Islamic modernism

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Islamic Modernism is a movement that has been described as "the first Muslim ideological response to the Western cultural challenge"[Note 1] attempting to reconcile the Islamic faith with modern values such as democracy, civil rights, rationality, equality, and progress.[2] It featured a "critical reexamination of the classical conceptions and methods of jurisprudence" and a new approach to Islamic theology and Quranic exegesis (Tafsir).[1] A contemporary definition describes it as an "effort to re-read Islam's fundamental sources—the Qur'an and the Sunna, (the practice of the Prophet) —by placing them in their historical context, and then reinterpreting them, non-literally, in the light of the modern context."[3]

It was one of the of several Islamic movements – including Islamic secularism, Islamism, and Salafism – that emerged in the middle of the 19th century in reaction to the rapid changes of the time, especially the perceived onslaught of Western civilization and colonialism on the Muslim world.[2] Founders include Muhammad Abduh, a Sheikh of Al-Azhar University for a brief period before his death in 1905 and Jamal ad-Din al-Afghani.

Since its inception, Islamic Modernism has suffered from co-option of its original reformism by both secularist rulers and by "the official ulama" whose "task it is to legitimise" rulers' actions in religious terms.[4]

Islamic Modernism differs from secularism in that it insists on the importance of religious faith in public life, and from Salafism or Islamism in that it embraces contemporary European institutions, social processes, and values.[2] One expression of Islamic Modernism, formulated by Mahathir Mohammed, is that "only when Islam is interpreted so as to be relevant in a world which is different from what it was 1400 years ago, can Islam be regarded as a religion for all ages."[5]

Overview[edit]

Egyptian Islamic jurist and Islamic modernist Muhammad Abduh.
Egyptian Islamic jurist and scholar Mahmud Shaltut.

Salafism and modernism[edit]

The origins of contemporary Salafiyya movement from the modernist movement of Jamal al-Din al-Afghani and Muhammad Abduh is mentioned by some authors,[6][7][8][9] although other scholars note that Modernism only influenced Salafism.[10] According to Quintan Wiktorowicz:

There has been some confusion in recent years because both the Islamic modernists and the contemporary Salafis refer (referred) to themselves as al-salafiyya, leading some observers to erroneously conclude a common ideological lineage. The earlier salafiyya (modernists), however, were predominantly rationalist Asharis.[11]

Muhammad 'Abduh and his movement have sometimes been referred to as "Neo-Mu'tazilites" in reference to the Mu'tazila school of theology.[12] Some have said Abduh's ideas are congruent to Mu'tazilism.[13] Abduh himself denied being either Ash'ari or a Mu'tazilite, although he only denied being a Mu'tazilite on the basis that he rejected strict taqlid (conformity) to one group.[14]

According to Oxford Bibliographies, the early Islamic Modernists (al-Afghani and Muhammad Abdu) used the term "salafiyya"[15] to refer to their attempt at renovation of Islamic thought,[16] and this movement is often known in the West as "Islamic modernism," although it is very different from what is called the Salafiyya, which generally refers to movements such as Ahl-i Hadith, Wahhabism, etc.[Note 2] Associate Professor of Middle Eastern History at Northwestern University[17] Henri Lauziere disputes the notion that al-Afghani and 'Abduh advocated a modernist movement of Salafism.[18] According to Lauziere:

"...based on what the technical term Salafism meant to Muslim religious specialists until the early twentieth century, al-Afghani and Abduh were hardly Salafis to begin with. No wonder they never claimed the label for themselves.[19]

At the end of the 19th century, Muslim reformers like Muhammad Abduh, Jamal al-Din al-Afghani, etc sought to reconcile Islam with the social and intellectual ideas of the Age of Enlightenment by purging Islam from alleged alterations and adhering to the basic tenets held during the Rashidun era. Their movement is regarded as the precursor to Islamic Modernism.[20] Beginning with the French intellectual Louis Massignon in 1919, they were often labelled by the Western scholars as Salafiyya - a technical term of theology mistook as a rationalist slogan - to denote broad swathes of Muslim modernists who were scripture-oriented; yet open to the Enlightenment ideals.[21][22] Following the First World War, Western colonialism of Muslim lands and the advancement of secularist trends; Islamic reformers felt betrayed by the Arab nationalists and underwent a crisis. This schism was epitomised by the ideological transformation of Sayyid Rashid Rida, a pupil of 'Abduh, who began to revive the treatises of Hanbali theologian Ibn Taymiyyah and became the "forerunner of Islamist thought". Unlike 'Abduh and Afghani, Rida and his disciples susbcribed to the Hanbali theology. They would openly campaign against adherents of other schools, like the Shi'ites, who were critical of Wahhabi religious interpretations. Rida transformed the Reformation into a movement primarily concerned about protecting Islamic culture, identity, and politics from Western influences. He advocated a theological doctrine that emphasized the necessity of an Islamic state; in which the ulema (Islamic scholars) would play a leading role.[23][24]

Rida's fundamentalist doctrines would be later be adopted by Islamic scholars and movements like the Muslim Brotherhood. According to the German scholar Bassam Tibi:

"Rida’s Islamic fundamentalism has been taken up by the Muslim Brethren, a right wing radical movement founded in 1928, which has ever since been in inexorable opposition to secular nationalism."[25]

Themes[edit]

Some themes in modern Islamic thought include:

