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Conservative Democrat

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This article is about conservative members of the Democratic Party in the United States. For the Swiss and Greek political parties, see Conservative Democratic Party. For the Slovakia name political party, see Conservative Democrats of Slovakia. For the Romanian political party, see Conservative-Democratic Party.
Not to be confused with Conservative democracy.
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In American politics, a conservative Democrat is a member of the Democratic Party with conservative political views, or with views that are conservative compared to the positions taken by other members of the Democratic Party. Traditionally, conservative Democrats have been elected to office from the Southern states, rural areas, the Rust Belt, and the Midwest.[1] In 2019, the Pew Research Center found that 14% of Democratic and Democratic-leaning registered voters identify as conservative or very conservative, 38% identify as moderate, and 47% identify as liberal or very liberal.[2]

21st century conservative Democrats are similar to liberal Republican counterparts, in that both became political minorities after their respective political parties underwent a major political realignment, which began to gain speed in 1964. Prior to 1964, both parties had their liberal, moderate, and conservative wings, each of them influential in both parties. During this period, conservative Democrats formed the Democratic half of the conservative coalition. After 1964, the conservative wing assumed a greater presence in the Republican Party, although it did not become the mainstay of the party until the nomination of Ronald Reagan in 1980. The Democratic Party retained its conservative wing through the 1970s with the help of urban machine politics while blue-collar workers still aligned with the Democrats. This political realignment was mostly complete by 1980.

After 1980, the Republicans became a mostly conservative party, with conservative leaders such as Newt Gingrich, Trent Lott, and Tom DeLay. The Democrats, while keeping their liberal base intact, grew their centrist wing, the New Democrats, in the 1990s, with leaders such as Bill Clinton, Al Gore, and Evan Bayh. In the U.S. House of Representatives, the New Democrat Coalition represents the moderate wing of the Democratic Party, and the Blue Dog Coalition represents centrist and conservative Democrats.

History

1876–1964: Solid South

Main article: Solid South

The Solid South describes the reliable electoral support of the U.S. Southern states for Democratic Party candidates for almost a century after the Reconstruction era. Except for 1928, when Catholic candidate Al Smith ran on the Democratic ticket, Democrats won heavily in the South in every presidential election from 1876 until 1964 (and even in 1928, the divided South provided most of Smith's electoral votes). The Democratic dominance originated in many Southerners' animosity towards the Republican Party's role in the Civil War and Reconstruction.[3]

1874–1928: Rise of agrarian populism

In 1896, William Jennings Bryan won the Democratic Party nomination by promoting silver over gold, and denouncing the banking system. He had a strong base in the South and Plains states, as well as silver mining centers in the Rocky Mountain states. He was weak in urban areas and immigrant communities which opposed prohibition.[4] He also won the Populist nomination. Conservative Democrats opposed him, especially in the Northeast where "Gold Democrats" were most active. "Gold Democrats" were supporters of Grover Cleveland, the hero of conservative Democrats. They formed the National Democratic Party (United States) and nominated John M. Palmer (politician), former governor of Illinois, for president and Simon Bolivar Buckner, former governor of Kentucky, for vice-president. They also nominated a few other candidates, including William Campbell Preston Breckinridge for Congress in Kentucky, but they won no elections.[5] Bryan and people he supported (especially Woodrow Wilson) usually dominated the party. However the conservatives did nominate their candidate in 1904, Alton B. Parker.[6]

1932–1948: Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal coalition

Main articles: New Deal coalition, Conservative coalition, and List of critics of the New Deal

The 1932 election brought about a major realignment in political party affiliation. Franklin D. Roosevelt forged a coalition of labor unions, liberals, Catholics, African Americans, and southern whites.[7][8] Roosevelt's program for alleviating the Great Depression, collectively known as the New Deal, emphasized only economic issues, and thus was compatible with the views of those who supported the New Deal programs but were otherwise conservative. This included the Southern Democrats, who were an important part of FDR's New Deal coalition.

