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{{See also|Hinduism in Pakistan|2014 Larkana temple attack|2019 Ghotki riots|2020 Karak temple attack}}
{{See also|Hinduism in Pakistan|2014 Larkana temple attack|2019 Ghotki riots|2020 Karak temple attack}}


Hindus comprise around 1.6–2.9 percent of Pakistan’s overall population; over 90 percent of them live in the province of Sindh and are mostly lower castes situated at the margins of economy.<ref>{{Citation|last=Schaflechner|first=Jürgen|title=Hinduism in Pakistan|date=2019-05-29|url=http://oxfordbibliographiesonline.com/view/document/obo-9780195399318/obo-9780195399318-0220.xml|work=Hinduism|publisher=Oxford University Press|language=en|doi=10.1093/obo/9780195399318-0220|isbn=978-0-19-539931-8|access-date=2021-03-04}}</ref>
The Hindus are one of the persecuted minorities in Pakistan.<ref>{{Cite news|date=9 December 2014|title=Persecution of Pakistan's religious minorities intensifies, says report|work=Reuters|url=https://www.reuters.com/article/us-pakistan-minorities-rights-idUSKBN0JN1F020141209|access-date=19 December 2019}}</ref><ref>[https://www.uscirf.gov/sites/default/files/Tier1_PAKISTAN_2019.pdf Pakistan 2019 Annual Report], Tier 1 USCIRF Recommended Countries of Particular Concern, USCIRF, USA (2019)</ref><ref>{{cite news|last1=Abi-Habib|first1=Maria|last2=ur-Rehman|first2=Zia|date=4 August 2020|title=Poor and Desperate, Pakistani Hindus Accept Islam to Get By|work=The New York Times|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2020/08/04/world/asia/pakistan-hindu-conversion.html}}</ref><ref name="bbc2Mar2007">{{cite news|last=Sohail|first=Riaz|date=2 March 2007|title=Hindus feel the heat in Pakistan|work=BBC News|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/6367773.stm|access-date=22 May 2010|quote=But many Hindu families who stayed in Pakistan after partition have already lost faith and migrated to India.}}</ref> Vigilantism, mob-vandalism (and conversion) of temples, forced conversion, rape, enforced disappearances, pogroms, and convictions of blasphemy are common.<ref>{{Cite web|title=Texts adopted - Pakistan, in particular the attack in Lahore - Thursday, 14 April 2016|url=http://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/TA-8-2016-0128_EN.html|access-date=22 December 2019|website=www.europarl.europa.eu|language=en}}</ref><ref name="auto">{{cite web|last=Javaid|first=Maham|title=Forced conversions torment Pakistan's Hindus|url=https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2014/08/forced-conversions-torment-pakistan-hindus-201481795524630505.html|access-date=20 January 2019|website=www.aljazeera.com}}</ref><ref name="Ispahani2017p165">{{cite book|author=Farahnaz Ispahani|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=o36uDQAAQBAJ|title=Purifying the Land of the Pure: A History of Pakistan's Religious Minorities|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=2017|isbn=978-0-19-062165-0|pages=165–171}}</ref><ref name="LockwoodWomen">{{cite book|author=Bert B. Lockwood|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=EhMqAAAAYAAJ|title=Women's Rights: A Human Rights Quarterly Reader|publisher=Johns Hopkins University Press|year=2006|isbn=978-0-8018-8373-6|pages=227–235}}</ref><ref name="Rehman2000p158">{{cite book|author=Javaid Rehman|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=HHRMEoS7-YQC|title=The Weaknesses in the International Protection of Minority Rights|publisher=Martinus Nijhoff Publishers|year=2000|isbn=90-411-1350-9|pages=158–159}}</ref><ref name="tribune.com.pk">{{Cite news|last=Gishkori|first=Zahid|date=25 March 2014|title=95% of worship places put to commercial use: Survey|work=The Express Tribune|url=https://tribune.com.pk/story/686952/95-of-worship-places-put-to-commercial-use-survey/|access-date=13 October 2017}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|date=28 May 2006|title=Another temple is no more|newspaper=Dawn|url=http://www.dawn.com/2006/05/28/nat23.htm}}</ref> The situation has worsened with the rise of Taliban; emigration to India is common.<ref>[http://www.tehelka.com/story_main43.asp?filename=Ne171009goodbye_to.asp Goodbye To The Hindu Ghettos] Tehelka 17 October 2009 issue</ref><ref>{{Cite news|last=Rizvi|first=Uzair Hasan|date=10 September 2015|title=Hindu refugees from Pakistan encounter suspicion and indifference in India|work=Dawn|url=http://www.dawn.com/news/1206092}}</ref>

