Retrieved 28 December 2010.
- ^ Nasr(2006) p. 84
- ^ a b c Nasr(2006) p. 236
- ^ Nasr(2006)p. 237
- ^ Nasr(2006) p. 237
- ^ Saudis crush dissent and point finger at Iran for trouble in eastern province, Ian Black, guardian.co.uk, 6 October 2011
- ^ Patrick Bascio(2007). Defeating Islamic Terrorism: An Alternative Strategy. Branden Books. p. 60. ISBN 9780828321525. [1]. Retrieved March 6, 2010.
- ^ Mohammad Taqi, "Saudi Arabia: the prized domino" March 10, 2011, Daily Times (Pakistan)
- ^ a b Yitzhak Nakash Reaching for Power: The Shi'a in the Modern Arab World, (Princeton University Press, 2006).
- ^ Mahdi Amirisefat [2] 'Bahraini rulers importing extremism', Feb. 15, 2009, Press TV.
- ^ professor of Islamic and Middle Eastern Studies at Brandeis University
- ^ and author of "The Shia Revival: How Conflicts Within Islam Will Shape the Future",
- ^ Bobby Gosh, [3] "Behind the Sunni-Shi'ite Divide," Feb., 22, 2007, Time Magazine.
- ^ a b Bahrain campaign to humiliate Shiites goes beyond politics, By Caryle Murphy / csmonitor.com / June 7, 2011
- ^ Aryn Baker [4] "Why A Saudi Intervention into Bahrain Won't End the Protests"< March 14, 2011, Time Magazine.
- ^ Franklin Lamb [5] " The Obama Doctrine: AWOL in Bahrain," April 15–17, 2011, CounterPunch.
- ^ "A Smearing Campaign against the Shiite Bahraini Citizens with the Participation of the Bahraini Crown Prince and the Ambassador of Bahrain in Washington", Bahrain Centre for Human Rights, viewed Mar 31, 2011
- ^ Ameen Izzadeen [24] "Bahrain: the butchery of democracy dream," March 18, 32011, Daily Mirror
- ^ Raymond Barrett [25] "Bahrain emerging as flashpoint in Middle East unrest," Feb. 15, 2011, Christian Science Monitor.