Conservative Democrats came to oppose the New Deal, especially after 1936. They included Senator Harry F. Byrd and his powerful state organization in Virginia, Senator Rush Holt Sr., Senator Josiah Bailey, and Representative Samuel B. Pettengill. The American Liberty League was formed in 1934, to oppose the New Deal. It was made up of wealthy businessmen and conservative Democrats including former Congressman Jouett Shouse of Kansas, former Congressman from West Virginia and 1924 Democratic presidential candidate, John W. Davis, and former governor of New York and 1928 Democratic presidential candidate Al Smith. In 1936, former U.S. Assistant Secretary of War, Henry Skillman Breckinridge ran against Roosevelt for the Democratic nomination for president. John Nance Garner, of Texas, 32nd Vice President of the United States under Roosevelt, a conservative Southerner, broke with Roosevelt in 1937 and ran against him for the Democratic nomination for president in 1940, but lost. By 1938 conservative Democrats in Congress—chiefly from the South—formed a coalition with Republicans that largely blocked liberal domestic policy until the 1960s.[9][10]

However, most of the conservative Southern Democrats supported the foreign policy of Roosevelt and Truman.[11]

Roosevelt tried to purge the more conservative Democrats in numerous states in 1938. He especially tried to unseat those up for reelection who defeated his plan to pack the Supreme Court in 1937. He failed in nearly all cases, with a major success in defeating John J. O'Connor in Manhattan, a spokesman for big business.[12]

A different source of conservative Democratic dissent against the New Deal came from a group of journalists who considered themselves classical liberals and Democrats of the old school, and were opposed to big government programs on principle; these included Albert Jay Nock and John T. Flynn, whose views later became influential in the libertarian movement.[13]

1948–1968: Segregationist backlash

Further information: Dixiecrat, T. Coleman Andrews, Harry F. Byrd, George Wallace, and American Independent Party

The proclamation by President Harry S. Truman and Minneapolis Mayor Hubert Humphrey of support for a civil rights plank in the Democratic Party platform of 1948 led to a walkout of 35 delegates from Mississippi and Alabama. These southern delegations nominated their own States Rights Democratic Party, better known as the Dixiecrats, nominees with South Carolina Governor Strom Thurmond leading the ticket (Thurmond would later represent South Carolina in the U.S. Senate, and join the Republicans in 1964). The Dixiecrats held their convention in Birmingham, Alabama, where they nominated Thurmond for president and Fielding L. Wright, governor of Mississippi, for vice president. Dixiecrat leaders worked to have Thurmond-Wright declared the "official" Democratic Party ticket in Southern states.[14] They succeeded in Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, and South Carolina; in other states, they were forced to run as a third-party ticket. Preston Parks, elected as a presidential elector for Truman in Tennessee, instead voted for the Thurmond-Wright ticket. Leander Perez attempted to keep the States Rights Party alive in Louisiana after 1948.

Similar breakaway Southern Democratic candidates running on states' rights and segregationist platforms would continue in 1956 (T. Coleman Andrews), and 1960 (Harry F. Byrd). None would be as successful as the American Independent Party campaign of George Wallace, the Democratic governor of Alabama, in 1968. Wallace had briefly run in the Democratic primaries of 1964 against Lyndon Johnson, but dropped out of the race early. In 1968, he formed the new American Independent Party and received 13.5% of the popular vote, and 46 electoral votes, carrying several Southern states.[15] The AIP would run presidential candidates in several other elections, including Southern Democrats (Lester Maddox in 1976 and John Rarick in 1980), but none of them did nearly as well as Wallace.

1980–1999

See also: Boll weevil (politics)

After 1968, with desegregation a settled issue, conservative Democrats, mostly Southerners, managed to remain in the United States Congress throughout the 1970s and 1980s. These included Democratic House members as conservative as Larry McDonald, who was also a leader in the John Birch Society. During the administration of Ronald Reagan, the term "boll weevils" was applied to this bloc of conservative Democrats, who consistently voted in favor of tax cuts, increases in military spending, and deregulation favored by the Reagan administration but were opposed to cuts in social welfare spending.[16]

Boll weevils was sometimes used as a political epithet by Democratic Party leaders, implying that the boll weevils were unreliable on key votes or not team players. Most of the boll weevils either retired from office or (like Senators Phil Gramm and Richard Shelby) switched parties and joined the Republicans. Since 1988, the term boll weevils has fallen out of favor.