They are one of the persecuted minorities in Pakistan.<ref>{{Cite web|last=Human Rights Commission of Pakistan|date=30 April 2020|title=State of Human Rights in 2019|url=http://hrcp-web.org/hrcpweb/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/REPORT_State-of-Human-Rights-in-2019-20190503.pdf|url-status=live|location=Lahore, Pakistan}}</ref><ref>[https://www.uscirf.gov/sites/default/files/Tier1_PAKISTAN_2019.pdf Pakistan 2019 Annual Report], Tier 1 USCIRF Recommended Countries of Particular Concern, USCIRF, USA (2019)</ref><ref>{{cite news|last1=Abi-Habib|first1=Maria|last2=ur-Rehman|first2=Zia|date=4 August 2020|title=Poor and Desperate, Pakistani Hindus Accept Islam to Get By|work=The New York Times|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2020/08/04/world/asia/pakistan-hindu-conversion.html}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal|last=Rais|first=Rasul Bakhsh|date=2007-04-01|title=Identity Politics and Minorities in Pakistan|url=https://doi.org/10.1080/00856400701264050|journal=South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies|volume=30|issue=1|pages=111–125|doi=10.1080/00856400701264050|issn=0085-6401}}</ref> Vigilantism, mob-vandalism (and conversion) of temples, forced conversion, rape, enforced disappearances, pogroms, and convictions of blasphemy are common.<ref name="auto">{{cite web|last=Javaid|first=Maham|title=Forced conversions torment Pakistan's Hindus|url=https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2014/08/forced-conversions-torment-pakistan-hindus-201481795524630505.html|access-date=20 January 2019|website=www.aljazeera.com}}</ref><ref name="Ispahani2017p165">{{cite book|author=Farahnaz Ispahani|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=o36uDQAAQBAJ|title=Purifying the Land of the Pure: A History of Pakistan's Religious Minorities|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=2017|isbn=978-0-19-062165-0|pages=165–171}}</ref><ref name="LockwoodWomen">{{cite book|author=Bert B. Lockwood|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=EhMqAAAAYAAJ|title=Women's Rights: A Human Rights Quarterly Reader|publisher=Johns Hopkins University Press|year=2006|isbn=978-0-8018-8373-6|pages=227–235}}</ref><ref name="Rehman2000p158">{{cite book|author=Javaid Rehman|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=HHRMEoS7-YQC|title=The Weaknesses in the International Protection of Minority Rights|publisher=Martinus Nijhoff Publishers|year=2000|isbn=90-411-1350-9|pages=158–159}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|date=28 May 2006|title=Another temple is no more|newspaper=Dawn|url=http://www.dawn.com/2006/05/28/nat23.htm}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|last=Schaflechner|first=Jürgen|title='Forced conversions' of Hindu women to Islam in Pakistan: another perspective|url=http://theconversation.com/forced-conversions-of-hindu-women-to-islam-in-pakistan-another-perspective-102726|access-date=2021-03-04|website=The Conversation|language=en}}</ref> Government textbooks are heavily biased against Hinduism.<ref>{{Cite web|last=Schaflechner|first=Jürgen|title=Why does Pakistan's horror pulp fiction stereotype 'the Hindu'?|url=http://theconversation.com/why-does-pakistans-horror-pulp-fiction-stereotype-the-hindu-73885|access-date=2021-03-04|website=The Conversation|language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book|last=Raja|first=Masood Ashraf|url=https://books.google.co.in/books/about/Constructing_Pakistan.html?id=b-g6PgAACAAJ|title=Constructing Pakistan: Foundational Texts and the Rise of Muslim National Identity, 1857-1947|date=2010|publisher=Oxford University Press|isbn=978-0-19-547811-2|language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal|last=Saigol|first=Rubina|date=2005-11-01|title=Enemies within and enemies without: The besieged self in Pakistani textbooks|url=https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0016328705000194|journal=Futures|series=Futures beyond nationalism|language=en|volume=37|issue=9|pages=1005–1035|doi=10.1016/j.futures.2005.01.014|issn=0016-3287}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book|url=https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/images-school-textbooks-islamic-reading-material-pakistan-lyn-yates-madeleine-grumet/e/10.4324/9780203830499-24|title=Images of the ‘Other’ in school textbooks and Islamic reading Material in Pakistan|date=2011-02-01|publisher=Routledge|isbn=978-0-203-83049-9|language=en|doi=10.4324/9780203830499-24}}</ref> The situation had worsened with the rise of Taliban; emigration to India is common.<ref>{{Cite news|last=Rizvi|first=Uzair Hasan|date=10 September 2015|title=Hindu refugees from Pakistan encounter suspicion and indifference in India|work=Dawn|url=http://www.dawn.com/news/1206092}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal|last=Raheja|first=Natasha|date=2018-09-01|title=Neither Here nor There: Pakistani Hindu Refugee Claims at the Interface of the International and South Asian Refugee Regimes|url=https://academic.oup.com/jrs/article/31/3/334/4922733|journal=Journal of Refugee Studies|language=en|volume=31|issue=3|pages=334–352|doi=10.1093/jrs/fey013|issn=0951-6328}}</ref>


