Hokkien phonology
Hokkien grammar |
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Hokkien is a Southern Min language spoken in southern Fujian and Taiwan. It has one of the most diverse phoneme inventories among Sinitic languages.
Along with other Min languages, which are not directly descended from Middle Chinese, Hokkien is of considerable interest to historical linguists for reconstructing Old Chinese.
This article uses Pe̍h-ōe-jī and IPA for transcription.
Syllables
A syllable in Hokkien consists of an initial, a final, and a tone.
In total, Hokkien uses around 800 toneless combinations of initials and finals, and around 2250~2450 total syllables with tones (counting only attested meaningful syllables, not all theoretically possible combinations).[1]
The number of syllables in Hokkien is far greater than in any other Sinitic language. For comparison, Cantonese and Hokchew use around 1800 toned syllables, Beijing Mandarin has 1350 syllables, and Suzhou Wu has only 1100 syllables.[1]
Initials
Hokkien has aspirated, unaspirated as well as voiced consonant initials.
A total of 15 initials (or 14, in dialects with /dz/ merged with /l/) are used in Hokkien. This number does not include the three nasal consonants ([m], [n], [ŋ]), which are usually considered allophones of the non-nasal voiced initials (e.g. 命; miā; 'life' is analyzed as /bĩã꜅/, but pronounced as [mĩã²²]). This allophony also leads to a notable feature of the Hokkien accent in other languages, such as Japanese or Mandarin, when the nasal sounds like [m] are denasalized into non-nasal voiced consonants like [b].[2]
Labial | Alveolar | Palatal | Velar | Glottal | ||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Stop | plain | p | t | k | ʔ | |
aspirated | pʰ | tʰ | kʰ | |||
voiced | b (m) |
l~d~ɾ (n) |
ɡ (ŋ) |
|||
(nasalized) | ||||||
Affricate | plain | ts | ||||
aspirated | tsʰ | |||||
voiced | dz~z | |||||
Fricative | s | h | ||||
Semi-vowels | w | j |
Syllables starting with vowels or approximants (/w/, /j/) are considered to have the zero initial /∅/ (which can be articulated as a glottal stop [ʔ]).
Affricates and fricatives (ts, tsʰ, dz~z, s) are palatalized before i, becoming tɕ, tɕʰ, dʑ~ʑ, ɕ.
Phoneme | Phonetic realisation | |||
---|---|---|---|---|
_/[i; j] | _/[u; w] | _/[Ṽ; ŋ̍] | elsewhere | |
/p/ | [p] | [pʷ] | [p] | [p] |
/pʰ/ | [pʰ] | [pʰʷ] | [pʰ] | [pʰ] |
/b/ | [ɓ] | [βʷ] | [m] | [ɓ] |
/tʰ/ | [t̪ʰ] | [t̻ʰʷ] | [tʰ] | [tʰ] |
/l/ | [ɗ̪] | [lʷ] | [n] | [ɗ] |
/k/ | [kʲ] | [kʷ] | [k] | [k] |
/kʰ/ | [kʰʲ] | [kʰʷ] | [kʰ] | [kʰ] |
/g/ | [ɠʲ] | [ɣʷ] | [ŋ] | [ɠ] |
/∅/ | [ʔʲ]/∅ | [ʔʷ]/∅ | [ʔ]/∅ | [ʔ]/∅ |
/s/ | [ɕ] | [ʃ] | [s] | [s] |
/z/ | [ʝ] | [ʒ] | [z] | [z] |
/h/ | [ħʲ] | [hʷ] | [ɦ] | [ħ] |
/ts/ | [tɕ] | [tʃ] | [ts] | [ts] |
/tsʰ/ | [tɕʰ] | [tʃʰ] | [tsʰ] | [tsʰ] |
The phoneme /l/ in Hokkien has many possible articulations. It ranges between [d], [ɗ], [l] and [ɾ]. Its nasal allophone is uniformly described as [n]. In directly-borrowed loanwords (i.e. those not borrowed orthographically via Mandarin or Japanese), foreign /d/ may be represented with Hokkien /l/: 鐳; lui; 'coin' (from Dutch duit via Malay), 羅辛; lô-sin; 'dozen' (from English), 老君; ló-kun; 'doctor' (from Malay dukun), 棉蘭; Mî-lân; 'Medan'.