  • The acknowledgement "with varying degrees of criticism or emulation", of the technological, scientific and legal achievements of the West; while at the same time objecting "to Western colonial exploitation of Muslim countries and the imposition of Western secular values" and aiming to develop a modern and dynamic understanding of science among Muslims that would strengthen the Muslim world and prevent further exploitation.[26]
  • Denying that "the Islamic code of law is unalterable and unchangeable", and instead claiming it can "adapt itself to the social and political revolutions going on around it". (Cheragh Ali in 1883)[27]
  • Invocation of the "objectives" of Islamic law (maqasid al-sharia) in support of "public interest", (or maslahah, a secondary source for Islamic jurisprudence).[28][29] This was done by Islamic reformists in "many parts of the globe to justify initiatives not addressed in classical commentaries but regarded as of urgent political and ethical concern."[30][31][32]
  • Reinterpreting traditional Islamic law using the four traditional sources of Islamic jurisprudence – the Quran, the reported deeds and sayings of Muhammad (hadith), consensus of the theologians (ijma) and juristic reasoning by analogy (qiyas), plus another source ijtihad ( independent reasoning to find a solution to a legal question).[33]
    • Taking and reinterpreting the first two sources (the Quran and ahadith) "to transform the last two [(ijma and qiyas)] in order to formulate a reformist project in light of the prevailing standards of scientific rationality and modern social theory."[1]
    • Restricting traditional Islamic law by limiting its basis to the Quran and authentic Sunnah, limiting the Sunna with radical hadith criticism.[Note 3][35]
    • Employing ijtihad not to only in the traditional, narrow way to arrive at legal rulings in unprecedented cases (where Quran, hadith, and rulings of earlier jurists are silent), but for critical independent reasoning in all domains of thought, and perhaps even approving of its use by non-jurists.[36]
  • A more or less radical (re)interpretation of the authoritative sources. This is particularly the case with the Quranic verses on polygyny, the hadd (penal) punishments, jihad, and treatment of unbelievers, banning of usury or interest on loans (riba), which conflict with "modern" views.[Note 4]
    • On the topic of Jihad, Islamic scholars like Ibn al-Amir al-San'ani, Muhammad Abduh, Rashid Rida, Ubaidullah Sindhi, Yusuf al-Qaradawi, Shibli Nomani, etc distinguished between defensive Jihad ( jihad al-daf) and offensive Jihad ( Jihad al-talab or Jihad of choice ). They refuted the notion of consensus on Jihad al-talab being a communal obligation (fard kifaya). In support of this view, these scholars referred to the works of classical scholars such as Al-Jassas, Ibn Taymiyya, etc. According to Ibn Taymiyya, the reason for Jihad against non-Muslims is not their disbelief, but the threat they pose to Muslims. Citing Ibn Taymiyya, scholars like Rashid Rida, Al San'ani, Qaradawi, etc argues that unbelievers need not be fought unless they pose a threat to Muslims. Thus, Jihad is obligatory only as a defensive warfare to respond to aggression or "perfidy" against the Muslim community, and that the "normal and desired state" between Islamic and non-Islamic territories was one of "peaceful coexistence."[38][39][40] Similarly the 18th-century Islamic scholar Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab defined Jihad as a defensive military action to protect the Muslim community, and emphasized its defensive aspect in synchrony with later 20th century Islamic writers.[41] According to Mahmud Shaltut and other modernists, unbelief was not sufficient cause for declaring jihad.[40][42] The conversion to Islam by unbelievers in fear of death at the hands of jihadists (mujahideen) was unlikely to prove sincere or lasting.[40][43] Much preferable means of conversion was education.[40][44] They pointed to the verse "No compulsion is there in religion"[Quran 2:256][45]
    • On the topic of riba, Syed Ahmad Khan, Fazlur Rahman Malik, Muhammad Abduh, Rashid Rida, Abd El-Razzak El-Sanhuri, Muhammad Asad, Mahmoud Shaltout all took issue with the jurist orthodoxy that any and all interest was riba and forbidden, believing that there was a difference between interest and usury.[46] These jurists took precedent for their position from the classical scholar Ibn Taymiyya who argued in his treatise "The Removal of Blames from the Great Imams", that scholars are divided on the prohibition of riba al-fadl.[47] Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya, the student of Ibn Taymiyya, also distinguished between riba al-nasi'ah and riba al-fadl, maintaining that only rib al-nasi'ah was prohibited by Qur'an and Sunnah definitively while the latter was only prohibited in order to stop the charging of interest. According to him, the prohibition of riba al-fadl was less severe and it could be allowed in dire need or greater public interest (maslaha). Hence under a compelling need, an item may be sold with delay in return for dirhams or for another weighed substance despite implicating riba al-nasi'ah.[48]
  • An apologetic which links aspects of the Islamic tradition with Western ideas and practices, and claims Western practices in question were originally derived from Islam.[49] Islamic apologetics has however been severely criticized by many scholars as superficial, tendentious and even psychologically destructive, so much so that the term "apologetics" has almost become a term of abuse in the literature on modern Islam.[Note 5]

History of Modernism[edit]

Commencing in the late nineteenth century and impacting the twentieth-century, Muhammed Abduh and his followers undertook a project to defend, modernize and revitalize Islam to match Western institutions and social processes. Its most prominent intellectual founder, Muhammad Abduh (d. 1323 AH/1905 CE), was Sheikh of Al-Azhar University for a brief period before his death. This project superimposed the world of the nineteenth century on the extensive body of Islamic knowledge that had accumulated in a different milieu.[2] These efforts had little impact at first. After Abduh's death, his movement was catalysed by the demise of the Ottoman Caliphate in 1924 and promotion of secular liberalism – particularly with a new breed of writers being pushed to the fore including Egyptian Ali Abd al-Raziq's publication attacking Islamic politics for the first time in Muslim history.[2] Subsequent secular writers of this trend including Farag Foda, al-Ashmawi, Muhamed Khalafallah, Taha Husayn, Husayn Amin, et. al., have argued in similar tones.[2]