===1971 Bangladesh genocide===
===1971 Bangladesh genocide===

Revision as of 13:45, 4 March 2021

The term Hindu has gradually evolved in usage from being a geographical identifier for all people living in the Indian subcontinent to a cultural marker to a religious identifier.

In the particular case of the Indian subcontinent, historians reject that ancient and medieval conflicts were primarily rooted in the religious stratum; rather, they were the outcome of a multitude of social, political, and economic factors and, the popular demonizing of Muslim rulers as fanatic despots are largely due to colonial methods of history production, which aimed to rationalize their expansionism using selective translation and non-contextual interpretation of primary sources in vernacular.[1][2][3][4][5][6][7][8][9] This (rejected) view has been since perpetuated by right-wing Hindu Nationalists to justify the inculcation of anti-Muslim sentiments in post-colonial politics of India.[6][3]

With the gradual weakening of the Mughal empire, religious consciousness heightened among the masses leading to the fomentation of riots with distinctly religio-communal traits, and under the British Raj, they were common-place; some acquired enough lopsidedness to be classifiable as persecution.[10][11] In post-colonial South Asia, which was partitioned along religious lines, Hindus have been subject to systematic persecution in Pakistan and Bangladesh. In India, inter-religious persecution of Hindus have been negligible (excepting exodus of Kashmiri Pandits) despite contrarian claims by Hindu Nationalists.

Definitions and scope

In the post-secular world of the 21st Century, religious persecution is broadly understood as "violence or discrimination against members of a religious minority because of their religious affiliation".[12] However, projecting this definition onto the pre-modern spans is fraught with ample difficulties including charting out the perimeters of violence, and tackling the absence of a rigidly religious sphere.[13] Theorizing in the domain is underdeveloped and heavily contested; however, a consensus exists that religion and violence (persecution) were linked with political, social and economic factors in a complex manner and that, all narratives of religious persecution must be situated contextually with considerable nuance.[13][14]

Aspects about the evolution of Hindu are heavily contested as well; a rough consensus exists that its usage in the religious sense was first practiced by Persian scholars during the late-medieval spans to categorize all non-Muslims and then, heavily accentuated by colonial instruments.[15][14] Whether and to what extent Buddhists, Jains and Sikhs were identified (and self-identified) with Hindus are disputed.

South Asia

Medieval span

Among the most popular arguments used to lend credence to the existence of religious persecution during the medieval spans, are the numerous instances of destruction of temples (and other iconoclastic activities) by Muslim rulers.[3] Historians reject that these actions were driven by religious bigotry; rather, they were (primarily) politically strategic acts of destruction in that temples were sites associated with sovereignty, royal power, money, and authority.[3][16][17][18][19][20] That these rulers commissioned the construction of many temples are also pointed out.[21]

Colonial spans

Goa Inquisition

St. Francis Xavier who requested the Inquisition in 1545

During the Portuguese rule of Goa, thousands of Hindus were coerced into accepting Christianity by a series of discriminatory legislation.[22] The Goa Inquisition (an extension of the Portuguese Inquisition) was soon established in 1560 to punish those who had converted to Catholicism but were suspected by Jesuit clergy of practising their previous religion in secret. Predominantly, those targeted were accused of Crypto-Hinduism.[23][24]

Mappila Riots (1836-1921)