Some Democratic leaders during the 1980s did turn toward conservative views, albeit very different from the previous incarnations of southern Democrats. In 1988, Joe Lieberman defeated Republican U.S. Senate incumbent Lowell Weicker of Connecticut by running to the right of Weicker and receiving the endorsements of the Moral Majority and the National Rifle Association. Colorado governor Richard Lamm, and former Minnesota Senator and presidential candidate Eugene McCarthy both took up immigration reduction as an issue.[17] Lamm wrote a novel, 1988, about a third-party presidential candidate and former Democrat running as a progressive conservative, and Lamm himself would go on to unsuccessfully seek the nomination of the Reform Party in 1996. McCarthy began to give speeches in the late 1980s naming the Internal Revenue Service, the Federal Communications Commission, and the Federal Election Commission as the three biggest threats to liberty in the United States.

Arthur Schlesinger Jr., known during the 1950s and 1960s as a champion of "Vital Center" ideology and the policies of Harry S. Truman and John F. Kennedy, wrote a 1992 book, The Disuniting of America critical of multiculturalism.[18]

2001–present

During the 2006 midterm elections, the Democratic Party ran moderates and even a few conservative Democrats for at-risk Republican seats.[19] The Blue Dog Democrats gained nine seats during the elections.[20] The New Democrats had support from 27 of the 40 Democratic candidates running for at-risk Republican seats.[19]

In South Carolina in 2008, the Democratic candidate for United States Senator was Bob Conley, a traditional Catholic and a former activist for the presidential candidacy of Ron Paul.[citation needed] Conley failed in his bid to defeat Republican Lindsey Graham, receiving 42.4 percent of the vote.[21]

In his 2010 campaign for reelection, Walter Minnick, U.S. Representative for Idaho's 1st congressional district, was endorsed by Tea Party Express, an extremely rare occurrence for a Democrat.[22][23] Minnick was the only Democrat to receive a 100% rating from the Club for Growth, an organization that typically supports conservative Republicans.[24] Minnick lost to Raúl Labrador, a conservative Republican, in the general election.

The Washington Post noted the most influential U.S. House of Representatives voting bloc was the conservative Democrat Blue Dog Coalition, having over 50 members.[25]

Modern conservative Democrats include Zell Miller,[26] and Joe Lieberman.[27][28]

In the 2018 House of Representatives elections, the Democratic Party nominated moderate to conservative candidates in many contested districts and won a majority in the chamber. In the aftermath of the elections, the Blue Dog Coalition expanded to 27 members.[29]

Blue Dog Coalition

Main article: Blue Dog Coalition

The Blue Dog Coalition was formed in 1995[30][31][32] during the 104th Congress to give members from the Democratic Party representing conservative-leaning districts a unified voice after Democrats' loss of Congress in the 1994 Republican Revolution.[33] The coalition consists of centrist and conservative Democrats.[34]

The term "Blue Dog Democrat" is credited to Texas Democratic U.S. Representative Pete Geren (who later joined the Bush administration). Geren opined that the members had been "choked blue" by Democrats on the left.[35] It is related to the political term "Yellow Dog Democrat", a reference to Southern Democrats said to be so loyal they would even vote for a yellow dog before they would vote for any Republican. The term is also a reference to the "Blue Dog" paintings of Cajun artist George Rodrigue of Lafayette, Louisiana.[36][37]

The Blue Dog Coalition "advocates for fiscal responsibility, a strong national defense and bipartisan consensus rather than conflict with Republicans". It acts as a check on legislation that its members perceive to be too far to the right or the left on the political spectrum.[34] The Blue Dog Coalition is often involved in searching for a compromise between liberal and conservative positions. As of 2014, there was no mention of social issues in the official Blue Dog materials.[38]

Ideology and polls

In 2019, the Pew Research Center found that 14% of Democratic and Democratic-leaning registered voters identify as conservative or very conservative, 38% identify as moderate, and 47% identify as liberal or very liberal.[2]

According to a 2015 poll from the Pew Research Center, 54% of conservative and moderate Democrats supported same-sex marriage in 2015. This figure represented an increase of 22% from a decade earlier.[39]