Abduh was skeptical towards many Hadith (or "Traditions"), i.e. towards the body of reports of the teachings, doings, and sayings of the Islamic prophet Muhammad. Particularly towards those Traditions that are reported through few chains of transmission, even if they are deemed rigorously authenticated in any of the six canonical books of Hadith (known as the Kutub al-Sittah). Furthermore, he advocated a reassessment of traditional assumptions even in Hadith studies, though he did not devise a systematic methodology before his death.[52]

Influence on Revivalist movements[edit]

Muslim Brotherhood[edit]

Islamist movements like Muslim Brotherhood (al-Ikhwān al-Muslimūn) were highly influenced by both Islamic Modernism and Salafism.[53][54][55] Its founder Hassan Al-Banna was influenced by Muhammad Abduh and his Salafi student Rashid Rida. Al-Banna attacked the taqlid of the official ulama and insisted only the Qur'an and the best-attested ahadith should be sources of the Sharia.[56] However, it was the Syrian Salafi scholar Rashid Rida who influenced Al-Banna the most. He was a dedicated reader of the writings of Rashid Rida and the magazine that Rida published, Al-Manar. Sharing Rida's central concern with the decline of Islamic civilization, Al-Banna too believed that this trend could be reversed only by returning to a pure, unadulterated form of Islam. Like Rida, (and unlike the Islamic modernists) Al-Banna viewed Western secular ideas as the main danger to Islam in the modern age.[57] As Islamic Modernist beliefs were co-opted by secularist rulers and official `ulama, the Brotherhood moved in a traditionalist and conservative direction, "being the only available outlet for those whose religious and cultural sensibilities had been outraged by the impact of Westernisation".[58] The Brotherhood argued for a Salafist solution to the contemporary challenges faced by the Muslims, advocating the establishment of an Islamic state through implementation of the Shari'ah, based on Salafi revivalism.[59]

Although the Muslim Brotherhood officially describes itself as a Salafi movement, the Quietist Salafis often contest their Salafist credentials. The Brotherhood differs from the Purists in their strategy for combating the challenge of modernity, and is focused on gaining control of the government. Despite this, both the Brotherhood and Salafists advocate the implementation of sharia and emphasizes strict doctrinal adherence to the teachings of Prophet Muhammad and the Salaf al-Salih.[60]

The Salafi-Activists who have a long tradition of political involvement; are highly active in Islamist movements like the Muslim Brotherhood and its various branches and affiliates.[61] According to the Brotherhood affiliated former Egyptian President Mohammed Morsi:

"the Koran is our constitution, the Prophet Muhammad is our leader, jihad is our path, and death for the sake of Allah is our most lofty aspiration...sharia, sharia, and then finally sharia. This nation will enjoy blessing and revival only through the Islamic sharia."[62]

Muhammadiyah[edit]

The Indonesian Islamic organization Muhammadiyah was founded in 1912. Often Described as Salafist,[63][64][65] and sometimes as Islamic Modernist,[66] it emphasized the authority of the Qur'an and the Hadiths, opposing syncretism and taqlid (blind-conformity) to the ulema. As of 2006, it is said to have "veered sharply toward a more conservative brand of Islam" under the leadership of Din Syamsuddin, the head of the Indonesian Ulema Council.[67]

Salafiyya Movement[edit]

Jamal Al-Din al-Afghani, Muhammad 'Abduh, Muhammad al-Tahir ibn Ashur, Syed Ahmad Khan and, to a lesser extent, Mohammed al-Ghazali took some ideals of Wahhabism, such as endeavor to "return" to the Islamic understanding of the first Muslim generations (Salaf) by reopening the doors of juristic deduction (ijtihad) that they saw as closed.[52] Some historians believe modernists used the term "Salafiyya" for their movement (although this is strongly disputed by at least one scholar – Henri Lauzière).[68] American scholar Nuh Ha Mim Keller writes:

The term Salafi was revived as a slogan and movement, among latter-day Muslims, by the followers of Muhammad Abduh.[69]

During the inception of the twentieth century, the term "Salafiyya" had referred to the various transnational movements of Islamic reform across the Arab World that sought for a reconciliation of Islamic faith with modernity. The rise of pan-Islamic consciousness across the Muslim World, especially after the First World War and the collapse of the Ottoman empire, would herald the emergence of religious purism within key Salafi circles. The anti-colonial struggle to recreate the Khilafah would become the top priority; manifesting in the formation of the Muslim Brotherhood, a revolutionary movement established in 1928 by the Egyptian school teacher Hassan al-Banna. Salafis who emphasized Islamic unity and religious conformism across the Muslim World began to become popular. By the second half of the twentieth century, the epicenter of the Salafiyya had moved closer to Saudi Arabia, and the movement would be directly antithetical to Islamic modernism. They would be supported by the Wahhabi religious establishment of Saudi Arabia, and thrived during the post-colonial transition; while the Salafi modernists eventually disappeared.[70] According to Abu Ammaar Yasir Qadhi:

Rashid Rida popularized the term 'Salafī' to describe a particular movement that he spearheaded. That movement sought to reject the ossification of the madhhabs, and rethink through the standard issues of fiqh and modernity, at times in very liberal ways. A young scholar by the name of Muhammad Nasiruddin al-Albani read an article by Rida, and then took this term and used it to describe another, completely different movement. Ironically, the movement that Rida spearheaded eventually became Modernist Islam and dropped the 'Salafī' label, and the legal methodology that al-Albānī championed – with a very minimal overlap with Rida's vision of Islam – retained the appellation 'Salafī'. Eventually, al-Albānī's label was adopted by the Najdī daʿwah as well, until it spread in all trends of the movement. Otherwise, before this century, the term 'Salafī' was not used as a common label and proper noun. Therefore, the term 'Salafī' has attached itself to an age-old school of theology, the Atharī school.[10]

However, according to Henri Lauzière, modernist intellectuals did not identify their movement with "Salafiyya". Islamic revivalists like Mahmud Shukri Al-Alusi (1856-1924 C.E), Muhammad Rashid Rida (1865-1935 C.E), Jamal al-Din al-Qasimi (1866-1914 C.E), etc used "Salafiyya" as a term primarily to denote the traditionalist Sunni theology, Atharism. Rida would often refer to Wahhabis as Salafis, interchangeably.[71][72] Apart from the Wahhabis of Najd, Athari theology could also be traced back to the Alusi family in Iraq, Ahl-i Hadith in India, and scholars such as Rashid Rida in Egypt.[73] Initially a disciple of 'Abduh, Rida pushed Abduh's reformist enterprise after his death in the direction of a fundamentalist counter-reformation. This tendency led by Rida emphasized following the salaf al-salih (first three generations) and became known as the Salafiyya movement, and underscored a literalist, fundamentalist adhesion to the legacy of early Islam.[74] The propagation of the flawed (yet once conventional) notion in the Western academia, wherein the Islamic modernist movement of 'Abduh and Afghani was equated with Salafiyya is first attributed to the French scholar Louis Massignon.[75]

The progressive views of the early modernists Afghani and Abduh, quickly gave way to the arch-conservatism of Athari tradition espoused by their students, which held greater contempt for the ideas of non-believers as well as liberals. This shift was led by Syed Rashid Rida, once a close student of Abduh, who increasingly moved to strict Athari thought influenced by Ibn Taymiyyah in the early twentieth century. The Salafiyya movement popularised by Rida would advocate for an Athari-Wahhabi theology. Their promotion of Ijtihad was based on referring back to a strictly textual methodology.[76] It's traditionalist vision was adopted by Salafis and reached it's zenith in the works of Muhammad Nasiruddin al-Albani.[77]

Islamic modernists[edit]

Although not all of the figures named below are from the above-mentioned movement, they all share a more or less modernist thought or/and approach.

Contemporary Modernists[edit]

Contemporary use[edit]

Pakistan[edit]

According to at least one source, (Charles Kennedy) in Pakistan the range of views on the "appropriate role of Islam" in that country (as of 1992), contains "Islamic Modernists" at one end of the spectrum and "Islamic activists" at the other. "Islamic activists" support the expansion of "Islamic law and Islamic practices", "Islamic Modernists" are lukewarm to this expansion and "some may even advocate development along the secularist lines of the West."[85]

Criticism[edit]

Many orthodox, fundamentalist, and traditionalist Muslims strongly opposed modernism as bid'ah and the most dangerous heresy of the day, for its association with Westernization and Western education,[86] whereas other orthodox/traditionalist Muslims, even some orthodox Muslim scholars think that modernisation of Islamic law is not violating the principles of fiqh and it is a form of going back to the Qur'an and the Sunnah.[citation needed]

Supporters of Salafi movement considered modernists Neo-Mu'tazila, after the medieval Islamic school of theology based on rationalism, Mu'tazila.[citation needed] Critics argue that the modernist thought is little more than the fusion of Western Secularism with spiritual aspects of Islam.[citation needed] Other critics have described the modernist positions on politics in Islam as ideological stances.[87]

One of the leading Islamist thinkers and Islamic revivalists, Abul A'la Maududi agreed with Islamic modernists that Islam contained nothing contrary to reason, and was superior in rational terms to all other religious systems. However he disagreed with them in their examination of the Quran and the Sunna using reason as the standard. Maududi, instead started from the proposition that "true reason is Islamic", and accepted the Book and the Sunna, not reason, as the final authority. Modernists erred in examining rather than simply obeying the Quran and the Sunna.[Note 6]

Critics argue politics is inherently embedded in Islam, a rejection of the Christian and secular principle of "Render unto Caesar what is Caesar's". They claim that there is a consensus in Muslim political jurisprudence, philosophy and practice with regard to the Caliphate form of government with a clear structure comprising a Caliph, assistants (mu'awinoon), governors (wulaat), judges (qudaat) and administrators (mudeeroon).[89][90] It is argued that Muslim jurists have tended to work with the governments of their times. Notable examples are Abu Yusuf, Mohammed Ibn al-Hasan, Shafi'i, Yahya bin Said, Abu Hamid al-Ghazali, Ismail bin Yasa, Ibn Tulun, Abu Zura, Abu Hasan al-Mawardi and Tabari.[91][92] Prominent theologians would counsel the Caliph in discharging his Islamic duties, often on the request of the incumbent Caliph. Many rulers provided patronage to scholars across all disciplines, the most famous being the Abassids who funded extensive translation programmes and the building of libraries.