Mappila Riots or Mappila Outbreaks refers to a series of riots by the Mappila (Moplah) Muslims of Malabar, South India in the 19th century and the early 20th century (c.1836–1921) against native Hindus and the state. The Malabar Rebellion of 1921 is often considered as the culmination of Mappila riots.[25] Mappilas committed several atrocities against the Hindus during the outbreak.[26][27] Annie Besant reported that Muslim Mappilas forcibly converted many Hindus and killed or drove away all Hindus who would not apostatise, totalling the driven people to one lakh (100,000).[28]

Partition of India

Hindus, like Muslims, Sikhs and members of other religious groups, experienced severe dislocation and persecution during the many riots, pogroms and massacres that accompanied massive population exchanges associated with the partition of India, at the hand of the 'other'.[29]

Examples of persecution include the Mirpur Massacre and Rajouri Massacre of Hindus and Sikhs, at the hands of armed Pakistani tribesmen and Pakistani soldiers. The Noakhali Riots were (perhaps) the most destructive one.[30][31][32][33]

India

There have been a number of attacks on Hindu temples (and Hindus) by Islamic terrorist outfits. Prominent among them are the 1998 Chamba massacre, the 2002 Raghunath temple attacks, and the 2002 Akshardham Temple attack as well the 2006 Varanasi bombings (both perpetrated by Lashkar-e-Taiba).[34]

The Godhra train arson that killed 59 Hindu pilgrims, were deemed by to be a communal conspiracy by a Muslim mob[35][36]; however this is debated.[37] Similar circumstances govern the Marad massacre.[38][39]

Violence directed at Hindus, arising out of ethnic tensions, are common in North East India.[40][41][42]

Kashmir

A series of anti-Hindu attacks took place on the aftermath of the Muslim-dominated separatist insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir (1989), eventually forcing Kashmiri Hindu Pandits out of the Kashmir Valley.[43][44][45] As of 2016, only 2,000–3,000 Kashmiri Hindus remain in the Kashmir Valley compared to approximately 300,000–600,000 in 1990.[46][47][48][49][50][51]

Bangladesh

According to the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom, Hindus are among those persecuted in Bangladesh, with hundreds of cases of "killings, attempted killings, death threats, assaults, rapes, kidnappings, and attacks on homes, businesses, and places of worship" on religious minorities in 2017.[52]

There have been several instances where Hindu refugees from Bangladesh have stated that they were the victims of torture and intimidation.[53][54][55] A US-based human rights organisation, Refugees International, has claimed that religious minorities, especially Hindus, still face discrimination in Bangladesh.[56]

One of the major political parties in Bangladesh, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, openly calls for 'Talibanisation' of the state.[57][58][59] However, the prospect of actually "Talibanizing" the state is regarded as a remote possibility, since Bangladeshi Islamic society is generally more progressive than the extremist Taliban of Afghanistan. Political scholars conclude that while the Islamization of Bangladesh will not happen, the country is not on the brink of being Talibanized.[57] The 'Vested Property Act' previously named the 'Enemy Property Act' has seen up to 40% of Hindu land snatched away forcibly. Hindu temples in Bangladesh have also been vandalised.[60]

Bangladeshi feminist Taslima Nasrin's 1993 novel Lajja deals with the anti-Hindu riots and anti-secular sentiment in Bangladesh in the wake of the Demolition of the Babri Masjid in India. The book was banned in Bangladesh, and helped draw international attention to the situation of the Bangladeshi Hindu minority.

In October 2006, the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom published a report titled 'Policy Focus on Bangladesh', which said that since its last election, 'Bangladesh has experienced growing violence by religious extremists, intensifying concerns expressed by the countries religious minorities'. The report further stated that Hindus are particularly vulnerable in a period of rising violence and extremism, whether motivated by religious, political or criminal factors, or some combination. The report noted that Hindus had multiple disadvantages against them in Bangladesh, such as perceptions of dual loyalty with respect to India and religious beliefs that are not tolerated by the politically dominant Islamic Fundamentalists of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party. Violence against Hindus has taken place "in order to encourage them to flee in order to seize their property".[61] On 2 November 2006, USCIRF criticised Bangladesh for its continuing persecution of minority Hindus. It also urged the Bush administration to get Dhaka to ensure protection of religious freedom and minority rights before Bangladesh's next national elections in January 2007.[61]

On 6 February 2010, Sonargaon temple in Narayanganj district of Bangladesh was destroyed by Islamic fanatics. Five people were seriously injured during the attack.[62] Temples were also attacked and destroyed in 2011.[63]