As a phoneme, /dz/ (also realized as [z]) is found predominantly in southern dialects of Hokkien. In many northern dialects, such as urban Quanzhou and Amoy, it has merged with /l/. This merger is still incomplete in some peripheral northern dialects, such as those of Tong'an or Yongchun, where /dz/ is reported to be present in some localities, in the speech of older speakers, or in a limited set of words (usually the more common ones, such as 日; ji̍t; 'day' or 二; jī; 'two').[4] Some Southern and Western Hokkien dialects merge /dz/ with /g/ (among the Southern Hokkien dialects, such merger is found in the north of Zhangpu, in Taichung, or, under Western Hokkien influence, in Hua'an).[5]
Finals
A final in Hokkien consists of a nucleus (a vowel, a diphtong, or a syllabic nasal /m̩/ or /ŋ̍/), with an optional medial (/i/ or /u/, some dialects also allow /ɯ/) and coda (/m/, /n/, /ŋ/, /p/, /t/, /k/, /ʔ/).
There are around 80 to 90 finals in Hokkien. The exact number can vary depending on the specific dialect, as well as the inclusion of marginal finals from onomatopoeia and contractions. Western branch of Hokkien (the Lengna dialect) has around 60 finals, due to the loss of the /-ʔ/ coda.[6]
In the tables below, rare rimes used in a small number of words are shaded. Finals used only in the northern or southern dialects of Hokkien are marked with N and S respectively.
Open-vowel finals
Finals with the coda /-ʔ/ are considered to be the checked tone counterparts for the open-vowel finals.
non-entering tones
|
zero medial |
-a /a/ 亞巴 |
-er /ə/N[i] 果皮 |
-o͘ /ɔ/ 土兔 |
-o /o/ 刀無 |
-e /e/ 系西 |
-ee /ɛ/S[ii] 茶馬 |
-ir /ɯ/N[iii] 去事 |
-ai /ai/ 才台 |
-au /au/ 包草 | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
/-i-/ | -ia /ia/ 者野 |
-i /i/ 伊比 |
-io /io/ 叫小 |
-iu /iu/ 友首 |
-iau /iau/ 條肖 | ||||||
/-u-/ | -oa /ua/ 我歌 |
-u /u/ 主富 |
-oe /ue/ 悔貝 |
-ui /ui/ 水季 |
-oai /uai/ 快怪 |
||||||
entering tones
|
zero medial |
-ah /aʔ/ 甲拍 |
-erh /əʔ/N 雪月 |
-o͘h /ɔʔ/ 膜噁 |
-oh /oʔ/ 學索 |
-eh /eʔ/ 客N雪S |
-eeh /ɛʔ/S 白客 |
-irh /ɯʔ/N 䟙漬 |
-auh /auʔ/ 雹暴 | ||
/-i-/ | -iah /iaʔ/ 食壁 |
-ih /iʔ/ 鐵篾 |
-io͘h /iɔʔ/S [iv] |
-ioh /ioʔ/ 箬藥 |
-iuh /iuʔ/ [v] |
-iauh /iauʔ/ [vi] | |||||
/-u-/ | -oah /uaʔ/ 煞末 |
-uh /uʔ/ 厾托 |
-oeh /ueʔ/ 八N卜S |
-uih /uiʔ/N 血 |
- ^ /ə/ is not found in Amoy Hokkien. In Pe̍h-ōe-jī, it may be written with -er, -ö, or -o̤.
- ^ /ɛ/ is not found in Amoy Hokkien. The original Pe̍h-ōe-jī by W.H.Medhurst used -ay for it. In later variations of Pe̍h-ōe-jī, it may be written with -ee, -e͘, -ɛ, or -a̤.
- ^ /ɯ/ is not found in Amoy Hokkien. In Pe̍h-ōe-jī, it may be written with -ir, -ü, or -ṳ.
- ^ /iɔʔ/ — only found in urban Zhangzhou dialect in the interjection 諾 io̍͘h "yeah; right".
- ^ /iuʔ/ — used in onomatopoeia and ideophones, e.g. 搐搐彈 tiuh-tiuh-tōaⁿ "aching, painful", 密喌喌 ba̍t-chiuh-chiuh "very dense; thick".
- ^ /iauʔ/ — used in onomatopoeia and ideophones, e.g. 靜悄悄 chēng-chiauh-chiauh "quiet; tranquil", 吱吱嚼嚼 chi-chi-chia̍uh-chia̍uh "(describes a rapid speech, chattering)", 硬碻碻 ngēe-khia̍uh-khia̍uh "very hard, solid".