Current officeholders

United States Senators

United States Representatives

Governors

County Level

Former officeholders

Presidents of the United States

Vice Presidents of the United States

United States Governors

United States Senators

Members of the U.S. House of Representatives

  • Dale Alford, Member of the United States House of Representatives from Arkansas 5th District (1959–1963), Member, Little Rock School Board (1955–1959)
  • William Barksdale, Member of the United States House of Representatives from Mississippi At Large District (1853–1955) and 3rd District (1855–1861). He was killed at the Battle of Gettysburg.
  • John Barrow, Member of the United States House of Representatives from Georgia's 12th congressional district (2005–2015).[111]
  • Iris Faircloth Blitch, Member of United States House of Representatives from Georgia's 8th District (1955–1963), Member, Georgia Senate (1947–1949) and (1953–1954), Member, Georgia House of Representatives (1947–1949), Georgia Democratic Party National Committee member (1948–1954). She was a signer of the 1956 Southern Manifesto. In 1964, she changed her party affiliation from Democrat to Republican and endorsed Barry M. Goldwater for president.
  • Dan Boren, Member of the United States House of Representatives from Oklahoma's 2nd district (2005–2013) and Member of the Oklahoma House of Representatives from the 28th district (2002–2004)[112]
  • Glen Browder, Member of the United States House of Representatives from Alabama's 3rd district (1989–1997), Secretary of State of Alabama (1987–1989) and Member of the Alabama House of Representatives (1983–1986)[113]
  • Bill Brewster, Member of the United States House of Representatives from Oklahoma's 3rd district (1991–1997), and Oklahoma House of Representatives (1983–1990)[113]
  • Scotty Baesler, Member of the United States House of Representatives from Kentucky's 6th district (1993–1999), Mayor of Lexington, Kentucky (1981–1993) and Judge of the Fayette County District Court (1979–1981)[113]
  • Martin Dies Jr., Member, United States House of Representatives, Texas 2nd District (1931–1945) and Texas At Large District (1953–1959), chairman, House Committee Investigating Un-American Activities (1936–1944). A conservative, he was a signer of the Southern Manifesto.
  • William Jennings Bryan Dorn, Member, United States House of Representatives, South Carolina 3rd District (1947–1949) and (1951–1974), chairman, United States Veterans Affairs Committee (1973–1974), Member, South Carolina State Senate from Greenwood County (1941–1942), Member, South Carolina House of Representatives, Greenwood county (1939–1940), He was a signer of the Southern Manifesto. In 1966, it was reported that the conservative Liberty Lobby had given him a "Statesman of the Republic" award for his conservative voting record.[citation needed]
  • Walter Flowers, Member, United States House of Representatives, Alabama 5th District (1969–1973), 7th District (1973–1979), a conservative Democrat, he was national chairman of George Wallace's campaign for president in 1972.[citation needed]
  • John Flynt, Member of the United States House of Representatives from Georgia 4th District (1954–1965) and 6th District (1965–1979), Member, Georgia House of Representatives (1947–1948). He was considered one of the most conservative Democrats in the House in his time.[citation needed]
  • Ezekiel C. Gathings, Member of the United States House of Representatives from the Fourth District of Arkansas (1939–1969), Chairman of the House Select Committee on Current Pornographic Materials in 1952, member, Arkansas Senate, 32nd District (1935–1939). He was a conservative segregationist.[citation needed]
  • Pete Geren, United States Secretary of the Army (2007–2009), United States Under Secretary of the Army (2006–2007), Acting United States Secretary of the Air Force (2005), Member of the United States House of Representatives from Texas's 12th district (1989–1997)[113]
  • Ralph Hall, Member of the United States House of Representatives from Texas 4th District (1981–2015), Chairman of House Science Committee (2011–2013), Member, Texas Senate, 9th District (1963–1973), county judge, Rockwell County, Texas (1950–1962). He described himself as a conservative Democrat, until 2004, when he switched to Republican.
  • Burr Harrison, Member of the United States House of Representatives from 7th District of Virginia (1946–1963), member Virginia State Senate, 25th District (1940–1943). He was a member of the conservative Byrd Organization who supported Massive Resistance to desegregation and was a signer of the Southern Manifesto against the Supreme Court decision requiring desegregation of public schools.
  • F. Edward Hebert, Member of the United States House of Representatives from the 1st District of Louisiana (1941–1977), chairman, Armed Services Committee (1971–1975). He was an opponent of desegregation and signed the Southern Manifesto. He served on the House Committee on Un-American Activities.
  • Andy Ireland, Member of the United States House of Representatives from Florida's 8th District (1977–1983) and 10th District (1983–1993). He was a Democrat until 1984, when he switched to Republican.
  • Laurence M. Keitt, Member of the United States House of Representatives from South Carolina 3rd District (1856–1860)
  • Dan Lipinski, Member of the United States House of Representatives from Illinois's 3rd district (2005–2021)[114]
  • Alexander Long, Member of the United States House of Representatives from Ohio's 2nd District (1863–1865), Member, Ohio House of Representatives from Hamilton County (1846–1850). Elected as a "free-soil" Democrat, he became a "copperhead" opponent of the Civil War, who supported states' rights and opposed emancipation and suffrage for African-Americans.
  • Speedy Long, Member of the United States House of Representatives from the 8th District of Louisiana (1965–1973), District Attorney for the 28th Judicial District of Louisiana (1973–1985), he was an outspoken segregationist.
