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James A. Garfield

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For James A. Garfield's son, also a politician, see James Rudolph Garfield.
James A. Garfield
Garfield wears a double breasted suit and has a full beard and receding hairline
Brady-Handy photograph of Garfield, taken between 1870 and 1880
20th President of the United States
In office
March 4, 1881 – September 19, 1881
Vice President Chester A. Arthur
Preceded by Rutherford B. Hayes
Succeeded by Chester A. Arthur
Member of the U.S. House of Representatives
from Ohio's 19th district
In office
March 4, 1863 – November 8, 1880
Preceded by Albert G. Riddle
Succeeded by Ezra B. Taylor
Personal details
Born James Abram Garfield
(1831-11-19)November 19, 1831
Moreland Hills, Ohio, U.S.
Died September 19, 1881(1881-09-19) (aged 49)
Elberon, New Jersey, U.S.
Resting place Garfield Memorial, Lake View Cemetery
Cleveland, Ohio, U.S.
Political party Republican
Spouse(s) Lucretia Rudolph
(1858–1881; his death)
Children Eliza Garfield
Harry Augustus Garfield
James Rudolph Garfield
Mary "Mollie" Garfield
Irvin McDowell Garfield
Abram Garfield
Edward "Ned" Garfield
Alma mater Hiram College
Williams College
Profession Lawyer
Lay preacher
Religion Churches of Christ[a]
Signature Cursive signature in ink
Military service
Allegiance  United States of America
Service/branch Seal of the United States Board of War.png United States Army
Years of service 1861–1863
Rank Union army maj gen rank insignia.jpg Major general
Commands 42nd Ohio Volunteer Infantry
20th Brigade, 6th Division, Army of the Ohio
Battles/wars American Civil War

James Abram Garfield (November 19, 1831 – September 19, 1881) served as the 20th President of the United States (1881), after serving nine terms in the U.S. House of Representatives (1863–1880). Garfield's presidency lasted just 200 days—from March 4, 1881, until his death on September 19, 1881, as a result of being shot by assassin Charles J. Guiteau on July 2, 1881. Only William Henry Harrison's presidency, of 31 days, was shorter. Garfield was the second of four United States Presidents who were assassinated.

Garfield was raised in humble circumstances on an Ohio farm by his widowed mother and elder brother. He worked at many jobs to finance his higher education at Williams College in Williamstown, Massachusetts, from which he graduated in 1856. A year later, Garfield entered politics as a Republican, after campaigning for the party's anti-slavery platform in Ohio. He married Lucretia Rudolph in 1858 and, in 1860, was admitted to practice law while serving as an Ohio State Senator (1859–1861). Garfield opposed Confederate secession, served as a major general in the Union Army during the American Civil War, and fought in the battles of Middle Creek, Shiloh, and Chickamauga. He was first elected to Congress in 1862 as Representative of the 19th District of Ohio. Throughout Garfield's extended Congressional service after the Civil War, he fervently opposed the Greenback, and gained a reputation as a skilled orator. He was Chairman of the Military Affairs Committee and the Appropriations Committee and a member of the Ways and Means Committee. Garfield initially agreed with Radical Republican views regarding Reconstruction, then favored a moderate approach for civil rights enforcement for Freedmen.

In 1880, the Ohio legislature elected him to the U.S. Senate; in that same year, the leading Republican presidential contenders – Ulysses S. Grant, James G. Blaine and John Sherman – failed to garner the requisite support at their convention. Garfield became the party's compromise nominee for the 1880 Presidential Election and successfully campaigned to defeat Democrat Winfield Hancock in the election. He is the only sitting congressman to have been elected to the presidency.

Garfield's accomplishments as president included a brief resurgence of presidential authority above senatorial courtesy in executive appointments; energizing American naval power; and purging corruption in the Post Office. Garfield made notable diplomatic and judiciary appointments, including a U.S. Supreme Court justice. He appointed several African-Americans to prominent federal positions. As President, Garfield advocated a bi-metal monetary system, agricultural technology, an educated electorate, and civil rights for African-Americans. He proposed substantial civil service reform, eventually passed by Congress in 1883 and signed into law by his successor, Chester A. Arthur, as the Pendleton Civil Service Reform Act.


A log cabin with a statue and a tree in front
Birthplace site of James Garfield

James Garfield was born the youngest of five children on November 19, 1831, in a log cabin in Orange Township, now Moreland Hills, Ohio. Orange Township was located in the Western Reserve, and like many who settled there, Garfield's ancestors were from New England. Abram Garfield, James's father, had been born in Worcester, New York, but came to Ohio to woo his childhood sweetheart, Mehitabel Ballou, only to find her married. He instead wed Ballou's sister, Eliza, who had been born in New Hampshire. James was named for an older brother, dead in infancy.[2]

In early 1833, Abram and Eliza Garfield joined the Disciples of Christ, a decision that would help shape their youngest son's life.[3] Abram Garfield died later that year; his son was raised in poverty in a household led by his strong-willed mother.[4] James was her favorite child, and the two remained close for the rest of her life.[5] Eliza Garfield remarried in 1842, but soon left her second husband, Warren Belden (possibly Alfred Belden), and a then-scandalous divorce was awarded against her in 1850. James took his mother's side and when Belden died in 1880, noted the fact in his diary with satisfaction.[6] Garfield enjoyed his mother's stories about his ancestry, especially his Welsh great-great-grandfathers and his ancestor that served as a knight of Gaerfili Castle.[7]

Poor and fatherless, Garfield was mocked by his fellow boys, and through his life was very sensitive to slights. He escaped through reading, devouring all the books he could find.[6] He left home at age 16 in 1847. Rejected by the only ship in port in Cleveland, Garfield instead found work on a canal boat, responsible for managing the mules that pulled them.[8] This labor would be used to good effect by Horatio Alger, who penned Garfield's campaign biography in 1880.[9]

Illness forced him to return home and, during his recuperation, his mother and a local education official got Garfield to promise to postpone his return to the canals for a year, and go to school. Accordingly, in 1848, he began at Geauga Seminary, in nearby Chester Township.[10] Garfield later said of his childhood, "I lament that I was born to poverty, and in this chaos of childhood, seventeen years passed before I caught any inspiration...a precious 17 years when a boy with a father and some wealth might have become fixed in manly ways."[11]

Education, marriage and early career[edit]

An unsmiling young man with curly hair wearing a three piece suit
Garfield at age 16

At Geauga Academy, which he attended from 1848 to 1850, Garfield learned academic subjects he had not previously had time for. He shone as a student, and was especially interested in languages and elocution. He began to appreciate the power a speaker had over the audience, writing, "It [the speaker's platform] creates some excitement. I love agitation and investigation and glory in defending unpopular truth against popular error."[12] Geagua was co-educational, and Garfield was attracted to one of his fellow students, Lucretia Rudolph, whom he later married.[13] To support himself at Geauga, he worked as a carpenter's assistant, and as a school teacher.[14] The need to go from town to town to find a place as a teacher disgusted Garfield, and he thereafter developed a dislike of what he called "place-seeking," which became, he said, "the law of my life."[15] In later years, he would astound his friends by letting positions pass that could have been his with a little politicking.[15]

Garfield had attended church more to please his mother than to worship God, but in his late teens underwent a religious awakening, and attended many camp meetings, at one of which he was born again. The next day, March 4, 1850, he was baptized into the Disciples by being submerged in the icy waters of the Chagrin River.[16] On the thirty-first anniversary of his baptism, he was sworn in as president. Garfield, who until the Civil War had preached widely, gave up his position as a church elder before his inauguration, writing, "I resign the highest office in the land to become President of the United States."[17]

After leaving Geauga, Garfield worked for a year at various jobs, including teaching.[18] Finding that some New Englanders worked their way through college, Garfield determined to do the same, and first sought a school that could prepare him for the entrance examinations. From 1851 to 1854, he attended the Western Reserve Eclectic Institute (later named Hiram College) in Hiram, Ohio, a school run by the Disciples. While there, he was most interested in the study of Greek and Latin, but was inclined to learn about and discuss any new thing he encountered.[19] Securing a position on entry as janitor, he was hired while still a student to teach.[20] Lucretia Rudolph had also enrolled at the Institute, and Garfield both wooed her and served as her Greek teacher.[21] He developed a regular preaching circuit at neighboring churches, in some cases earning a gold dollar per service. By 1854, Garfield had learned all the Institute could teach him, and was a full-time teacher.[22] Garfield then enrolled at Williams College in Williamstown, Massachusetts as a third-year student, given credit for two year's study at the Institute after passing a cursory examination. Garfield was impressed with the college president, Mark Hopkins, who had responded warmly to Garfield's letter inquiring about admission. He said of Hopkins, "The ideal college is Mark Hopkins on one end of a log with a student on the other."[23] Hopkins later stated about Garfield in his student days, "There was a large general capacity applicable to any subject. There was no pretense of genius, or alternation of spasmodic effort, but a satisfactory accomplishment in all directions."[24] After his first term, Garfield was hired to teach penmanship to the students of nearby Pownal, Vermont—a post whose previous incumbent was Chester A. Arthur.[24]

Garfield graduated from Williams in August 1856 as salutorian, giving an address at the commencement. Garfield biographer Ira Rutkow pointed out that the future president's years at Williams gave Garfield the opportunity to know and respect those of different social backgrounds, and despite his origin as an unsophisticated Westerner, was liked and respected by socially-conscious New Englanders. "In short," as biographer Ira Rutkow later wrote, "Garfield had an extensive and positive first experience with the world outside the Western Reserve of Ohio."[24]