See also[edit]

Notes[edit]

  1. ^ "Islamic modernism was the first Muslim ideological response to the Western cultural challenge. Started in India and Egypt in the second part of the 19th century [...] reflected in the work of a group of like-minded Muslim scholars, featuring a critical reexamination of the classical conceptions and methods of jurisprudence and a formulation of a new approach to Islamic theology and Quranic exegesis. This new approach, which was nothing short of an outright rebellion against Islamic orthodoxy, displayed astonishing compatibility with the ideas of the Enlightenment."[1]
  2. ^ "Salafism is, therefore, a modern phenomenon, being the desire of contemporary Muslims to rediscover what they see as the pure, original and authentic Islam, [...] However, there is a difference between two profoundly different trends which sought inspiration from the concept of salafiyya. Indeed, between the end of the 19th century and the beginning of 20th century, intellectuals such as Jamal Edin al-Afghani and Muhammad Abdu used salafiyya to mean a renovation of Islamic thought, with features that would today be described as rationalist, modernist and even progressive. This salafiyya movement is often known in the West as "Islamic modernism." However, the term salafism is today generally employed to signify ideologies such as Wahhabism, the puritanical ideology of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia."[16]
  3. ^ Muhammad 'Abduh, for example, said a Muslim was obliged to accept only mutawatir hadith, and was free to reject others about which he had doubts.[34] Ahmad Amin, in his popular series on Islamic cultural history, cautiously suggested that there were few if any mutawatir hadith (especially, Fajr al-Islam, 10th edition Cairo: Maktabat al-Nahda al-Misriyya, 1965, p. 218; see also G. H. A. Juynboll, The Authenticity of the Tradition Literature: Discussions in Modern Egypt (Leiden: Brill, 1969), and my Faith of a Modern Muslim Intellectual, p. 113.
  4. ^ See Quran 4:3 on polygyny in Islam, Quran 5:38 on cutting off the hand of the thief, Quran 24:2, 24:3, 24:4, and 24:5 on whipping for fornication (the provision of stoning for adultery is in the hadith). On jihad and the treatment of unbelievers, the difficult passages for modernists are the so-called "Verses of the Sword", such as Quran 9:5 on the Arab Pagans and Quran 9:29 on the People of the Book.[37]
  5. ^ Smith's criticism of Farid Wajdi in Islam in Modern History[50] and Gibb's complaint about "the intellectual confusions and the paralyzing romanticism which cloud the minds of the modernists of today"[51]
  6. ^ "He agreed with them [Islamic Modernists] in holding that Islam required the exercise of reason by the community to understand God's decrees, in believing, therefore, that Islam contains nothing contrary to reason, and in being convinced that Islam as revealed in the Book and the Sunna is superior in purely rational terms to all other systems. But he thought they had gone wrong in allowing themselves to judge the Book and the Sunna by the standard of reason. They had busied themselves trying to demonstrate that "Islam is truly reasonable" instead of starting, as he did, from the proposition that "true reason is Islamic". Therefore they were not sincerely accepting the Book and the Sunna as the final authority, because implicitly they were setting up human reason as a higher authority (the old error of the Mu'tazilites). In Maududi's view, once one has become a Muslim, reason no longer has any function of judgement. From then on its legitimate task is simply to spell out the implications of Islam's clear commands, the rationality of which requires no demonstration."[88]

References[edit]