  • Bill Orton, Member of the United States House of Representatives from Utah's 3rd district (1991–1997)[115]
  • John Otho Marsh Jr., Member of the United States House of Representatives from the 7th District of Virginia (1963–1971), Assistant Secretary of Defense for Legislative Affairs (1973–1979), Counselor to the President (1974–1977), 14th Secretary of the Navy (1981–1989). He was a Democrat until the 1980s and a Republican afterwards.
  • Ben McAdams, Member of the United States House of Representatives from Utah's 4th congressional district (2019–2021), Mayor of Salt Lake County (2013–2019), and Member of Utah Senate (2009–2012).[116]
  • Jim Matheson, Member of the United States House of Representatives from Utah's 2nd congressional district (2001–2013) and Member of the United States House of Representatives from Utah's 4th congressional district (2013–2015).[117]
  • Larry McDonald, Member, United States House of Representatives, Georgia, 7th District (1975–1983), second president of the John Birch Society beginning in 1983.
  • John J. O'Connor (1923–1938), from Manhattan. He was a spokesman for big business and Roosevelt campaigned successfully to deny him renomination in 1938.[118]
  • Otto Passman, Member, United States House of Representatives, Louisiana 5th District (1947–1977). He was known for his opposition to Foreign Aid spending.
  • Collin Peterson, Chair of the House Agriculture Committee (2007–2011; 2019–2021), Member of the United States House of Representatives from Minnesota's 7th district (1991–2021)[119]
  • Samuel B. Pettengill, Member, United States House of Representatives, Indiana Second District, (1933–1939), Indiana 13th District (1931–1933), Although he served in Congress as a Democrat, he later switched to Republican and was elected Chairman of the Republican National Finance Committee in 1942. He was the author of several conservative books.
  • Lewis F. Payne Jr., Member of the United States House of Representatives from Virginia's 5th district (1988–1997)[113]
  • Mike Ross, Member of the United States House of Representatives from Arkansas's 4th district (2001–2013)[113]
  • John E. Rankin, Member of the United States House of Representatives from Mississippi 1921–1953. A strong anti-communist, he was one of the founders of the House Un-American Activities Committee. Although he originally supported some New Deal legislation, he later supported the Conservative Coalition.
  • John Rarick, Member of the United States House of Representatives from Louisiana 6th District (1967–1975). Ran for president in 1980 on the American Independent Party ticket.
  • L. Mendel Rivers, Member, United States House of Representatives from South Carolina 1st District (1941–1970), member, South Carolina House of Representatives, Charleston County (1934–1936). He was an ardent segregationist, a supporter of law and order politics and a war hawk during the Vietnam Conflict.
  • Tommy F. Robinson, Member, United States House of Representatives from Arkansas 2nd District, (1985–1991), sheriff, Pulaski County, Arkansas (1981–1984). In Congress, he often clashed with Democratic leadership and was identified with the Boll Weevil faction of the Democratic party. In 1989, he switched his party affiliation from Democrat to Republican, saying the Democratic party had become too liberal.[citation needed]
  • Armistead I. Selden Jr., Member, United States House of Representative from Alabama's 6th District (1953–1963), At Large (1963–1965), and 5th District (1965–1969), Member, Alabama House of Representatives (1951–1952), United States Ambassador to Fiji, Tonga and Western Samoa (1974–1978), United States Ambassador to New Zealand (1974–1979), United States Ambassador to Samoa (1974–1979). He was originally a Democrat until 1979, when he switched to Republican.
  • Jouett Shouse, Member of the United States House of Representatives from 7th District of Kansas (1913–1919). He was known as a conservative who opposed the New Deal. He was president of the conservative American Liberty League from 1934 to 1940.
  • Howard W. Smith, Member of the United States House of Representatives from the 8th District of Virginia (1931–1967), Chairman of the House Rules Committee (1955–1967). He was a member of the Conservative Coalition.
  • Bob Stump, Member of the United States House of Representatives from the 3rd District of Arizona (1977–2003). He had a very conservative voting record. He was a Democrat from 1977 to 1983, and a Republican afterwards.
  • Martin L. Sweeney, Member of the United States House of Representatives from 20th District of Ohio (1931–1943). He was a judge of the Municipal Court of Cleveland, Ohio (1924–1932). He opposed a peacetime draft and was considered an isolationist.
  • James Traficant, Member of the United States House of Representatives from Ohio's 17th District (1985–2002), Sheriff of Mahoning County, Ohio (1981–1984). After the Republicans took control of Congress in 1995, he tended to vote with them more than the Democrats. He favored immigration restriction and voted anti-abortion. When he voted for a Republican for Speaker of the House, the Democrats stripped him of all committee assignments.
  • William David Upshaw, Member of the United States House of Representatives from Georgia's 5th District (1919–1927). A supporter of Prohibition, he was the presidential candidate of the Prohibition Party in 1932. He was a member of the Ku Klux Klan.
  • Joe Waggonner, Member of the United States House of Representatives from the 4th District of Louisiana (1961–1979), member, Louisiana State Board of Education (January 1961 – December 1961), member Bossier Parish School Board (1954–1960). He was a fiscal conservative "Boll weevil" who opposed many federal spending programs and Civil Rights legislation.
  • Francis E. Walter, Member of the United States House of Representatives, Pennsylvania 24th District (1933–1945), 20th District (1945–1953), and 15th District (1953–1963). He was chairman of the House Committee on Un-American Activities.