On his return to Ohio, the degree from a prestigious Eastern school made Garfield a man of distinction. He returned to Hiram to teach at the Institute, and in 1857 was made its president. He did not see education as a field in which he could realize his full potential. At Williams, he had become more politically aware in the intensely anti-slavery atmosphere of the Massachusetts school, and began to consider politics as a career.[25] In 1858, he married Lucretia; they would have seven children, five of whom survived infancy.[26] Soon after the wedding, he formally entered his name as a law student to read law at a Cleveland firm, although he did his studying in Hiram.[27] He was admitted to the bar in 1861.[28]

Local Republican Party leaders invited Garfield to enter politics upon the death of Cyrus Prentiss, the presumptive nominee for the local state senate seat. He was nominated by the party convention on the sixth ballot, and was, serving until 1861.[29] Garfield's major effort in the state senate was a bill providing for Ohio's first geological survey to measure its mineral resources, though it failed.[30]

Civil War[edit]

Seated portrait in army uniform. Garfield has a full beard and mustache
Garfield as a brigadier general during the Civil War

After Abraham Lincoln's election, several Southern states announced their secession from the Union to form a new government, the Confederate States of America. In April 1861, the rebels bombarded Fort Sumter, one of the last federal outposts in the South, beginning the Civil War. Although he had no military training, Garfield knew that his place was in the Union Army.[31] As the tension rose in the previous months, Garfield had read military texts and was anxious to join the war effort, which he regarded already as a holy crusade against the Slave Power.[31]

At Governor William Dennison's request, Garfield deferred his military ambitions to remain in the legislature, where he helped appropriate the funds to raise and equip Ohio's volunteer regiments.[32] Afterward, the legislature adjourned and Garfield spent the Spring and early summer on a speechmaking tour of northeastern Ohio, encouraging enlistment in the new regiments.[32] After travelling to Illinois to purchase muskets, Garfield returned to Ohio and, in August 1861, received a commission as a colonel in the 42nd Ohio Infantry regiment.[33] The 42nd Ohio existed only on paper, so Garfield's first task was to recruit men. He did so quickly, including many of his neighbors and former students.[33] The regiment traveled to Camp Chase, outside Columbus, Ohio, to complete their training.[33] In December, Garfield was ordered to bring his regiment to Kentucky, where they joined the Army of the Ohio under Brigadier General Don Carlos Buell.[34]

Under Buell's command[edit]

Buell quickly assigned Garfield the task of driving Confederate forces out of eastern Kentucky, giving him the 18th Brigade for the campaign which, besides his own 42nd, included the 40th Ohio Infantry, two Kentucky infantry regiments and two cavalry units.[35] They departed Catlettsburg, Kentucky in mid-December, advancing through the valley of the Big Sandy River.[35] The march was uneventful until Union forces reached Paintsville, Kentucky, on January 6, 1862, where Garfield's cavalry engaged the Confederates at Jenny's Creek.[36] Rebel troops under Brigadier General Humphrey Marshall held the town in numbers roughly equal to Garfield's own, but Garfield positioned his troops so as to deceive Marshall into thinking that he was outnumbered.[36] Marshall ordered his troops to withdraw to the forks of Middle Creek, on the road to Virginia; Garfield ordered his troops to pursue the Confederates.[37] They attacked the rebel positions on January 9, 1862 in the Battle of Middle Creek, the only pitched battle Garfield personally commanded.[38] At the end of the fighting, the Confederates withdrew from the field, but Garfield did not pursue them, opting instead to withdraw to Prestonsburg to resupply his troops.[39]

In recognition of his success, Garfield was promoted to brigadier general.[40] After Marshall's retreat, Garfield's was the sole remaining army in eastern Kentucky, and he announced that any men who had fought for the Confederacy would be granted amnesty if they returned to their homes and lived peaceably and remained loyal to the Union.[41] The proclamation was surprisingly lenient, as Garfield now believed the war was a crusade for eradication of slavery.[41] After a a brief skirmish at Pound Gap, the last rebel units in the area were outflanked, and they retreated back to Virginia.[42]

Garfield's promotion gave him command of the 20th Brigade of the Army of the Ohio, which was ordered to join Major General Ulysses S. Grant's forces as they advanced on Corinth, Mississippi.[43] Before the 20th Brigade arrived, however, Confederate forces under General Albert Sidney Johnston surprised Grant's men in their camps, driving them back.[44] Garfield's troops got word of the battle and advanced quickly, joining the rest of the army on the second day to drive the Confederates back across the field and into retreat.[45] The action, later known as the Battle of Shiloh, was the bloodiest of the war to date; Garfield was expsoed to fire for much of the day, but emerged uninjured.[45] Major General Henry W. Halleck, Grant's superior, took charge of the combined armies and advanced ponderously toward Corinth; when they arrived, the Confederates had fled.[46]

That summer his health suddenly deteriorated, including jaundice and significant weight loss.[b][48] Garfield was forced to return home, where his wife nursed him back to health.[48] While he was home, Garfield's friends worked to gain him the Republican nomination for Congress, although he refused to make any public effort with the delegates.[49] He returned to duty that autumn and went to Washington to await his next assignment.[50] During this period of idleness, a rumor of an extra-marital affair caused friction in the Garfield marriage, which Lucretia graciously overlooked.[51] To his frustration, Garfield repeatedly received tentative assignments that were quickly withdrawn.[52] In the meantime, he served on the court-martial of Fitz John Porter, a sensational trial in which Porter was tried for his tardiness at the Second Battle of Bull Run, and whether it had personal motives.[53] Garfield was convinced of Porter's guilt, and voted with his fellow generals to convict.[53] The trial lasted months, and by the end of it, Garfield had at last procured an assignment as chief-of-staff to Major General William S. Rosecrans.[54]

Chief of staff for Rosecrans[edit]

General William S. Rosecrans

The position of Chief of Staff for a general was usually held by a more junior officer, but Garfield's influence with Rosecrans was greater than usual, with duties extending beyond mere communication of orders to actual management of Rosecrans's Army of the Cumberland.[55] Rosecrans had a voracious appetite for conversation, which he deployed when he was unable to sleep; in Garfield, he found "the first well read person in the Army" and the ideal candidate for discussions that ran deep into the night.[56] The two became close, and covered all topics, especially religion; Rosecrans, who had converted from Methodism to Roman Catholicism, succeeded in softening Garfield's view of his faith.[57] Garfield recommended that Rosecrans replace wing commanders Alexander McCook and Thomas Crittenden, whom he believed ineffective; Rosecrans ignored the suggestions.[58] With Rosecrans, Garfield devised a campaign to pursue and trap Confederate General Braxton Bragg in Tullahoma. After initial Union success, Bragg retreated toward Chattanooga, where Rosecrans stalled and requested more troops and supplies.[59] Garfield argued for an immediate advance, in line with demands from Halleck and Lincoln.[59] After a council of war and lengthy deliberations, Rosecrans agreed to attack.[60]

At the ensuing Battle of Chickamauga, confusion among the wing commanders over Rosecrans's orders created a gap in the lines, resulting in a rout of the right flank. Rosecrans concluded that the battle was lost and fell back Chattanooga to establish a defensive line.[61] Garfield, however, thought that part of the army had held and, with Rosecrans's approval, headed across Missionary Ridge to survey scene. Garfield's hunch was correct.[61] His ride became legendary, while Rosecrans' error reinforced critical opinions about his leadership.[61] While Rosecrans's army had avoided complete loss, they were left in Chattanooga surrounded by Bragg's army. Garfield sent a telegram to Secretary of War Edwin M. Stanton alerting Washington to the need for reinforcements to avoid annihilation. As a result, Lincoln and Halleck delivered 20,000 troops by rail within nine days.[62] In the meantime, Grant was promoted to command of the western armies, and quick replaced Rosecrans with George H. Thomas.[63] Garfield was ordered to report to Washington, where he was promoted to major general.[64] With Congress about to convene, he resigned his commission.[64] According to historian Jean Edward Smith, Grant and Garfield had a "guarded relationship", since Grant promoted Thomas to command of the Army of the Cumberland, rather than Garfield, after Rosecrans was dismissed.[65]

Congressional career[edit]

Election in 1862; Civil War years[edit]

Salmon P. Chase was Garfield's ally until Johnson's impeachment trial

While serving in the army in early 1862, Garfield was approached by friends about running for Congress from Ohio's newly-redrawn, heavily-Republican 19th district. Garfield was worried that he and other state-appointed generals would get obscure assignments, and running for Congress would allow the ambitious Ohioan to resume his political career. The fact that the new Congress would not hold its first regular session until December 1863[c] would allow him to continue his war service for a time. Home on medical leave, he refused to campaign for the nomination, leaving that to political managers who secured it at the local convention in September 1862, on the eighth ballot. In October, he defeated D.B. Woods by a two-to-one margin in the general election for a seat in the 38th Congress.[66]

Soon after the nomination, Garfield was ordered to report to War Secretary Edwin Stanton in Washington to discuss his military future. There, Garfield met Treasury Secretary Salmon P. Chase, who befriended him, seeing him as a younger version of himself. The two men agreed politically, with both part of the Radical wing of the Republican Party.[67] Once he took his seat in December 1863, Garfield was frustrated that Lincoln seemed reluctant to press the South hard. Many radicals, led in the House by Pennsylvania's Thaddeus Stevens, wanted lands owned by rebels to be confiscated, but Lincoln threatened to veto any bill that would do that on a widespread basis. Garfield, in debate on the House floor, supported such legislation and, discussing England's Glorious Revolution, hinted that Lincoln might be thrown out of office for resisting the bills.[68] Although Garfield supported Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation, the congressman marveled that it was a "strange phenomenon in the world's history, when a second-rate Illinois lawyer is the instrument to utter words which shall form an epoch memorable in all future ages".[69]