  1. ^ a b c d e f g h i Mansoor Moaddel (16 May 2005). Islamic Modernism, Nationalism, and Fundamentalism: Episode and Discourse. University of Chicago Press. p. 2. ISBN 9780226533339.
  2. ^ a b c d e f Encyclopedia of Islam and the Muslim World, Thompson Gale (2004)
  3. ^ Akyol, Mustafa (June 12, 2020). "How Islamists are Ruining Islam". Hudson Institute. Retrieved 30 December 2020.
  4. ^ Ruthven, Malise (2006) [1984]. Islam in the World. Oxford University Press. p. 318. ISBN 9780195305036. Retrieved 23 April 2015.
  5. ^ Warde, Islamic finance in the global economy, 2000: p.127
  6. ^ Understanding the Origins of Wahhabism and Salafism| Terrorism Monitor| Volume 3 Issue: 14| July 15, 2005| By: Trevor Stanley
  7. ^ Dillon, Michael R (p. 33)
  8. ^ Wahhabism, Salafism and Islamism Who Is The Enemy? By Pfr. Ahmad Mousali | American University of Beirut | p. 11
  9. ^ Historical Development of the Methodologies of al-Ikhwaan al-Muslimeen And Their Effect and Influence Upon Contemporary Salafee Dawah salafipublications.com
  10. ^ a b On Salafi Islam | IV Conclusion Archived 2014-12-20 at the Wayback Machine| Dr. Yasir Qadhi April 22, 2014
  11. ^ Anatomy of the Salafi Movement Archived 2016-08-03 at the Wayback Machine By Quintan Wiktorowicz, Washington, DC, p. 212
  12. ^ Ahmed H. Al-Rahim (January 2006). "Islam and Liberty", Journal of Democracy 17 (1), p. 166-169.
  13. ^ Akhlaq, Syed Hassan (1 December 2013). "Taliban and Salafism: a historical and theological exploration". Research Gate. Retrieved 19 June 2020. Abduh is often categorized as Maturidi, but his ideas approach neo-Mutazila-ism
  14. ^ Sedgwick, Mark. Muhammad Abduh. Simon and Schuster, 2014. "By his own later account, Muhammad Abduh denied following the Mutazila on the basis that if he had rejected strict adherence (taqlid) to one group, he would not take up strict adherence to another.
  15. ^ Salafism, Modernist Salafism from the 20th Century to the Present oxfordbibliographies.com
  16. ^ a b Atzori, Daniel (August 31, 2012). "The rise of global Salafism". Retrieved 6 January 2015.
  17. ^ "Henri Lauzière Awarded The Alumnae of Northwestern University 2020-2023 Teaching Professorship". The Alumnae of Northwestern University. Archived from the original on 6 July 2020.
  18. ^ Lauzière, Henri (2016). The Making of Salafism: Islamic Reform in the Twentieth Century. Columbia University Press. p. [publisher's advertisement]. Retrieved 28 August 2021.
  19. ^ Lauziere, Henri (2016). The Making of Salafism: ISLAMIC REFORM IN THE TWENTIETH CENTURY. New York: Columbia University Press. p. 233. ISBN 978-0-231-17550-0. The main lesson to draw from the conceptual history of modernist Salafism is that we must rid ourselves of three bad habits. First, we must no longer claim that al-Afghani and Abduh spearheaded a modernist version of Salafism nd used salafiyya as a slogan. They did not. And based on what the technical term Salafism meant to Muslim religious specialists until the early twentieth century, al-Afghani and Abduh were hardly Salafis to begin with. No wonder they never claimed the label for themselves.
  20. ^ Henri Lauzière The Making of Salafism: Islamic Reform in the Twentieth Century Columbia University Press 2015 ISBN 978-0-231-54017-9
  21. ^ Robert Rabil Salafism in Lebanon: From Apoliticism to Transnational Jihadism Georgetown University Press 2014 ISBN 978-1-62616-118-4 chapter: "Doctrine"
  22. ^ Lauziere, Henri (2016). The Making of Salafism: ISLAMIC REFORM IN THE TWENTIETH CENTURY. New York, Chichester, West Sussex: Columbia University Press. pp. 231–232. ISBN 978-0-231-17550-0. Beginning with Louis Massignon in 1919, it is true that Westerners played a leading role in labeling Islamic modernists as Salafis, even though the term was a misnomer. At the time, European and American scholars felt the need for a useful conceptual box in which to place Muslim figures such as Jamal al-Din al-Afghani, Muhammad Abduh, and their epigones, who all seemed inclined toward a scripturalist understanding of Islam but proved open to rationalism and Western modernity .. They chose to adopt salafiyya—a technical term of theology, which they mistook for a reformist slogan and wrongly associated with all kinds of modernist Muslim intellectuals.
  23. ^ Lauziere, Henri (2016). The Making of Salafism: ISLAMIC REFORM IN THE TWENTIETH CENTURY. New York, Chichester, West Sussex: Columbia University Press. p. 237. ISBN 978-0-231-17550-0. Prior to the fall of the Ottoman Empire, leading reformers who happened to be Salafi in creed were surprisingly open-minded: although they adhered to neo-Hanbali theology,.. The aftermath of the First World War and the expansion of European colonialism, however, paved the way for a series of shifts in thought and attitude. The experiences of Rida offer many examples... he turned against the Shi'is who dared, with reason, to express doubts about the Saudi-Wahhabi project... . Shi'is were not the only victims: Rida and his associates showed their readiness to turn against fellow Salafis who questioned some of the Wahhabis’ religious interpretations.
  24. ^ G. Rabil, Robert (2014). Salafism in Lebanon: From Apoliticism to Transnational Jihadism. Washington DC, USA: Georgetown University Press. pp. 32–33. ISBN 978-1-62616-116-0. Western colonialists established in these countries political orders... that, even though not professing enmity to Islam and its institutions, left no role for Islam in society. This caused a crisis among Muslim reformists, who felt betrayed not only by the West but also by those nationalists, many of whom were brought to power by the West... Nothing reflects this crisis more than the ideological transformation of Rashid Rida (1865–1935)... He also revived the works of Ibn Taymiyah by publishing his writings and promoting his ideas. Subsequently, taking note of the cataclysmic events brought about by Western policies in the Muslim world and shocked by the abolition of the caliphate, he transformed into a Muslim intellectual mostly concerned about protecting Muslim culture, identity, and politics from Western influence. He supported a theory that essentially emphasized the necessity of an Islamic state in which the scholars of Islam would have a leading role... Rida was a forerunner of Islamist thought. He apparently intended to provide a theoretical platform for a modern Islamic state. His ideas were later incorporated in the works of Islamic scholars.