In 2013, the International Crimes Tribunal indicted several Jamaat members for war crimes against Hindus during the 1971 Bangladesh atrocities. In retaliation, violence against Hindu minorities in Bangladesh was instigated by the Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami. The violence included the looting of Hindu properties and businesses, the burning of Hindu homes, rape of Hindu women and desecration and destruction of Hindu temples.[64]

On 28 February 2013, the International Crimes Tribunal sentenced Delwar Hossain Sayeedi, the Vice President of the Jamaat-e-Islami to death for the war crimes committed during the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War. Following the sentence, activists of Jamaat-e-Islami and its student wing Islami Chhatra Shibir attacked the Hindus in different parts of the country. Hindu properties were looted, Hindu houses were burnt into ashes and Hindu temples were desecrated and set on fire.[65] [66] While the government has held the Jamaat-e-Islami responsible for the attacks on the minorities, the Jamaat-e-Islami leadership has denied any involvement. The minority leaders have protested the attacks and appealed for justice. The Supreme Court of Bangladesh has directed the law enforcement to start suo motu investigation into the attacks. US Ambassador to Bangladesh express concern about attack of Jamaat on Bengali Hindu community.[67][68] The violence included the looting of Hindu properties and businesses, the burning of Hindu homes, rape of Hindu women and desecration and destruction of Hindu temples.[64] According to community leaders, more than 50 Hindu temples and 1,500 Hindu homes were destroyed in 20 districts.[69]

According to the BJHM report in 2017 alone, at least 107 people of the Hindu community were killed and 31 fell victims to enforced disappearance 782 Hindus were either forced to leave the country or threatened to leave. Besides, 23 were forced to get converted into other religions. At least 25 Hindu women and children were raped, while 235 temples and statues vandalized during the year. The total number of atrocities happened with the Hindu community in 2017 is 6474.[70] During the 2019 Bangladesh elections, eight houses belonging to Hindu families on fire in Thakurgaon alone.[71]

In April 2019, two idols of Hindu goddesses, Lakshmi and Saraswati, have been vandalized by unidentified miscreants at a newly constructed temple in Kazipara of Brahmanbaria.[72] In the same month, several idols of Hindu gods in two temples in Madaripur Sadar upazila which were under construction were desecrated by miscreants.[73]

Pakistan

Hindus comprise around 1.6–2.9 percent of Pakistan’s overall population; over 90 percent of them live in the province of Sindh and are mostly lower castes situated at the margins of economy.[74]

They are one of the persecuted minorities in Pakistan.[75][76][77][78] Vigilantism, mob-vandalism (and conversion) of temples, forced conversion, rape, enforced disappearances, pogroms, and convictions of blasphemy are common.[79][80][81][82][83][84] Government textbooks are heavily biased against Hinduism.[85][86][87][88] The situation had worsened with the rise of Taliban; emigration to India is common.[89][90]

1971 Bangladesh genocide

A genocide was effected by the Pakistani Army (along with help from local Razakars) upon the Bangladeshi populace during the 1971 Liberation War; Bangladeshi Hindus were subject to the most severe purge and went on to form a bulk of the refugees.[91][92]

R.J. Rummel, professor of political science at the University of Hawaii and a noted scholar on the '71 war, notes:

...The genocide and gendercidal atrocities were also perpetrated by lower-ranking officers and ordinary soldiers. These "willing executioners" were fueled by an abiding anti-Bengali racism, especially against the Hindu minority. "Bengalis were often compared with monkeys and chickens. Said General Niazi, 'It was a low lying land of low lying people.' The Hindus among the Bengalis were as Jews to the Nazis: scum and vermin that [should] best be exterminated. As to the Moslem Bengalis, they were to live only on the sufferance of the soldiers: any infraction, any suspicion cast on them, any need for reprisal, could mean their death. And the soldiers were free to kill at will...[93]

Other nations

Malaysia

Approximately 6.3% of the Malaysians are Hindus (2010).[94] Several century-old Hindu temples have been demolished by the state, accompanied by state-backed violence; activists point towards an apparent Islamisation of state.[95][96][97][98][99] Laws governing religious conversion are in favor of Islam.[100] Fatwas against Yoga had been issued for being un-Islamic.[101][102]

Myanmar

Hindu villagers gather to identify the corpses of family members who were killed in the Kha Maung Seik massacre.