Garfield not only favored abolition, but then believed that the leaders of the rebellion had forfeited their constitutional rights. He supported the confiscation of southern plantations and even exile or execution of rebellion leaders as a means to ensure the permanent destruction of slavery.[70] He felt Congress was obliged "to determine what legislation is necessary to secure equal justice to all loyal persons, without regard to color."[71] Garfield was more supportive when Lincoln took action against slaver; he had praised the president's Emancipation Proclamation, issued at the start of 1863.[72] Early in his tenure, he differed from his party on several issues; his was the solitary Republican vote to terminate the use of bounties in recruiting. Some financially able recruits had used the bounty system to buy their way out of service (called commutation), which Garfield considered reprehensible,[73] and gave a speech pointing out the flaws in the existing conscription law: that of 300,000 called upon to enlist, barely 10,000 had, the remainder claiming exemption or providing money or a substitute. Lincoln appeared before the Military Affairs committee on which Garfield served, demanding a more effective bill; even if it cost him re-election, Lincoln was confident he could win the war before his term expired.[74] After many false starts, Garfield, with the support of Lincoln, procured the passage of a conscription bill which excluded commutation.[75]

Under Chase's influence, Garfield became a staunch proponent of "honest money" or "specie payment" backed by a gold standard, and was therefore a strong opponent of the "greenback"; he regretted very much, but understood, the necessity for suspension of specie payment during the emergency presented by the Civil War.[76] Garfield voted with the Radical Republicans in passing the Wade–Davis Bill, designed to give Congress more authority over Reconstruction, but the bill was defeated by Lincoln's pocket veto.[77]

Garfield did not consider Lincoln particularly worthy of re-election, but no viable alternative seemed available. "He will probably be the man, though I think we could do better."[69] He attended the party convention and promoted Rosecrans as Lincoln's running mate, but delegates chose Military Governor of Tennessee Andrew Johnson.[78] Both Lincoln and Garfield were re-elected, and Garfield was appointed to the prestigious House Ways and Means Committee.[79] By then, Chase had left the Cabinet and had been appointed Chief Justice, and his relations with Garfield became more distant.[80]

Garfield took up the practice of law in 1865 as a means to improve his personal finances. His efforts took him to Wall Street where, the day after Lincoln's assassination, a riotous crowd led him into an impromptu speech, in part as follows: "Fellow citizens! Clouds and darkness are round about Him! His pavilion is dark waters and thick clouds of the skies! Justice and judgment are the establishment of His throne! Mercy and truth shall go before His face! Fellow citizens! God reigns, and the Government at Washington still lives!"[81] The speech, which contained no praise of Lincoln was according to Garfield biographer Robert G. Caldwell "quite as significant for what it did not contain as for what it did.[82] In the following years, Garfield had more praise for Lincoln; a year after the Illinoisan's death Garfield stated that "greatest among all these developments were the character and fame of Abraham Lincoln", and in 1878 called Lincoln "one of the few great rulers whose wisdom increased with his power".[83]


After the war, Garfield became a proponent of black suffrage, though he admitted that the idea of African Americans as political equals with whites gave him "a strong feeling of repugnance".[84] President Johnson sought the rapid restoration of the Southern states during the months between his accession and the meeting of Congress in December 1865; Garfield hesitantly supported this polity as an experiment. Johnson, an old friend, sought Garfield's support, and their conversations led Garfield to assume that differences between president and Congress were not large. When Congress assembled in December (to Johnson's chagrin without the elected representatives of the Southern states, who were excluded), Garfield urged conciliation on his colleagues. while fearing that if Johnson, a former Democrat, resumed his affiliation with that party, he might combine with others of that party to control the nation. Garfield foresaw conflict even before Johnson in February 1866 vetoed a bill to extend the life of the Freedmen's Bureau, charged with aiding the former slaves. By April, Garfield had concluded that Johnson was either "crazy or drunk with opium".[85]

Garfield Monument, Washington, D.C.

The conflict between the branches of government was the major issue of the 1866 campaign, with Johnson taking to the campaign trail in a Swing Around the Circle and Garfield facing questions in his home district. With the South still disenfranchised and Northern public opinion behind them, the Republicans gained a two-thirds majority in both houses of Congress. Garfield, having overcome his challengers at his district nominating convention, was easily re-elected.[86]

Garfield opposed the initial talk of impeaching President Johnson when Congress convened in December 1866.[87] However, he supported legislation to limit Johnson's powers, such as the Tenure of Office Act, which restricted Johnson in removing presidential appointees. Distracted by committee duties, he rarely spoke in connection with these bills, but was a loyal Republican vote against Johnson. Due to a court case, he was absent on the day in April 1868 when the House impeached Johnson, but soon gave a speech aligning himself with Thaddeus Stevens and others who sought Johnson's removal. When the president was acquitted in trial before the Senate, Garfield was shocked, and blamed the result on Chief Justice Chase, his onetime mentor.[88]

By the time Ulysses S. Grant succeeded Johnson in 1869, Garfield had moved away from the remaining radicals (Stevens, their leader, had died in 1868). Garfield hailed the ratification of the 15th Amendment in 1870 as a triumph, and he favored the re-admission of Georgia to the Union as a matter of right, not politics. In 1871, however, Garfield could not support the Ku Klux Klan Act, passed by Congress in 1871, saying "I have never been more perplexed by a piece of legislation". He was torn between his indignation of "these terrorists" and his concern for the freedoms endangered by the power the bill gave to the President to enforce the Act through suspension of habeas corpus.[89]

Tariffs and finance[edit]

The greenback so despised by Garfield

Throughout his political career, Garfield favored the gold standard and decried attempts to increase the money supply through the issuance of paper money not backed by precious metal, and later, through the free and unlimited coinage of silver.[90] In 1865, Garfield was placed on the House Ways and Means Committee, a long-awaited opportunity to focus exclusively on financial and economic issues. He immediately reprised his opposition to the greenback, saying, "any party which commits itself to paper money will go down amid the general disaster, covered with the curses of a ruined people."[91] In 1868 Garfield gave his noted two-hour "Currency" speech in the House, which was widely applauded as his best oratory to that point; in it he advocated a gradual resumption of specie payment.[92]

Tariffs had been raised to high levels during the Civil War. Afterwards, Garfield, who made a close study of financial affairs, advocated moving towards free trade, though the standard Republican position was a protective tariff that would allow American industries to grow. This break with his party likely cost him his place on the Ways and Means Committee in 1867, and though Republicans held the majority in the House until 1875, Garfield was not reinstated. Although Garfield came to chair the House Appropriations Committee, it was Ways and Means, with its influence over fiscal policy, that he really wanted to lead.[93] Part of the reason Garfield was denied a place on Ways and Means was the opposition of the influential Republican editor, Horace Greeley. Garfield sometimes did support tariffs, when they served to protect his district's products.[94]

A blackboard with columns of numbers. Across the top is a banner that says "Black Friday" and below is a hand written note
Garfield's handwriting on evidence used during the Gold Panic investigation in 1870

In September 1870, Garfield, as chairman of the House Banking Committee, led an investigation into the Black Friday Gold Panic scandal. The committee investigation into corruption was thorough, but found no indictable offenses. Garfield blamed the easy availability of fiat money greenbacks for the speculation that had led to the scandal.[95] Garfield also pursued his anti-inflationist campaign against the greenback through his work on the bill for a national bank system. He successfully used the bill as a means to reduce the volume of greenbacks in circulation.[96]

Garfield was not at all enthused about the re-election of President Grant in 1872—until Horace Greeley, who emerged as the candidate of the Democrats and Liberal Repubicans became the only serious alternative. Garfield opined, "I would say Grant was not fit to be nominated and Greeley is not fit to be elected."[97] Both Grant and Garfield won overwhelming re-election victories.[97]

Crédit Mobilier scandal; Salary Grab[edit]

Editorial cartoon: Uncle Sam directs U.S. Senators and Representatives implicated in the Crédit Mobilier scheme to commit Hara-Kiri.