The vowel -a /a/ is usually [ɐ].
The vowel ee /ɛ/ is only found in Southern dialects of Hokkien.
The final -o͘ /ɔ/ is realized as a diphtong -ou [ou] in many rural Zhangzhou dialects (in Pinghe, Zhangpu, Yunxiao, Chawan, etc), similarly to Teochew. Likewise, many of those dialects diphtongize -e /e/ into -ei [ei]. Some dialects, such as Zhangpu, realize them as triphtongs [uou] and [iei]. Changtai dialect uniquely pronounces general Hokkien -o͘ /ɔ/ as [eu]. However, it still uses the vowel /ɔ/, mainly in place of general Hokkien /o/.
-er /ə/ and -ir /ɯ/ are found in many Northern Hokkien dialects, including Quanzhou and Tong'an. In Amoy, Jinjiang and among some younger urban Quanzhou speakers, -er /ə/ is merged with /e/. Similarly, the final -ir /ɯ/ may be merged with /i/ or /u/ in those dialects. These two finals are not found in Southern dialects of Hokkien.
Chawan dialect in Zhangzhou also has -er /ə/ and -ir /ɯ/. Thus, Chawan distinguishes the following finals: -ee /ɛ/, -er /ə/, and -ei [ei] (latter corresponding to urban Zhangzhou -e /e/). The dialects of Yunxiao and rural Dongshan are notable for having -ee /ɛ/, -e /e/ (in place of Chawan -er /ə/) and -ei /ei/ (in place of urban Zhangzhou -e /e/) as distinct finals.
In Northern Hokkien dialects where the final -er /ə/ is present, it is generally realized as [ɤ̟], and -o /o/ is realized as [o̜]. In dialects where -er /ə/ is absent, [ɤ̹] is a possible realization of -o /o/.
non-entering tones
|
zero medial |
-aⁿ /ã/ 三衫 |
-o͘ⁿ /ɔ̃/ 毛誤 |
-eⁿ /ẽ/N 泥嬰 |
-eeⁿ /ɛ̃/S 生病 |
-aiⁿ /ãi/ 乃耐 |
-auⁿ /ãu/ 貌鬧 |
-m /m̩/ 毋莓 |
-ng /ŋ̍/ 方堂 | ||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
/-i-/ | -iaⁿ /iã/ 兄名 |
-iⁿ /ĩ/ 年天 |
-io͘ⁿ /iɔ̃/S 想羊 |
-iuⁿ /iũ/ 想N牛S |
-iauⁿ /iãu/ 貓鳥 |
||||||
/-u-/ | -oaⁿ /uã/ 看線 |
-oeⁿ /uẽ/S 妹糜 |
-uiⁿ /uĩ/ 每N光S |
-oaiⁿ /uãi/ 檨彎 |
|||||||
entering tones
|
zero medial |
-ahⁿ /ãʔ/ [i] |
-ohⁿ /ɔ̃ʔ/ 膜瘼 |
-ehⁿ /ẽʔ/N 脈 |
-eehⁿ /ɛ̃ʔ/S 脈雀 |
-aihⁿ /ãiʔ/N [i] |
-auhⁿ /ãuʔ/ [i] |
-mh /m̩ʔ/ [i] |
-ngh /ŋ̍ʔ/ [i] | ||
/-i-/ | -iahⁿ /iãʔ/ 嚇愕 |
-ihⁿ /ĩʔ/ 物𥍉 |
-oehⁿ /uẽʔ/S [ii] |
-iuhⁿ /iũʔ/N [i] |
-iauhⁿ /iãuʔ/ [i] |
||||||
/-u-/ | -uihⁿ /uĩʔ/N 蜢 |
-oaihⁿ /uãiʔ/ [i] |
Finals with codas
-m/-p | -ng/-k | -n/-t | |||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
non-entering tones
|
zero medial |
-am /am/ 南甘 |
-erm /əm/N 森針 |
-om /ɔm/S 森掩 |
-ang /aŋ/ 江儂 |
-erng /əŋ/N[i] 生等 |
-ong /ɔŋ/ 王東 |
-an /an/ 安難 |
-ern /ən/N[ii] 銀恩 |
/-i-/ | -iam /iam/ 忝劍 |
-im /im/ 心金 |
-iang /iaŋ/ 涼亮 |
-eng /iŋ/ 令頂 |
-iong /iɔŋ/ 中弓 |
-ian /ian/ 建電 |
-in /in/ 人引 | ||
/-u-/ | -oam /uam/[iii] 犯凡 |
-oang /uaŋ/N[iv] 風 |
-oan /uan/ 川全 |
-un /un/ 春本 | |||||
entering tones
|
zero medial |
-ap /ap/ 答雜 |
-op /ɔp/S [v] |
-ak /ak/ 角北 |
-erk /ək/N[vi] 德特 |
-ok /ɔk/ 服國 |
-at /at/ 殺達 |
-ert /ət/N[ii] 迄核 | |
/-i-/ | -iap /iap/ 接粒 |
-ip /ip/ 立及 |
-iak /iak/ 逼 |
-ek /ik/ 昔逆 |
-iok /iɔk/ 足俗 |
-iat /iat/ 穴烈 |
-it /it/ 日失 | ||
/-u-/ | -oap /uap/[iii] 法 |
-oat /uat/ 越決 |
-ut /ut/ 骨術 |
- ^ /əŋ/ — used in some coastal Northern dialects (urban Quanzhou, Jinjiang, Nan'an). Also described as -ng /ŋ̍/
- ^ a b /ən/ and /ət/ — used in rural Northern dialects, such as Nan'an, Yongchun, Dehua, Huian, etc.