On 25 August 2017, the villages in a cluster known as Kha Maung Seik in northern Maungdaw District of Rakhine State in Myanmar were attacked by Rohingya Muslims of Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA).This was called Kha Maung Seik massacre. Amnesty International said that about 99 Hindus were killed in that day.[103][104] Due to these, many Rohingya Hindus have started identifying themselves as Chittagonian Hindus rather than Rohingyas.[105] In Myanmar and in Bangladeshi refugee camps—according to some media accounts—Hindu Rohingyas (particularly women) faced kidnapping, religious abuse and "forced conversions" at the hands of Muslim Rohingyas.[106]

Afghanistan

According to Ashish Bose – a Population Research scholar, after the 1980s, Hindus (and Sikhs) became a subject of "intense hate" with the rise of religious fundamentalism in Afghanistan.[107] Their "targeted persecution" triggered an exodus and forced them to seek asylum.[108][107] Many of the persecuted Hindus started arriving in and after 1992 as refugees in India.[107][108] While these refugees were mostly Sikhs and Hindus, some were Muslims.[107] However, India has historically lacked any refugee law or uniform policy for persecuted refugees, state Ashish Bose and Hafizullah Emadi.[107][109]

Under the Taliban regime, Sumptuary laws were passed in 2001 which forced Hindus to wear yellow badges in public in order to identify themselves as such. This was similar to Adolf Hitler's treatment of Jews in Nazi Germany during World War II[110] Hindu women were forced to dress according to Islamic hijab, ostensibly a measure to "protect" them from harassment. This was part of the Taliban's plan to segregate "un-Islamic" and "idolatrous" communities from Islamic ones.[111] In addition, Hindus were forced to wear yellow distinguishing marks, however, after some protests Taliban abandoned this policy.[112]

The decree was condemned by the Indian and United States governments as a violation of religious freedom.[113] Widespread protests against the Taliban regime broke out in Bhopal, India. In the United States, the chairman of the Anti-Defamation League Abraham Foxman compared the decree to the practices of Nazi Germany, where Jews were required to wear labels which identified them as such.[114] The comparison was also drawn by California Democrat and holocaust survivor Tom Lantos, and New York Democrat and author of the bipartisan 'Sense of the Congress' non-binding resolution against the anti-Hindu decree Eliot L Engel.[110]

Since the 1990s many Afghan Hindus have fled the country, seeking asylum in countries such as Germany.[115]

Kazakhstan

The Hare Krishna community, a new religious movement deriving from Hinduism, had faced extensive harassment from Kazakh authorities including stoppage of commune services and demolition of homes during 2005-06.[116][117]

Arab States

On 24 March 2005, Saudi authorities destroyed religious items found in a raid on a makeshift Hindu shrine found in an apartment in Riyadh.[118][119]

United States of America

Hindus constitute 0.7% of the total population of the United States[120] and enjoy both de jure and de facto legal equality.

However, a series of threats and attacks were committed against people of Indian origin by a street gang called the "Dotbusters" (New Jersey, 1987) The name originated from the bindi traditionally worn on the forehead by Indian women.[121] Although tougher anti-hate crime laws were passed by the New Jersey legislature in 1990, the attacks continued, with 58 cases of hate crimes against Indians in New Jersey reported in 1991.[122]

In late January 2019, an attack on the Swaminarayan Temple in Louisville, Kentucky resulted in damage and Hinduphobic graffiti on the temple. A cleanup effort was later organised by the mayor to spread awareness of Hinduism and other hate crimes. An arrest of a 17 year old was made for the hate crime days later.[123][124][125]

Trinidad and Tobago

During the initial decades of Indian indenture, Indian cultural forms were met with either contempt or indifference by the Christian majority.[126] Hindus have made many contributions to Trinidad's history and culture even though the state historically regarded Hindus as second class citizens. Hindus in Trinidad struggled over the granting of adult franchise, the Hindu marriage bill, the divorce bill, the cremation ordinance, and other discriminatory laws.[126] After Trinidad's independence from colonial rule, Hindus were marginalised by the African-based People's National Movement. The opposing party, the People's Democratic party, was portrayed as a "Hindu group", and Hindus were castigated as a "recalcitrant and hostile minority".[126] The displacement of PNM from power in 1985 would improve the situation.