The Crédit Mobilier of America scandal involved corruption in the financing of the Union Pacific Railroad, part of the transcontinental railroad that was completed in 1869. Officers and directors of the railroad secretly purchased control of the Crédit Mobilier of America company, then contracted with the firm to undertake the construction of the railroad. The grossly inflated invoices submitted by the company were paid by the railroad, using federal funds appropriated to subsidize the project, and the company was allowed to purchase Union Pacific securities at par value, well below the market rate. Crédit Mobilier showed large profits, distributed as substantial dividends, and its stock rose to high levels. The high expenses meant that Congress was called upon to appropriate more funds. One of the railroad officials that controlled Crédit Mobilier was also a congressman, Oakes Ames of Massachusetts. He offered some of his colleagues the opportunity to buy Crédit Mobilier stock at par value, well below what it sold for on the market, and the railroad got its additional appropriations.[98]

The story broke in July 1872, in the middle of the presidential campaign. Among those named were Vice President (and former House Speaker) Schuyler Colfax, Grant's second-term running mate, Massachusettes Senator Henry Wilson, the current Speaker, James G. Blaine, and Garfield. Greeley had little luck taking advantage of the scandal. When Congress reconvened after the election, Blaine, seeking to clear his name, demanded a House investigation. Evidence before the special committee did clear Blaine of blame. Garfield had stated, in September 1872, that Ames had offered him stock, but he had repeatedly refused it. Testifying before the committee in January, Ames stated that he had offered Garfield ten shares of stock at par value, but that Garfield had never taken the shares, or paid for them. A year had passed, from 1867 to 1868, before Garfield had finally refused it. Garfield, appearing before the committee on January 14, 1873, confirmed these details. Ames testified several weeks later that Garfield agreed to take the stock on credit, and that it was paid for by the company's huge dividends.[99] The two men differed over a sum of some $300 that Garfield received and later paid back, with Garfield deeming it a loan and Ames a dividend.[100]

Garfield's biographers were unwilling to exonerate him in Crédit Mobilier, with Peskin writing "Did Garfield lie? Not exactly. Did he tell the truth? Not completely. Was he corrupted? Not really. Even Garfield's enemies never claimed that his involvement ... influenced his behavior".[101] Rutkow wrote that "Garfield's real offense was that he knowingly denied to the House investigating committee that he had agreed to accept the stock and that he had also received a dividend of $329."[102] Caldwell suggested that Garfield "while he told the truth [before the committee], certainly failed to tell the whole truth, clearly evading an answer to certain vital questions and thus giving the impression of worse faults than those of which he was guilty".[103] That Crédit Mobilier was a corrupt organization had been a secret badly kept, even mentioned on the floor of Congress, and editor Sam Bowles wrote at the time that Garfield, in his positions on committees dealing with finance, "had no more right to be ignorant in a matter of such grave importance as this, than the sentinel has to snore on his post".[101]

Another issue that caused Garfield trouble in his 1874 re-election bid was the so-called "Salary Grab" of 1873, which increased the salary for members of Congress by 50 percent, retroactive to 1871. Garfield was responsible, as Appropriations Committee chairman, for shepherding the legislative appropriations bill through the House; during the debate in February 1873, Massachusetts Representative Benjamin Butler offered the increase as an amendment, and despite Garfield's opposition, it passed the House and eventually into law. The law was very popular in the House, as almost half the members were lame ducks, but the public was outraged, and many of Garfield's constituents blamed him, though he refused to accept the increase. In what was a bad year for Republicans, who lost control of the House for the first time since the Civil War, Garfield had his closest congressional election, winning with only 57 percent of the vote.[104]

Minority leader; Hayes presidency[edit]

With the Democratic takeover of the House of Representatives in 1875, Garfield lost his chairmanship of the Appropriations Committee. The Democratic leadership in the House appointed Garfield as a Republican member of Ways and Means. With many of his leadership rivals defeated in the 1874 Democratic landslide, and Blaine by then in the Senate, Garfield was seen as the Republican floor leader and the likely Speaker should the party regain control of the chamber.[105]

As the 1876 presidential election approached, Garfield was loyal to the candidacy of Senator Blaine, and fought for the former Speaker's nomination at the 1876 Republican National Convention in Cincinnati. When it became clear, after six ballots, that Blaine could not prevail, the convention nominated Ohio Governor Rutherford B. Hayes. Although Garfield had supported Blaine, he had kept good relations with Hayes, and wholeheartedly supported the governor.[106] Garfield had hoped to retire from politics after his term expired to devote full time to the practice of law, but to help his party, he sought re-election, and won it easily that October. Any celebration was short lived, as Garfield's youngest son, Neddie, suddenly fell ill with whooping cough shortly after the congressional election in October, and soon died.[107]

A large three-story house of wood and stone
The house at Garfield's Lawnfield estate

When Hayes appeared to have lost the presidential election the following month, the Republicans launched efforts to reverse the result in Southern states where they held the governorship: South Carolina, Louisiana, and Florida. If Hayes won all three states, he would take the election by a single electoral vote. Grant asked Garfield to serve as a "neutral observer" in the recount in Louisiana. The observers soon recommended to the state electoral commissions that Hayes be declared the winner–Garfield recommended that the entire vote of West Feliciana Parish, which had given Tilden a sizable majority, be thrown out. The Republican governors of the three states certified that Hayes had won their states, to the outrage of Democrats, who had the state legislature certify had the state legislatures submit rival returns, and threatened to prevent the counting of the electoral vote–under the Constitution, Congress is the final arbiter of the election. Congress then passed a bill establishing the Electoral Commission, which would determine the winner once and for all. Although Garfield opposed the Commission, feeling that Congress should count the vote and find Hayes to be the winner, he was appointed to it despite the objections of Democrats that he was too partisan. Hayes emerged the victor by a Commission vote of 8 to 7, with all eight votes being cast by Republican politicians or appointees of that party to the Supreme Court. As part of the deal whereby they recognized Hayes as president, Southern Democrats secured the removal of federal troops to the South, ending Reconstruction.[108]

Although a Senate seat would be disposed of by the Ohio General Assembly after the resignation of John Sherman to become Treasury Secretary, Hayes needed Garfield's legislative expertise to protect him from the agenda of a hostile Congress, and asked him not to seek it. Garfield, as the president's key legislator, gained considerable prestige and respect from his role.[109] When Congress debated what became the Bland-Allison Act, to have the government purchase large quantities of silver and strike it into fully legal tender dollar coins, Garfield fought against this deviation from the gold standard, but it was enacted over Hayes's veto in February 1878.[110]

Garfield during this time purchased the property in Mentor that reporters later dubbed Lawnfield,[111] and from which he would conduct the first successful front porch campaign for the presidency. Hayes suggested that Garfield run for governor in 1879, seeing that as a road that would likely put Garfield in the White House. Garfield preferred to seek election as senator, and devoted his efforts to seeing that Republicans won the 1879 election campaign for the General Assembly, with the likely Democratic candidate the incumbent, Allen G. Thurman. The Republicans swept the legislative elections. Rivals were spoken of for the seat, such as Secretary Sherman, but he had presidential ambitions (for which he sought Garfield's support), and other candidates fell by the wayside. Garfield was elected to the Senate by the General Assembly in January 1880, though his term was not to begin until March 4, 1881.[112]

Legal career and other activities[edit]

Garfield was one of three attorneys who argued for the petitioners in the landmark Supreme Court case Ex parte Milligan in 1866. The case, which resulted in a ruling that civilians could not be tried before military tribunals while the civil courts were operating, was Garfield's first court appearance. Jeremiah Black had taken him in as a junior partner a year before, and assigned the case to him in light of his highly reputed oratory skills. The petitioners were pro-Confederate northern men who had been found guilty and sentenced to death by a military court for treasonous activities. The case turned on whether the defendants should instead have been tried by a civilian court; Garfield was victorious, and instantly achieved a reputation as a preeminent appellate lawyer.[113] During Grant's first term, discontented with public service, Garfield pursued opportunities in the law, but declined a partnership offer when told his prospective partner was of "intemperate and licentious" reputation.[114] In 1873, Garfield appealed to Grant to appoint Justice Noah H. Swayne as Chief Justice of the United States Supreme Court. The previous Chief Justice, Salmon P. Chase, had died in office May 7, 1873. Grant, however, appointed Morrison R. Waite.[115]

Garfield thought the land grants given to expanding railroads to be an unjust practice; as well, he opposed some monopolistic practices by corporations, as well as the power sought by the workers' unions.[116] Garfield supported the proposed establishment of the United States civil service as a means of alleviating the burden of aggressive office seekers upon elected officials. He especially wished to eliminate the common practice whereby government workers, in exchange for their positions, were forced to kick back a percentage of their wages as political contributions.[117]

In 1876, Garfield displayed his mathematical talent when he developed a trapezoid proof of the Pythagorean theorem.[118] His finding was placed in the New England Journal of Education. Math historian William Dunham stated that Garfield's trapezoid work was "really a very clever proof."[119]

Presidential election of 1880[edit]

Republican nomination[edit]

A cartoon. Grant, on the right, is semi-kneeling while others kneel behind him. Garfield stands upright and receives a sword from Grant. Behind him are cheering throngs, and two men raise a flag in the background.
A depiction of the anti-third-term alliance: Grant hands Garfield an "imperialism" sword. Garfield is shown having won the 1880 Republican presidential nomination.

Having just been elected to the Senate with Sherman's support, Garfield entered the 1880 campaign season committed to Sherman as his choice for the Republican presidential nominee.[120] Even before the convention began, however, a few Republicans, including Wharton Barker of Philadelphia, thought Garfield the best choice for the nomination.[120] Garfield denied any interest in the position, but the attention was enough to make Sherman suspicious of his lieutenant's ambitions.[121] Besides Sherman, the early favorites for the nomination were former President Grant and Blaine, but several other candidates attracted delegates, as well.[122]

As the convention began, Senator Roscoe Conkling of New York, the floor leader for the Grant forces (known as the Stalwart faction), proposed that the delegates pledge to support the eventual nominee in the general election.[123] When three West Virginia delegates declined to be so bound, Conkling sought to expel them from the convention. Garfield rose to defend the men, giving a passionate speech in defense of their right to reserve judgement.[123] The crowd turned against Conkling, and he withdrew the motion.[123] The performance delighted Garfield's boosters, who now believed more than ever that he was the only man who could attract a majority of the delegates' votes.[124]