  25. ^ G. Rabil, Robert (2014). Salafism in Lebanon: From Apoliticism to Transnational Jihadism. Washington DC, USA: Georgetown University Press. p. 33. ISBN 978-1-62616-116-0.
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  38. ^ QASIM ZAMAN, MUHAMMAD (2012). Modern Islamic Thought in a Radical Age. 32 Avenue of the Americas, New York, 10013–2473, USA: Cambridge University Press. pp. 71, 72, 227, 228, 263–265, 286, 315. ISBN 978-1-107-09645-5.CS1 maint: location (link)
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  40. ^ a b c d DeLong-Bas (2004), pp. 235–37
  41. ^ J. DeLong-Bas, Natana (2004). Wahhabi Islam: From Revival and Reform to Global Jihad. 198 Madison Avenue, New York, New York 10016: Oxford University Press. pp. 230, 235, 241. ISBN 0-19-516991-3. In Ibn Abd al-Wahhab’s writings, jihad is a special and specific type of warfare, which can be declared only by the religious leader (imam) and whose purpose is the defense of the Muslim community from aggression." .. "What Shaltut calls for here is not only a defensive response but also the right to live peacefully without fear for life, home, or possessions, all of which is consistent with Ibn Abd al-Wahhab’s assertion of jihad as a defensive activity designed to restore order and preserve life and property."... "Ibn Abd al-Wahhab’s definition of jihad is restricted to a defensive military action designed to protect and preserve the Muslim community and its right to practice its faith".. "For Ibn Abd al-Wahhab, jihad is always a defensive military action. Here he is synchronous with Islamic modernist writers, who narrow the confines of jihad to defensive action..CS1 maint: location (link)
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  55. ^ The split between Qatar and the GCC won't be permanent Archived 2016-11-17 at the Wayback Machine thenational.ae
  56. ^ Ruthven, Malise (1984). Islam in the World (first ed.). Penguin. p. 311. Theologically, Banna's views were fairly close to those of Abduh and his Salafi disciple, Rashid Rida. He attacked the taqlid of the official 'ulama, insisting that only the Quran and the best-attested hadiths should be the sources of the Sharia.
  57. ^ "HASAN AL-BANNA AND HIS POLITICAL THOUGHT OF ISLAMIC BROTHERHOOD". IKHWANWEB The Muslim Brotherhood Official English Website. 13 May 2008. Archived from the original on 15 Feb 2016. But it was Abduh's disciple, the Syrian Rashid Rida (1865-1935), who most influenced Al-Banna... He shared Rida's central concern with the decline of Islamic civilization relative to the West. He too believed that this trend could be reversed only by returning to an unadulterated form of Islam.. Like Rida at the end of his life — but unlike Abduh and other Islamic modernists — Al-Banna felt that the main danger to Islam's survival in the modern age stemmed... from the ascendancy of Western secular ideas.
  58. ^ Ruthven, Malise (1984). Islam in the World (first ed.). Penguin. p. 317.
  59. ^ Sageman, Marc (2004). "Chapter 1: The Origins of the Jihad". UNDERSTANDING TERROR NETWORKS. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. p. 7. ISBN 0-8122-3808-7.
  60. ^ Durie, Mark (6 June 2013). "Salafis and the Muslim Brotherhood: What is the difference?". Archived from the original on 24 March 2015.
  61. ^ "Salafism: Politics and the puritanical". The Economist. 25 July 2015. Archived from the original on 2 October 2019.
  62. ^ Durie, Mark (6 June 2013). "Salafis and the Muslim Brotherhood: What is the difference?". Archived from the original on 24 March 2015.
  63. ^ Abu Fayadh, Faisal (23 July 2021). "Ustadz Adi Hidayat: Kita Semua Salafi" [Ustadz Adi Hidayat: We are all Salafis]. Retizen. Archived from the original on 23 July 2021.
  64. ^ "Muhammadiyah Itu Golongan Ahlus Sunnah was Salafiyyah" [Muhammadiyah The Ahlus Sunnah was Salafiyyah]. Pwmu. 3 November 2017. Archived from the original on 18 October 2021.
  65. ^ Muhtaroom, Ali (August 2017). "STUDY OF INDONESIAN MOSLEM RESPONSES ON SALAFYSHIA ISLAMIC EDUCATION TRANSNATIONAL INSTITUTION". Ilmia Islam Futuria. 17 (1): 73–95 – via Research Gate. the development ofSalafi in Indonesia has inspired the emergence of anumber of organizations reformers of modern Islam in Indonesia. Organizationssuchas Muhammadiyah, Al-Irsyad,shared similar intentions to purify faith with the call back to the Quran and Sunnah, and leave many traditional customs that are claimed to be contaminated by heresy,tahayyul, and superstition... For Muhammadiyah, the purification of faith and the return to the Quran and Sunnah is an obligation... Muhammadiyah doctrine theology agrees with salafi, namely puritanist by going back to Al-Quran and As-Sunnah...
  66. ^ Palmier, Leslie H. (September 1954). "Modern Islam in Indonesia: The Muhammadiyah After Independence". Pacific Affairs. 27 (3): 257. JSTOR 2753021.
  67. ^ In Indonesia, Islam loves democracy| Michael Vatikiotis | New York Times |6 February 6, 2006
  68. ^ Lauzière, Henri (2015-12-08). "1. Being Salafi in the Early Twentieth Century". The Making of Salafism: Islamic Reform in the Twentieth Century. Columbia University Press. ISBN 9780231540179.
  69. ^ Who or what is a Salafi? Is their approach valid?| © Nuh Ha Mim Keller |www.masud.co.uk | 1995
  70. ^ "The past ten day Salafi led unrest in reaction to an anti-Islamic video spread through the Muslim world, here a look at who is behind it". World news research. 21 September 2012. At the beginning of the twentieth century, the term "Salafiyya" was linked to a transnational movement of Islamic reform whose proponents strove to reconcile their faith with the Enlightenment and modernity. Toward the end of the twentieth century, however, the Salafi movement became inexplicably antithetical to Islamic modernism. Its epicenter moved closer to Saudi Arabia and the term Salafiyya became virtually synonymous with Wahhabism... the rise of a transnational and generic Islamic consciousness, especially after the First World War, facilitated the growth of religious purism within key Salafi circles. The Salafis who most emphasized religious unity and conformism across boundaries usually developed puristic inclinations.. they survived the postcolonial transition and kept thriving while the modernist Salafis eventually disappeared.