Intensified protests over the course of the 1980s led to an improvement in the state's attitudes towards Hindus.[126] The divergence of some of the fundamental aspects of local Hindu culture, the segregation of the Hindu community from Trinidad, and the disinclination to risk erasing the more fundamental aspects of what had been constructed as "Trinidad Hinduism" in which the identity of the group had been rooted, would often generate dissension when certain dimensions of Hindu culture came into contact with the State. While the incongruences continue to generate debate, and often conflict, it is now tempered with growing awareness and consideration on the part of the state to the Hindu minority.[126] Hindus have been also been subjected to persistent proselytisation by Christian missionaries.[127] Specifically the evangelical and Pentecostal Christians. Such activities reflect racial tensions that at times arise between the Christianized Afro-Trinidadian and Hindu Indo-Trinidadian communities.[127]

Fiji Islands

The burnt out remains of Govinda's Restaurant in Suva: over 100 shops and businesses were ransacked in Suva's central business district on 19 May

Hindus in Fiji constitute approximately 38% of the country's population. During the late 1990s there were several riots against Hindus by radical elements in Fiji. In the Spring of 2000, the democratically elected Fijian government led by Prime Minister Mahendra Chaudhry was held hostage by a guerilla group, headed by George Speight. They were demanding a segregated state exclusively for the native Fijians, thereby legally abolishing any rights the Hindu inhabitants have now. The majority of Fijian land is reserved for the ethnically Fijian community.[128] Since the practitioners of Hindu faith are predominantly Indians, racist attacks by the extremist Fijian Nationalists too often culminated into violence against the institutions of Hinduism. According to official reports, attacks on Hindu institutions increased by 14% compared to 2004. Hindus and Hinduism, being labelled the "outside others," especially in the aftermath of the May 2000 coup, have been victimised by Fijian fundamentalist and nationalists who wish to create a theocratic Christian state in Fiji. This intolerance towards Hindus has found expression in anti-Hindu speeches and destruction of temples, the two most common forms of immediate and direct violence against Hindus. Between 2001 and April 2005, one hundred cases of temple attacks have been registered with the police. The alarming increase of temple destruction has spread fear and intimidation among the Hindu minorities and has hastened immigration to neighbouring Australia and New Zealand. Organised religious institutions, such as the Methodist Church of Fiji, have repeatedly called for the creation of a theocratic Christian State and have propagated anti-Hindu sentiment.[129]