After speeches in favor of the two front-runners, Garfield rose to place Sherman's name in nomination; his nominating speech was well-received, but the delegates mustered little excitement for the idea of Sherman as the next president.[125] The first ballot showed Grant leading with 304 votes and Blaine in second with 284; Sherman's 93 placed him in a distant third. Subsequent ballots quickly demonstrated a deadlock between the Grant and Blaine forces, with neither having the 379 votes needed for nomination.[126] Jeremiah McLain Rusk, a member of the Wisconsin delegation, and Benjamin Harrison, an Indiana delegate, sought to break the deadlock by shifting a few of the anti-Grant votes to a dark horse candidate—Garfield.[127] Garfield gained 50 votes on the 35th ballot, and the stampede began. Garfield protested to the other members of his Ohio delegation that he had not sought the nomination and had never intended to betray Sherman, but they overruled his objections and cast their ballots for him.[128] In the next round of voting, nearly all of the Sherman and Blaine delegates shifted their support to Garfield, giving him 399 votes and the Republican nomination.[129] To obtain Stalwart support for the ticket, former New York customs collector Chester A. Arthur, a member of Conkling's political machine, was chosen as the vice-presidential nominee and Garfield's running mate.[130]

Campaign against Hancock[edit]

Garfield-Arthur election poster

Despite including a Stalwart on the ticket, animosity between the Republican factions carried over from the convention, and Garfield traveled to New York to meet with party leaders there.[131] After convincing the Stalwart crowd to put aside their differences and unite for the coming campaign, Garfield returned to Ohio, leaving the active campaigning to others, as was traditional at the time.[132] Meanwhile, the Democrats settled on their nominee, Major General Winfield Scott Hancock of Pennsylvania, a career military officer.[131] Hancock and the Democrats expected to carry the Solid South, while much of the North was considered safe territory for Garfield and the Republicans; most of the campaign would involve a few close states, including New York and Indiana.[133]

Practical differences between the candidates were few, and Republicans began the campaign with the familiar theme of waving the bloody shirt: reminding Northern voters that the Democratic Party was responsible for secession and four years of civil war, and that if they held power they would reverse the gains of that war, dishonor Union veterans, and pay Confederate veterans pensions out of the federal treasury.[134] With fifteen years having passed since the end of the war, and Union generals at the head of both tickets, the bloody shirt was of diminishing value in exciting the voters.[135] With a few months to go before the election, the Republicans switched tactics to emphasize the tariff. Seizing on the Democratic platform's call for a "tariff for revenue only", Republicans told Northern workers that a Hancock presidency would weaken the tariff protection that kept them in good jobs.[136] Hancock made the situation worse when, attempting to strike a moderate stance, he said "the tariff question is a local question".[135] The ploy proved effective in uniting the North behind Garfield.[137] In the end, fewer than ten thousand votes separated the two candidates, but in the Electoral College, Garfield had an easy victory over Hancock, 214 to 155.[138]

Presidency, 1881[edit]

Garfield wears an informal frock coat suit and has one hand inserted into the front of the jacket.
President Garfield

Cabinet and inauguration[edit]

Between his election and his inauguration, Garfield was occupied with assembling a cabinet that would establish peace between Conkling's and Blaine's warring factions. Blaine's delegates had provided much of the support for Garfield's nomination, and the Maine Senator received the place of honor: Secretary of State.[139] Blaine was not only the President's closest advisor, he was obsessed with knowing all that took place in the White House, and was even said to have spies posted there in his absence.[140] Garfield nominated William Windom of Minnesota as Secretary of the Treasury, William H. Hunt of Louisiana as Secretary of the Navy, Robert Todd Lincoln as Secretary of War, Samuel J. Kirkwood of Iowa as Secretary of the Interior.[141] New York was represented by Thomas Lemuel James as Postmaster General.[141] He appointed Pennsylvania's Wayne MacVeagh, an adversary of Blaine's, as Attorney General.[141] Blaine tried to sabotage the appointment by convincing Garfield to name a nemesis of MacVeagh, William E. Chandler, as Solicitor General under MacVeagh.[142] Only Chandler's rejection by the Senate forestalled MacVeagh's resignation over the matter.[142]

Distracted by cabinet maneuvering, Garfield's inaugural address was not up to his typical oratorical standards.[143] In one high point, Garfield emphasized the civil rights of African-Americans, saying "Freedom can never yield its fullness of blessings so long as the law or its administration places the smallest obstacle in the pathway of any virtuous citizen."[144] After discussing the gold standard, the need for education, and an unexpected denunciation of Mormon polygamy, the speech ended. The crowd applauded, but the speech, in the words of Garfield's biographer, Allan Peskin, "however sincerely intended, betrayed its hasty composition by the flatness of its tone and the conventionality of its subject matter."[145]

Garfield's appointment of Thomas Lemuel James to Postmaster General infuriated Conkling, who demanded a compensatory appointment for his faction, such as the position of Secretary of Treasury. The resulting squabble occupied much Garfield's brief presidency. The feud with Conkling reached a climax when the President, at Blaine's instigation, nominated Conkling's enemy, Judge William H. Robertson, to be Collector of the Port of New York. Conkling raised the time-honored principle of senatorial courtesy in an attempt to defeat the nomination, to no avail. Garfield, who believed the practice to be corrupt, would not back down and threatened to withdraw all nominations unless Robertson was included, intending to "settle the question whether the President is registering clerk of the Senate or the Executive of the United States."[146] Ultimately, Conkling and his New York colleague, Senator Thomas C. Platt, resigned their Senate seats to seek vindication, but they found only further humiliation when the New York legislature elected others in their places. Robertson was appointed and Garfield's victory was clear. To Blaine's chagrin, the victorious Garfield returned to his goal of balancing the interests of party factions, and re-nominated a number of Conkling's Stalwart friends to their positions.[147]

Civil and post office reform[edit]

A cartoon. Garfield, in night clothes and slippers, is on the doorstep looking at an ugly crying baby in a basket on the ground.
An 1881 Puck cartoon shows Garfield finding a baby at his front door with a tag marked "Civil Service Reform, compliments of R.B. Hayes". Hayes, his predecessor in the presidency, is seen in the background dressed like a woman and holding a bag marked "R.B. Hayes' Savings, Fremont, Ohio".

Grant and Hayes had both advocated civil service reform, and by 1881, civil service reform associations had organized with renewed energy across the nation. Garfield sympathized with them, believing that the spoils system damaged the Presidency and distracted from more important concerns.[148] Some reformers were disappointed that Garfield had advocated limited tenure only to minor office seekers and had given appointments to his old friends, but many remained loyal and supported Garfield.[148]

Corruption in the post office also cried out for reform. In April 1880, there had been a Congressional investigation into corruption in the Post Office Department, where profiteering rings allegedly stole millions of dollars, employing bogus mail contracts called "star routes".[149] After obtaining contracts with the lowest bid, costs to run the mail routes would be escalated and profits would be divided among ring members. That year, Hayes stopped the implementation of any new "star route" contracts. Shortly after taking office, Garfield received information from Attorney General MacVeagh and Postmaster James of postal corruption by an alleged star route ringleader, Second Assistant Postmaster-General, Thomas J. Brady.[150] Garfield demanded Brady's resignation and ordered prosecutions that would end in trials for conspiracy. When told that his party, including his own campaign manager, Stephen W. Dorsey, was involved, Garfield directed MacVeagh and James to root out the corruption in the Post Office Department "to the bone", regardless of where it might lead.[149] Brady resigned and was eventually indicted for conspiracy. After two "star route" ring trials in 1882 and 1883, the jury found Brady not guilty.[151]

Civil rights and education[edit]

Garfield believed that the key to improving the state of African American civil rights would be found in education aided by the federal government.[152] During Reconstruction, freedmen had gained citizenship and suffrage that enabled them to participate in government, but Garfield believed their rights were being eroded by Southern white resistance and illiteracy, and was concerned that blacks would become America's permanent "peasantry".[153] His answer was to propose a "universal" education system funded by the federal government. Congress and the northern white public, however, had lost interest in African-American rights, and federal funding for universal education did not find support Congress during Garfield's term.[153] Garfield also worked to appoint several African Americans to prominent positions: Frederick Douglass, recorder of deeds in Washington; Robert Elliot, special agent to the Treasury; John M. Langston, Haitian minister; and Blanche K. Bruce, register to the Treasury. Garfield believed that Southern support for the Republican party could be gained by "commercial and industrial" interests rather than race issues and began to reverse Hayes's policy of conciliating Southern Democrats.[154] He appointed William H. Hunt, a carpetbagger Republican from Louisiana, as Secretary of the Navy.[154] To break hold of the resurgent Democratic Party in the Solid South, Garfield took patronage advice from Virginia Senator William Mahone of the biracial independent Readjuster Party, hoping to add the independents' strength to the Republicans' there.[155]

Foreign policy and naval reform[edit]

James G. Blaine, Garfield's Secretary of State

Entering the presidency, Garfield had little foreign policy experience, so he leaned heavily on Blaine. Blaine, a former protectionist, now agreed with Garfield on the need to promote freer trade, especially within the western hemisphere.[156] Their reasons were twofold: firstly, Garfield and Blaine believed that increasing trade with Latin America would be the best way to keep Great Britain from dominating the region.[156] Secondly, by encouraging exports, they believed they could increase American prosperity, and by doing so position the Republican party as the author of that prosperity, ensuring continued electoral success.[156] Garfield authorized Blaine to call for a Pan-American conference in 1882 to mediate disputes among the Latin American nations and to serve as a forum for talks on increasing trade.[157] At the same time, they hoped to negotiate a peace in the War of the Pacific then being fought by Bolivia, Chile, and Peru.[157] Blaine favored a resolution that would not result in Peru yielding any territory, but Chile, which had by 1881 occupied the Peruvian capital, rejected any negotiations that would gain them nothing.[158] Garfield sought to expand American influence in other areas, calling for renegotiation of the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty to allow the United States to construct a canal through Panama without British involvement, as well as attempting to reduce British involvement in the strategically located Kingdom of Hawaii.[159] His and Blaine's plans for the United States' involvement in the world stretched even beyond the Western Hemisphere, as he sought commercial treaties with Korea and Madagascar.[160] Garfield also considered enhancing the United States' military strength abroad, asking Navy Secretary Hunt to investigate the condition of the navy with an eye toward expansion and modernization.[161] In the end, these ambitious plans came to nothing after Garfield was assassinated. Nine countries had accepted invitations to the Pan-American conference, but the invitations were withdrawn in April 1882 when Blaine resigned from the cabinet and Arthur, Garfield's successor, cancelled the conference.[162][d] Naval reform continued under Arthur, if on a more modest scale than Garfield and Hunt had envisioned, ultimately ending in the construction of the Squadron of Evolution.[163]