  71. ^ Lauzière, Henri (2016). The Making of Salafism:ISLAMIC REFORM IN THE TWENTIETH CENTURY. New York: Columbia University Press. pp. 40, 239. As Rida explained in 1914, "the appellation 'reform,' as well as its understanding, is broad; it varies over time and from place to place." It also varied from individual to individual. Indeed, some balanced reformers considered Salafi theology to be a pillar of their multifaceted reform program. Chief among them were al-Qasimi, Mahmud Shukri al-Alusi, and, to some extent from 1905 onward, Rida (all of whom identified themselves as Salafi in creed at one point or another)"... "Unlike al-Afghani and Abduh, Rida did refer to himself as a Salafi in creed and law..
  72. ^ Lauzière, Henri (15 July 2010). ""THE CONSTRUCTION OF SALAFIYYA:RECONSIDERING SALAFISM FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF CONCEPTUAL HISTORY"". International Journal of Middle East Studies. 42 3: 375–376. In the most explicit passages of their correspondence, both al-Qasimi and al-Alusi continue to use Salafi epithets in a purely theological sense. While the former distinguishes the Salafis from the Jahmis and the Mutazilis, the latter describes a Moroccan scholar as "Salafi in creed and athari in law" (al-salaf¯ı –aq¯ıdatan al-athar¯ı madhhaban).It is interesting to note that this is how Rashid Rida first used and understood Salafi epithets as well. In 1905, he spoke of the Salafis (al-salafiyya) as a collective noun, in contradistinction with the Ash'aris (al-asha'ira). Although he and some of his disciples later declared themselves to be Salafis with respect to fiqh (in 1928 Rida even acknowledged his passage from being a Hanafi to becoming a Salafi), the available evidence suggests that the broadening of Salafi epithets to encompass the realm of the law was a gradual development that did not bloom in full until the 1920s."... "This is why, in 1905, Rida casually referred to the Wahhabis as Salafis (al-wahhabiyya al-salafiyya )
  73. ^ R. Halverson, Jeffrey (2010). Theology and Creed in Sunni Islam. 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010, USA: Palgrave Macmillan. p. 49. ISBN 978-0-230-10279-8. The ideas of the Atharis of the Najd were not limited to Wahhabites either, but can be traced elsewhere, especially to Iraq (e.g., al-Alusi family), India, as well as to the figures such as Rashid Rida (d. 1935 CE) and Hasan al-Banna (d. 1949 CE) in Egypt.CS1 maint: location (link)
  74. ^ Achcar, Gilbert (2010). The Arabs and the Holocaust:The Arab-Israeli War of Narratives. 26 Westbourne Grove, London w2 5RH, UK: Actes Sud. pp. 104–105. ISBN 978-0-86356-835-0. (Rida) was initially a disciple of Abduh’s, pushing his reformist enterprise - after Abduh’s death in 1905 and especially from the 1920s on – in the direction of a fundamentalist counter-reformation... Islamic counter-reformation was far more reactionary than its sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Catholic predecessor, a development the more paradoxical in that the Islamic version seems to have emerged as a mutation from the reformist movement itself rather than being, as in the Christian case, the product of a frontal assault on it. This mutation, engineered by Rida, explains the double meaning of what is known as Salafism (salafiyya)... it eventually came to designate literalist, fundamentalist adhesion to the legacy of early IslamCS1 maint: location (link)
  75. ^ Lauziere, Henri (15 July 2010). "The Construction Ofsalafiyya: Reconsidering Salafism from the Perspective of Conceptual History". International Journal of Middle East Studies. 42 (3): 374. doi:10.1017/S0020743810000401. Although it long served as a paradigm, this conception of Salafism is flawed in many respects, especially because it is based on claims that remain unsubstantiated. The firstknown association between al-Afghani, Abduh, and a movement called "the salafiyya" appeared in 1919 in a short notice that French scholar Louis Massignon (d. 1962) wrote in Revue du monde musulman. Massignon did not initially claim that the two reformers founded the movement, but this idea gained momentum and found its formal expression in 1925, at which time Massignon added Rashid Rida to the narrative and presented him as the leader of the salafiyya. Since then, Massignon's narrative and its resulting typology have been reiterated in countless works through a chain of Western scholars who trusted each other's authority, thereby becoming one of the fundamental postulates on which the study of modern Islamic thought is based. Although it is true that al-Afghani and Abduh provided the initial elan for a type of Islamic reformism that later ´ became known as modernist Salafism, primary sources do not corroborate the claim that they either coined the term or used it to identify themselves in the late 19th century.
  76. ^ R. Halverson, Jeffrey (2010). Theology and Creed in Sunni Islam. 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010, USA: Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 61–62, 71. ISBN 978-0-230-10279-8. These thinkers, which included Jamal al-Din al-Afghani (d. 1897) and Muhammad ‘ Abduh (d. 1905),... the early progressive liberalism of these modernists quickly gave way to the arch-conservatism of Athari thinkers who held even greater contempt for the ideas of the nonbelievers (as well as liberals). This shift was most pronounced in the person of Rashid Rida (d. 1935), once a close student of ‘Abduh, who increasingly moved to rigid Athari thought under Wahhabite influences in the early twentieth century. From Rida onward, the “Salafism”... became increasingly Athari-Wahhabite in nature, as it remains today.CS1 maint: location (link)
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