Cabinet members

Mayors

See also

References

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Further reading

  • Dunn, Susan. Roosevelt’s Purge: How FDR Fought to Change the Democratic Party (2012) in 1938 link
  • Finley, Keith M. Delaying the Dream: Southern Senators and the Fight Against Civil Rights, 1938–1965 (LSU Press, 2008). ISBN 0807133450
  • Franklin, Sekou (2014). "The elasticity of anti-civil rights discourse: Albert Gore Sr., Richard Russell, and constituent relations in the 1950s and 1960s". Social Identities. 20 (1): 90. doi:10.1080/13504630.2013.840574. S2CID 144032586.
  • Frederickson, Kari A. The Dixiecrat revolt and the end of the Solid South, 1932-1968 ( Univ of North Carolina Press, 2001).
  • Heineman, Kenneth J. "Catholics, Communists, and Conservatives: The Making of Cold War Democrats on the Pittsburgh Front." US Catholic Historian (2016): 25–54. online
  • Katznelson, Ira, and Quinn Mulroy. "Was the South pivotal? Situated partisanship and policy coalitions during the New Deal and Fair Deal." Journal of Politics 74.2 (2012): 604–620. online
  • Katznelson, Ira, Kim Geiger, and Daniel Kryder. ‘‘Limiting Liberalism: The Southern Veto in Congress, 1933–1950.’’ Political Science Quarterly 108 (1993): 283–306 online
  • Malsberger, John W. From Obstruction to Moderation: The Transformation of Senate Conservatism, 1938–1952. (Susquehanna U. Press 2000).
  • Manley, John F. "The conservative coalition in Congress." American Behavioral Scientist 17.2 (1973): 223–247.
  • Mead, Howard N. "Russell vs. Talmadge: Southern Politics and the New Deal." Georgia Historical Quarterly (1981) 65#1: 28–45.
  • Moore, John Robert. "The Conservative Coalition in the United States Senate, 1942–1945." Journal of Southern History (1967): 368–376. online
  • Patterson, James T. "A conservative coalition forms in Congress, 1933–1939." Journal of American History 52.4 (1966): 757–772. online
  • Rubin, Ruth Bloch. Building the bloc: Intraparty organization in the US Congress (Cambridge University Press, 2017).
  • Shelley II, Mack C. The Permanent Majority: The Conservative Coalition in the United States Congress (1983).
  • Ward, Jason Morgan. Defending White Democracy: The Making of a Segregationist Movement and the Remaking of Racial Politics, 1936–1965 (Univ of North Carolina Press, 2011).
  • Young, Cheryl D., John J. Hindera, and Gregory S. Thielemann. "The Conservative Coalition in a New Era: Regionalism and Ideology." Southeastern Political Review 24.1 (1996): 178–188.
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