See also

References

  1. ^ Satia, Priya (10 December 2020). Time’s Monster. Harvard University Press. doi:10.4159/9780674250574/html. ISBN 978-0-674-25057-4.
  2. ^ Asif, Manan Ahmed (2020). The Loss of Hindustan: The Invention of India. Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-98790-6. ..He (Henry Miers Elliot) epitomized the general colonial understanding of Muslims as invaders in India ... It was Elliot who "corrected" the figure of the twelve raids of Mahmud to the now-mythical "seventeen raids of Mahmud Ghaznavi on India." Elliot also framed Mahmud as driven by avarice and characterized Mahmud's Hindu adversaries as naturally weak and docile ... Elliot's seventeen raids that Mahmud waged on India would become totemic—W. W. Hunter reproduced it in A Brief History of the Indian Peoples (1880), and Vincent Smith added the number to his The Oxford History of India. By 1920, everyone taking the Indian Civil Services Exam would reflect on the seventeen raids of Mahmud: Ashoka was the perfect Indian King; Mahmud, the perfect Muslim invader ...The paradigmatic five thousand years of the colonial episteme was premised on a Golden Age of India that had its zenith in the age of Ashoka and that declined as a result of Muslim invaders, epitomized by Mahmud Ghazni. This India was to be differentiated from the Hindustan of the colonial present on the basis of customary practices that made the people of India remain in a state of so-called primitivity, produced through subjugation by Muslims ... Reframing the second millennium as Hindustani—rather than "Muslim"—allows us to step away from the historiographic blockades to investigating the past...
  3. ^ a b c d Eaton, Richard M. "Temple desecration in pre-modern India" (PDF). Frontline. The ideologues of the Hindu Right have, through a manipulation of pre-modern history and a tendentious use of source material and historical data, built up a dangerously plausible picture of fanaticism, vandalism and villainy on the part of the Indo-Muslim conquerors and rulers. Part of the ideological and political argument of the Hindu Right is the assertion that for about five centuries from the thirteenth, Indo-Muslim states were driven by a 'theology of iconoclasm' - not to mention fanaticism, lust for plunder, and uncompromising hatred of Hindu religion and places of worship.{{cite news}}: CS1 maint: url-status (link)
  4. ^ Tandon, Shivangini (1 December 2014). "Imperial Control and the Translation Project: Appropriation of Medieval Sources in British Writings on India". Indian Historical Review. 41 (2): 223–233. doi:10.1177/0376983614544828. ISSN 0376-9836. ...The imperial historians or administrators treated the project of history writing as a device of imperial control.heir attempt was to classify or label people into neat categories differentiated on the basis of class, caste and religious affiliations which were essential to impose order and discipline on the subject population. All this required a construction of the past of the ruled, steeped in historical evidence within a positivist empiricist frame of reference. This kind of historical reconstruction was undertaken with the objective of legitimating the imperial control and proclaiming its racial superiority as well as lending history an element of objectivity....One of the significant themes that were often emphasised through translation by the British colonial writers was the divisive and conflictual nature of the Indian society. Furthermore, these conflicts were seen as emanating from religious differences, under the assumption that the Indians were spiritual in nature. Since the conflicts among Indians emerged from religious difference, the British imperial state was not only the only source of order and stability, but also situated over and above the societal differences...
  5. ^ Watt, Katherine (2002). "Thomas Walker Arnold and the Re-Evaluation of Islam, 1864-1930". Modern Asian Studies. 36 (1): 1–98. ISSN 0026-749X.
  6. ^ a b Roy, Asim (1 April 2010). "'Living Together in Difference': Religious Conflict and Tolerance in Pre-Colonial India as History and Discourse". South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies. 33 (1): 33–60. doi:10.1080/00856401003592461. ISSN 0085-6401. Curiously enough, the real thrust for such an 'historical' intervention, to scour the field of medieval India or the so-called 'Muslim period' or 'Muslim rule' in search of the beginning and roots of religious-ethnic conflict, seems to have been motivated less by scholarly instinct than political considerations. The process appears driven by a diabolic objective of the militant Hindutva-vadis seeking 'historical' evidence and justification for undermining the Muslim minority in 'contemporary' India....The intrusion of such malevolent political designs into the arena of professional historical research has proved immeasurably harmful for the Indian minorities and the country as a whole....Leaving aside the appalling logic, legality, and morality of such justification, the historicity of such 'medieval wrongs' is questionable....This mode of presentation of 'Muslim rule' in colonial history, totally appropriated by the Hindutva-vadis, is riddled with problems, some deriving from the tendentious motivations of the writers, often from a grossly-selective and lopsided use of the translated Persian material. Indeed, the choice of material for translation was in the first place rather dictated by the political reasons mentioned above. Highly prejudiced, this literature is also quite fragmentary, often offering just snippets of information.The sweeping characterisation of Muslim rulers as demonic blood-thirsty tyrants, mindless fanatics, and so on, sourced from the Elliot and Dowson volumes and in some cases from epigraphic evidence, sits uneasily with the picture described above. It will be recalled that, in a number of the cases highlighted, Muslim rulers and some officials clearly behaved with justice and an eye to fair play. Many comprehensive research studies on individual Muslim rulers and dynasties offer similar perspectives....
  7. ^ Ramachandran, Nandini. "Histories that challenge the reductionist popular understanding of Islam in India". The Caravan. Retrieved 9 December 2020. ...As many scholars have demonstrated, British historiography about the subcontinent began with the assumption that the past could be neatly divided along religious lines, and colonial authorities justified their own civilising mission by painting their immediate predecessors - the "Muslims" - as an undifferentiated mass of indolent oriental despots...{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: url-status (link)
  8. ^ Gottschalk, Peter (2006). "A categorical difference: Communal identity in British epistemologies". Religion and Violence in South Asia: Theory and Practice. Routledge. ISBN 9780203088692. ...Happily, a rising surge of scholarship has challenged this image and worked to demonstrate not only the many places of shared culture, practice and belief but also the fallacy of relying so heavily on a singularly religious definition of South Asian societies ... Significantly, these works neither deny the roles of religion in cultures nor essentialize all aspects of these cultures as religious. As importantly, many of these scholars recognize the multiple identities at work....Medieval European competition with Mediterranean Muslims still informed the popular Christian image of Muslims as fanatically violent and intolerant ... Even the Mughal emperor Aurangzeb, the poster child of Muslim chauvinism with his re-application of the jizya tax on Hindus and supposed mass destruction of temples, has been found to have continued a tradition of patronizing various temples even as he engaged in another Indic tradition of demolishing those associated with the political legitimation of his vanquished foes...This is not to say that middle-period Muslims may not have understood themselves as different from those they described as Hindus, as the occasional application of the jizya demonstrates. However, there appears little evidence of a pervasive and persistent self-exclusion from all interrelations, let alone the notion of imminent and inevitable conflict between two mutually antagonistic 'communities', found among many Muslims and Hindus today.
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