Administration and cabinet[edit]

Formal seated portrait in oils
Official White House portrait of James Garfield
The Garfield Cabinet
Office Name Term
President James A. Garfield 1881
Vice President Chester A. Arthur 1881
Secretary of State James G. Blaine 1881
Secretary of Treasury William Windom 1881
Secretary of War Robert Todd Lincoln 1881
Attorney General Wayne MacVeagh 1881
Postmaster General Thomas L. James 1881
Secretary of the Navy William H. Hunt 1881
Secretary of the Interior Samuel J. Kirkwood 1881


Garfield, shot by Charles Guiteau, collapses as Secretary of State Blaine gestures for help. Engraving from The Illustrated Newspaper

Guiteau and shooting[edit]

Charles J. Guiteau had followed various professions in his life, but in 1880 had determined to gain federal office by supporting what he expected to be the winning Republican ticket.[164] He composed a speech, "Garfield vs. Hancock", and got it printed by the Republican National Committee. One means of persuading the voter in that era was through orators expounding on the candidate's merits, but with the Republicans seeking more famous men, Guiteau received few opportunities to speak.[165] On one occasion, according to Ackerman he was unable to finish his speech due to nerves. Guiteau, who considered himself a Stalwart, deemed his contribution to Garfield's victory sufficient to justify the position of consul in Paris, despite the fact he spoke no French, nor any foreign language.[166]

One of President Garfield's more wearying duties was seeing office seekers, and he saw Guiteau at least once. White House officials suggested that Guiteau approach Blaine, as the consulship was within the Department of State.[167] Blaine also saw the public regularly, and Guiteau became a regular at these sessions; Blaine, who had no intention of giving Guiteau a position he was not qualified for and had not earned, simply stated that the deadlock in the Senate made it impossible to consider the Paris consulship, which required Senate confirmation.[168] Once the New York senators had resigned, and Robertson had been confirmed as Collector, Guiteau pressed his claim, and Blaine told him he would not receive the position.[169]

Rather than realize the reasons why he had been denied, Guiteau came to believe he had lost the position because he was a Stalwart. The office-seeker decided that the only way to end the internecine warfare in the Republican Party was for Garfield to die—though he had nothing personal against the president. Arthur's succession would restore peace, he felt, and lead to rewards for fellow Stalwarts, including Guiteau.[170]

The Assassination of Abraham Lincoln was deemed a fluke due to the Civil War, and Garfield, like most people, saw no reason why the president should be guarded; Garfield's movements and plans were often printed in the newspapers. Guiteau knew the president would leave Washington for cooler climes on July 2, and made plans to kill him before then. He purchased a gun he thought would look good in a museum, and followed Garfield several times, but each time his plans were frustrated, or he lost his nerve.[171] His opportunities dwindled to one—Garfield's departure by train for Massachusetts on the morning of July 2, 1881.[172]

Guiteau concealed himself by the ladies' waiting room at the Sixth Street Station of the Baltimore and Potomac Railroad, from where Garfield was scheduled to depart. Most of Garfield's cabinet planned to accompany him at least part of the way; Blaine, who was to remain in Washington, came to the station to see him off. The two men were deep in conversation and did not notice Guiteau before he took out his revolver and shot Garfield twice, once in the back and once in the arm. The time was 9:30 am. The assassin attempted to leave the station, but was quickly captured.[173] As Blaine recognized him and Guiteau made no secret of why he had shot Garfield, the assassin's motivation to benefit the Stalwarts reached many with the early news of the shooting, causing rage against that faction.[174]

Treatment and death[edit]

An ornate Victorian Gothic style building with a square tower
Baltimore & Potomac Railroad Passenger Terminal in Washington where Garfield was shot July 2, 1881.

Garfield was hit by two shots; one glanced off his arm while the other pierced his back, shattering a rib and embedding itself in his abdomen. "My God, what is this?" he exclaimed.[175] Guiteau, as he was led away, stated, "I did it. I will go to jail for it. I am a Stalwart and Arthur will be President."[e][176]

Among those who were in the station was Robert Lincoln, who sixteen years before had watched his father die from an assassin's bullet. Garfield was taken on a mattress upstairs to a private office, where several doctors examined him, probing the wound with unwashed fingers. At his request, Garfield was taken back to the White House, and his wife, still in New Jersey, was sent for.[177] Blaine sent word to Vice President Arthur in New York City, who, along with his friend, former senator Conkling, received threats against their lives because of Guiteau's statements and their known animosity toward Garfield.[178]

Although Joseph Lister's pioneering work in antisepsis was known to American doctors (Lister himself had visited America in 1876), few of them had confidence in it, and none of his advocates were among Garfield's treating physicians.[179] The physician who took charge at the depot and then at the White House was Doctor Willard Bliss.[f] A noted physician and surgeon, Bliss was an old friend of Garfield, and about a dozen doctors, led by Bliss, were soon probing the wound with unsterilized fingers and instruments. Garfield was given morphine for the pain, and asked Bliss to frankly tell him his chances, which Bliss put at one in 100. "Well, Doctor, we'll take that chance."[180]

Over the next few days, Garfield made some improvement, as the nation viewed the news from the capital and prayed. Although he never stood again, he was able to sit up and write several times, and his recovery was viewed so positively that a steamer was fitted out as a seagoing hospital to aid with his convalescence. He was nourished on oatmeal (which he detested) and milk from a cow on the White House's lawn. When told that Indian chief Sitting Bull, a prisoner of the army, was starving, Garfield said, "Let him starve", then, "Oh no, send him my oatmeal."[181] Alexander Graham Bell tried to locate the bullet with a primitive metal detector; he was not successful. One means of keeping the president comfortable in Washington's summer heat was one of the first successful air conditioning units: air propelled by fans over ice and then dried reduced the temperature in the sickroom by 20 degrees Fahrenheit (11 degrees Celcius).[181]

Beginning on July 23, Garfield took a turn for the worse. His temperature increased to 104 °F (40 °C); doctors, concerned by a pus sac that had developed by the wound, operated and inserted a drainage tube. This initially seemed to help, and Garfield, in his bed, was able to hold a brief cabinet meeting on July 29, though members were under orders from Bliss to discuss nothing that might excite Garfield.[182] Doctors probed the sac, which went into Garfield's body, hoping to find the bullet; they most likely only made the infections worse. Garfield performed only one state act in August, signing an extradition paper. By the end of the month, the president was much more feeble than he had been, and his weight had decreased to 130 pounds (59 kg).[183]

Garfield had long been anxious to escape hot, unhealthy Washington, and in early September the doctors agreed to move him to Elberon, where his wife had recovered earlier in the summer. He left the White House of the last time on September 5, traveling in a specially-cushioned railway car; a spur line to the Franklyn Cottage, a seaside mansion given over to his use, was built in a night by volunteers. There, Garfield could see the ocean as officials and reporters maintained what became (after an initial rally) a death watch. Garfield's personal secretary, Joe Stanley Brown, wrote 40 years later, "to this day I cannot hear the sound of the low slow roll of the Atlantic on the shore, the sound which filled my ears as I walked from my cottage to his bedside, without recalling again that ghastly tragedy.[184]

On September 18, Garfield asked A. F. Rockwell, a friend, if he would have a place in history. Rockwell assured him he would, and told Garfield he had much work still before him. "No, my work is done."[185] The following day, Garfield, by then also suffering from pneumonia and heart pains, marveled that he could not pick up a glass despite feeling well, and went to sleep without discomfort. He awoke that evening around 10:15 pm with great pain in his chest. The attendant watching him sent for Bliss, who found him unconscious. Despite efforts to revive him, Garfield never awoke, dying at 10:35 pm that evening.[186]

According to some historians and medical experts Garfield might have survived his wounds had the doctors attending him had at their disposal today's medical research, techniques, and equipment.[187] Standard medical practice at the time dictated that priority be given to locating the path of the bullet. Several of his doctors inserted their unsterilized fingers into the wound to probe for the bullet, a common practice in the 1880s.[187] Historians agree that massive infection was a significant factor in President Garfield's demise.[187] Biographer Peskin stated that medical malpractice did not contribute to Garfield's death; the inevitable infection and blood poisoning that would ensue from a deep bullet wound resulted in multiple organ damage and spinal bone fragmentation.[188] Another of Garfield's biographers, Ira Rutkow, a professor of surgery at the University of Medicine and Dentistry of New Jersey, has argued that starvation also played a role. Rutkow suggests that "Garfield had such a nonlethal wound. In today's world, he would have gone home in a matter of two or three days."[187]

Guiteau was indicted on October 14, 1881, for the murder of the president. In a chaotic trial in which Guiteau often interrupted and argued, his counsel used the insanity defense, due to his odd character, the jury found him guilty on January 5, 1882, and he was sentenced to death. Guiteau may have had syphilis, a disease that causes physiological mental impairment.[189]Guiteau was executed on June 30, 1882.[190]

Funeral, memorials and commemorations[edit]

Garfield's casket lying in state at the Capitol Rotunda

Garfield's funeral train left Long Branch on the same special track that brought him there, traveling over tracks blanketed with flowers and past houses adorned with flags. His body was transported first to the Capitol and then continued on to Cleveland for burial.[191] More than 70,000 citizens, some waiting over three hours, passed by Garfield's coffin as his body lay in state in Washington; later, on September 25, 1881, in Cleveland, more than 150,000—a number equal to the entire population of that city—likewise paid their respects.[191] His body was temporarily interred in a vault in Cleveland's Lake View Cemetery until his permanent memorial was built.[191]

Memorials to Garfield were erected across the country. On April 10, 1882, seven months after Garfield's death, the U.S. Post Office issued a postage stamp in his honor, the second stamp issued by the U.S. to honor an assassinated president.[192] In 1884, sculptor Frank Happersberger completed one such monument, which was placed on the grounds of the San Francisco Conservatory of Flowers.[193] In 1887, the James A. Garfield Monument was dedicated in Washington.[194] Another monument, in Philadelphia's Fairmount Park, was erected in 1896.[195]

On May 19, 1890, Garfield's body was permanently interred, with great solemnity and fanfare, in a mausoleum in Lake View Cemetery in Cleveland. Attending the dedication ceremonies were former president Hayes, current president Benjamin Harrison, and future president William McKinley.[196] Garfield's Treasury Secretary, William Windom, also attended.[196] Harrison said that Garfield was always a "student and instructor" and that his life works and death would "continue to be instructive and inspiring incidents in American history".[197] Five panels on the monument display Garfield as a teacher, Union major general, an orator, taking the Presidential oath, and his body lying in state at the Capitol rotunda in Washington D.C.[198]

Garfield's murder by a deranged office seeker awakened public awareness of the need for civil service reform legislation. Senator George H. Pendleton, a Democrat from Ohio, launched a reform effort that resulted in President Arthur signing into law the Pendleton Act in January 1883.[199] This act reversed the "spoils system" where office seekers paid or gave political service in order to obtain or keep federally appointed positions.[199] Under the Act, appointments were awarded on merit and competitive examination.[200] To ensure the reform was implemented, Congress and Arthur established and funded the Civil Service Commission. The Pendleton Act, however, only covered 10% of federal government workers.[200] For Arthur, previously known for having been a "veteran spoilsman", civil service reform became his most noteworthy achievement.[201]

Legacy and historical view[edit]

For a few years after his assassination, Garfield's life story was seen as an exemplar of the American success story: that even the poorest boy might someday become President of the United States. Peskin noted that "in mourning Garfield, Americans were not only honoring a president; they were paying tribute to a man whose life story embodied their own most cherished aspirations".[202] As the rivalry between Stalwarts and Half-Breeds faced from the scene in the late 1880s and after, so too did memories of Garfield. In the 1890s, Americans became disillusioned with politicians, and looked elsewhere for inspiration, focusing on industrialists, labor leaders, scientists, and others as their heroes. Increasingly, Garfield's short time as president was forgotten.[203]

The 20th century saw no revival for Garfield. Thomas Wolfe deemed the presidents of the Gilded Age, including Garfield, "lost Americans" whose "gravely vacant and bewhiskered faces mixed, melted, swam together".[204] The politicians of the Gilded Age faded from the public eye, their luster eclipsed by those who had influenced America outside of political office during that time: the robber barons, the inventors, those who had sought social reform, and others who had lived as America rapidly changed. Current events and more recent figures occupied America's attention: according to Ackerman, "the busy Twentieth Century has made Garfield's era seem remote and irrelevant, its leaders ridiculed for their very obscurity."[204]

Garfield's biographers, and those who have studied his presidency, tend to think well of him, and that his presidency saw a promising start before its untimely end. Historian Justus D. Doenecke, while deeming Garfield a bit of an enigma, chronicles his achievements, "by winning a victory over the Stalwarts, he enhanced both the power and prestige of his office. As a man, he was intelligent, sensitive, and alert, and his knowledge of how government worked was unmatched."[205] Yet, Doenecke criticizes Garfield's dismissal of Merritt in Robertson's favor, and wonders if the president was truly in command of the situation even after the latter's confirmation.[206] According to Caldwell, writing in 1931, "If Garfield lives in history, it will be partly on account of the charm of his personality—but also because in life and in death, he struck the first shrewd blows against a dangerous system of boss rule which seemed for a time about to engulf the politics of the nation. Perhaps if he had lived he could have done no more."[207] Rutkow writes, "James Abram Garfield's presidency is reduced to a tantalizing 'what if.' "[203]

Peskin believes Garfield deserves more credit for his political career than he has received:

True, his accomplishments were neither bold nor heroic, but his was not an age that called for heroism. His stormy presidency was brief and, and in some respects, unfortunate, but he did leave the office stronger than he found it. As a public man he had a hand in almost every issue of national importance for almost two decades, while as a party leader he, along with Blaine, forged the Republican Party into the instrument that would lead the United States into the twentieth century.[208]


  1. ^ Church of Christ, Christian Church, and Disciples of Christ were names that were used interchangeably amongst members of a unified movement until the turn of the 20th century when they separated.[1]
  2. ^ Biographer Allan Peskin speculated this may have been infectious hepatitis.[47]
  3. ^ Until the ratification of the Twentieth Amendment in 1933, Congress convened annually in December.
  4. ^ In October 1883, the War of the Pacific was settled without American involvement, with the Treaty of Ancón.
  5. ^ The words vary in some sources
  6. ^ His given name was "Doctor".


  1. ^ McAlister & Tucker 1975, p. 252.
  2. ^ Peskin 1978, pp. 4–6.
  3. ^ Peskin 1978, pp. 6–7.
  4. ^ Peskin 1978, pp. 8–10.
  5. ^ Rutkow 2006, p. 4.
  6. ^ a b Peskin 1978, pp. 10–11.
  7. ^ Brown 1881, p. 23.
  8. ^ Brown 1881, pp. 30–33.
  9. ^ Rutkow 2006, p. 10.
  10. ^ Peskin 1978, pp. 14–17.
  11. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 13.
  12. ^ Rutkow 2006, p. 6.
  13. ^ Brown 1881, pp. 71–73.
  14. ^ Brown 1881, pp. 47–49.
  15. ^ a b Peskin 1978, p. 16.
  16. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 17.
  17. ^ "God in the White House". Public Broadcasting System. October 11, 2010. Retrieved March 5, 2015. 
  18. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 21.
  19. ^ Peskin 1978, pp. 27–28.
  20. ^ Peskin 1978, pp. 22–23.
  21. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 29.
  22. ^ Brown 1881, p. 56; Peskin 1978, p. 30.
  23. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 34.
  24. ^ a b c Rutkow 2006, p. 8.
  25. ^ Rutkow 2006, p. 11.
  26. ^ Rutkow 2006, p. 44.
  27. ^ Brown 1881, pp. 74–75.
  28. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 82.
  29. ^ Peskin 1978, pp. 60–61.
  30. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 73.
  31. ^ a b Peskin 1978, pp. 86–87.
  32. ^ a b Peskin 1978, pp. 87–89.
  33. ^ a b c Peskin 1978, pp. 90–93.
  34. ^ Peskin 1978, pp. 98–101.
  35. ^ a b Peskin 1978, pp. 101–103.
  36. ^ a b Peskin 1978, pp. 106–112.
  37. ^ Peskin 1978, pp. 112–115.
  38. ^ Caldwell 1965, pp. 76–78.
  39. ^ Peskin 1978, pp. 116–120.
  40. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 128.
  41. ^ a b Peskin 1978, pp. 122–127.
  42. ^ Caldwell 1965, pp. 81–82.
  43. ^ Peskin 1978, pp. 131–133.
  44. ^ Peskin 1978, pp. 134–135.
  45. ^ a b Peskin 1978, pp. 135–137.
  46. ^ Peskin 1978, pp. 138–139.
  47. ^ Peskin 1978, pp. 632–633.
  48. ^ a b Peskin 1978, pp. 146–147.
  49. ^ Peskin 1978, pp. 147–148.
  50. ^ Peskin 1978, pp. 149–151.
  51. ^ Peskin 1978, pp. 160–161.
  52. ^ Peskin 1978, pp. 161–162.
  53. ^ a b Peskin 1978, pp. 162–165.
  54. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 166.
  55. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 176.
  56. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 169.
  57. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 170.
  58. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 177.
  59. ^ a b Peskin 1978, pp. 180–182.
  60. ^ Peskin 1978, pp. 183–189.
  61. ^ a b c Peskin 1978, pp. 205–208.
  62. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 210.
  63. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 213.
  64. ^ a b Peskin 1978, pp. 219–220.
  65. ^ Smith 2001, pp. 550–551.
  66. ^ Rutkow 2006, p. 17; Peskin 1978, p. 148.
  67. ^ Rutkow 2006, p. 18.
  68. ^ Caldwell 1965, pp. 139–142.
  69. ^ a b Rutkow 2006, pp. 25–26.
  70. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 233.
  71. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 234.
  72. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 152.
  73. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 224.
  74. ^ Caldwell 1965, pp. 145–147.
  75. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 232.
  76. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 156.
  77. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 241.
  78. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 240.
  79. ^ Brown 1881, pp. 134–137.
  80. ^ Caldwell 1965, p. 153.
  81. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 250.
  82. ^ Caldwell 1965, pp. 154–155.
  83. ^ Caldwell 1965, pp. 155–156.
  84. ^ Doenecke 1981, pp. 47–48.
  85. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 279.
  86. ^ Caldwell 1965, pp. 170–172.
  87. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 278.
  88. ^ Caldwell 1965, pp. 173–174; Peskin 1978, pp. 287–289.
  89. ^ Peskin 1978, pp. 332–334.
  90. ^ Caldwell 1965, pp. 205–218.
  91. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 261.
  92. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 268.
  93. ^ Rutkow 2006, pp. 31–32.
  94. ^ Peskin 1978, pp. 265, 327.
  95. ^ McFeely 1981, p. 328; Peskin 1978, p. 311.
  96. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 313.
  97. ^ a b Peskin 1978, pp. 350–351.
  98. ^ Caldwell 1965, pp. 219.
  99. ^ Caldwell 1965, pp. 224–226.
  100. ^ Peskin 1978, pp. 354–359.
  101. ^ a b Peskin 1978, p. 362.
  102. ^ Rutkow 2006, p. 34.
  103. ^ Caldwell 1965, p. 230.
  104. ^ Caldwell 1965, pp. 233–236; Rutkow 2006, pp. 34–35.
  105. ^ Rutkow 2006, pp. 37–39.
  106. ^ Peskin 1978, pp. 398–400.
  107. ^ Peskin 1978, pp. 401–405.
  108. ^ Caldwell 1965, pp. 251–261; Rutkow 2006, p. 40.
  109. ^ Rutkow 2006, p. 41.
  110. ^ Caldwell 1965, p. 261.
  111. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 498.
  112. ^ Peskin 1978, pp. 442–447.
  113. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 270.
  114. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 347.
  115. ^ McFeely 1981, pp. 387–389, 392.
  116. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 331.
  117. ^ Peskin 1978, pp. 335–338.
  118. ^ "Garfield's proof of the Pythagorean Theorem". Khan Academy (via YouTube). November 27, 2012. Retrieved December 2, 2012. 
  119. ^ Klebe (February, 1995), President Garfield, and the Pythagorean Theorem
  120. ^ a b Peskin 1978, p. 454–455.
  121. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 456–457.
  122. ^ Doenecke 1981, pp. 17–19.
  123. ^ a b c Ackerman 2003, pp. 81–83.
  124. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 464–465.
  125. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 466–469.
  126. ^ Ackerman 2003, pp. 96–101.
  127. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 472–475.
  128. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 475–477.
  129. ^ Ackerman 2003, pp. 110–114.
  130. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 480–481.
  131. ^ a b Peskin 1978, p. 488–491.
  132. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 498–500.
  133. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 501–502.
  134. ^ Clancy 1958, pp. 175–180.
  135. ^ a b Peskin 1978, p. 493–494.
  136. ^ Clancy 1958, pp. 232–233.
  137. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 511–513.
  138. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 510–511.
  139. ^ Peskin 1978, pp. 519–521.
  140. ^ Peskin 1978, pp. 554–555.
  141. ^ a b c Doenecke 1981, pp. 33–36.
  142. ^ a b Peskin 1978, pp. 555–561.
  143. ^ Caldwell 1965, p. 330.
  144. ^ Peskin 1978, pp. 538–540.
  145. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 539.
  146. ^ Doenecke 1981, p. 38.
  147. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 572.
  148. ^ a b Doenecke 1981, pp. 39–41.
  149. ^ a b Peskin 1978, p. 578.
  150. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 580.
  151. ^ Doenecke 1981, pp. 94–95.
  152. ^ Doenecke 1981, p. 48.
  153. ^ a b Doenecke 1981, pp. 48–49.
  154. ^ a b Doenecke 1981, pp. 49–50.
  155. ^ Doenecke 1981, pp. 50–53.
  156. ^ a b c Crapol 2000, pp. 62–64.
  157. ^ a b Crapol 2000, pp. 65–66; Doenecke 1981, pp. 55–57.
  158. ^ Crapol 2000, p. 70; Doenecke 1981, pp. 57–58.
  159. ^ Crapol 2000, pp. 74–80; Peskin 1978, pp. 576–577.
  160. ^ Crapol 2000, p. 81; Doenecke 1981, pp. 71–73.
  161. ^ Doenecke 1981, pp. 145–147.
  162. ^ Doenecke 1981, pp. 130–131.
  163. ^ Doenecke 1981, pp. 148–149.
  164. ^ Ackerman 2003, p. 114.
  165. ^ Ackerman 2003, pp. 151–152.
  166. ^ Ackerman 2003, pp. 189–190, 237.
  167. ^ Ackerman 2003, pp. 237–238.
  168. ^ Ackerman 2003, pp. 278–279.
  169. ^ Ackerman 2003, p. 299.
  170. ^ Ackerman 2003, pp. 305–308.
  171. ^ Ackerman 2003, pp. 313–316.
  172. ^ Ackerman 2003, pp. 328–330.
  173. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 596.
  174. ^ Ackerman 2003, pp. 335–340.
  175. ^ Ackerman 2003, pp. 333–334.
  176. ^ Ackerman 2003, p. 335.
  177. ^ Ackerman 2003, pp. 335–336.
  178. ^ Rutkow 2006, pp. 88–89.
  179. ^ Rutkow 2006, pp. 106–107.
  180. ^ Ackerman 2003, p. 346.
  181. ^ a b Peskin 1978, pp. 601–602.
  182. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 603.
  183. ^ Ackerman 2003, pp. 374–375.
  184. ^ Ackerman 2003, pp. 374–376.
  185. ^ Caldwell 1965, p. 355.
  186. ^ Ackerman 2003, pp. 376–377; Rutkow 2006, p. 127.
  187. ^ a b c d Schaffer 2006.
  188. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 607.
  189. ^ Paulson, G. (2006). "Death of a President and his Assassin—Errors in their Diagnosis and Autopsies". Journal of the History of the Neurosciences 15 (2): 77–91. doi:10.1080/096470490953455. PMID 16608737. 
  190. ^ Ackerman 2003, pp. 444–446.
  191. ^ a b c Peskin 1978, pp. 608–609.
  192. ^ Smithsonian 2006.
  193. ^ Radford & Radford 2002, p. 23.
  194. ^ Ackerman 2003, p. 441.
  195. ^ Bach 1992, p. 207.
  196. ^ a b Memorial 1890, pp. 46–49.
  197. ^ Memorial 1890, p. 51.
  198. ^ Memorial 1890, pp. 34–35.
  199. ^ a b Doenecke 1981, pp. 100–102.
  200. ^ a b Doenecke 1981, pp. 102–103.
  201. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 610.
  202. ^ Peskin 2000.
  203. ^ a b Rutkow 2006, p. 136.
  204. ^ a b Ackerman 2003, p. 399.
  205. ^ Doenecke 1981, p. 182.
  206. ^ Doenecke 1981, p. 183.
  207. ^ Caldwell 1965, p. 363.
  208. ^ Peskin 1978, p. 611.

Works cited[edit]


  • Ackerman, Kenneth D. (2003). Dark Horse: The Surprise Election and Political Murder of James A. Garfield. New York, New York: Avalon Publishing. ISBN 0-7867-1396-8. 
  • Bach, Penny Balkin (1992). Public Art in Philadelphia. Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: Temple University Press. ISBN 0-87722-822-1. 
  • Brown, Emma Elizabeth (1881). The Life and Public Services of James A. Garfield / Twentieth President of the United States. Boston, Massachusetts: D. Lothrop Company. 
  • Caldwell, Robert Granville (1965) [1931]. James A. Garfield: Party Chieftain. New York, New York: Dodd, Mead & Co. OCLC 833793627. 
  • Clancy, Herbert J. (1958). The Presidential Election of 1880. Chicago, Illinois: Loyola University Press. ISBN 978-1-258-19190-0. 
  • Crapol, Edward P. (2000). James G. Blaine: Architect of Empire. Biographies in American Foreign Policy 4. Wilmington, Delaware: Scholarly Resources. ISBN 978-0-8420-2604-8. 
  • Doenecke, Justus D. (1981). The Presidencies of James A. Garfield & Chester A. Arthur. Lawrence, Kansas: The Regents Press of Kansas. ISBN 0-7006-0208-9. 
  • Garfield National Memorial Association (1890). The Man and the Mausoleum. Cleveland, Ohio: Cleveland Print and Publishing Company. OCLC 1656783. 
  • McAlister, Lester G.; Tucker, William E. (1975). Journey in Faith: A History of the Christian Church (Disciples of Christ). St. Louis, Missouri: Chalice Press. ISBN 978-0-8272-1703-4. 
  • McFeely, William S. (1981). Grant: A Biography. New York, New York: W. W. Norton & Company, Inc. ISBN 0-393-32394-3. 
  • Peskin, Allan (1978). Garfield: A Biography. Kent, Ohio: Kent State University Press. ISBN 0-87338-210-2. 
  • Radford, Warren; Radford, Georgia (2002). Outdoor Sculpture in San Francisco: a Heritage of Public Art. Gualala, California: Helsham Press. ISBN 978-0-9717-6071-4. 
  • Rutkow, Ira (2006). James A. Garfield. New York, New York: Macmillan Publishers. ISBN 978-0-8050-6950-1. OCLC 255885600. 
  • Smith, Jean Edward (2001). Grant. New York, New York: Simon & Schuster Paperback. ISBN 0-684-84927-5. 
  • Vowell, Sarah (2005). Assassination Vacation. Simon & Schuster. ISBN 0-7432-6004-X. 



External links[edit]