- ^ a b /uam/ and /uap/ are only used in the Chawan dialect in a few syllables. Most other Hokkien dialects have -oan/-oat instead of -oam/-oap.
- ^ /uaŋ/ — used in Northern dialects of Hokkien almost exclusively in 風 hoang "wind". Some dialects also have it in 光 koang "the light". In Teochew and Western Hokkien (Lengna), this rhyme is used more widely, but in most dialects of Hokkien it has merged with -ong.
- ^ /ɔp/ — used in onomatopoeia and ideophones, e.g. 啑啑叫 cho̍p-cho̍p-kiò "(describes the sound of chewing)", □□ ko̍p-ko̍p "(describes a sticky or claggy thing)", 𢫯 hop "to snare, to catch (with a small net)"
- ^ /ək/ — used limitedly in the most conservative Northern Hokkien dialects, such as Nan'an or operatic pronunciation.
The exact realization of /iŋ/ and /ik/ varies throughout the dialects. For most of them, they are described as [iɪŋ]/[iɪk] or [iəŋ]/[iək]. Many Hokkien dialects in rural Zhangzhou and SEA have them as [eŋ] and [ek]. In urban Quanzhou and Jinjiang, /ik/ is merged with /iak/, but /iŋ/ is preserved.
In dialects with -erng /əŋ/ and -ng /ŋ̍/, the two finals are often confounded. Likewise, -m /m̩/ and -erm /əm/ may be used intechangeably. -m /m̩/ is assigned mainly to the syllables with zero initial, e.g. in 毋 m̄ "not", 媒 m̂, hm̂ "matchmaker", 梅 m̂ "plum", 莓 m̂ "berry", etc.
Hui'an dialect merges -im /im/ and -iam /iam/ into [em], or -ip /ip/ and -iap /iap/ into [ep], etc, and thus it has the following rhymes not found in other dialects: [em], [ep], [en], [et], [eŋ].
While -er /ə/ and -ir /ɯ/ are phonemically distinct as standalone finals, they are not distinct in compound finals, and /əm/, /əŋ/, /ən/, /ək/, /ət/ may be described as /ɯm/, /ɯŋ/, /ɯn/, /ɯk/, /ɯt/ as well (and they are usually described as such for Teochew). In Quanzhou operatic pronunciation, this sound is pronounced as [-ɯə-] in compound finals (except for the final /ək/, which is realized as [-ɯak], influenced by the urban Quanzhou -erk/-ek/-iak merger). These rimes also share some phonological constraints with /ɯ/ rather than /ə/, e.g. they do not cooccur with labial initials (so */pɯ/, */pʰək/~/pʰɯk/ or */mət/~/mɯt/ are not valid syllables in Hokkien, while /pə/ or /pʰə/ are possible).[7]
Rimes used in minor dialects
Rimes with medial /-ɯ-/
Finals with the medial -ir- /-ɯ-/ are mentioned in Lūi-im Biāu-gō͘ (彙音妙悟), an early 19th century Northern Hokkien rimebook, but now they are obsolete in most dialects of Hokkien. They are found only in a few exceptionally conservative dialects, such as Quanzhou operatic, or, per Ang Ui-jin's survey, in the Taiwanese "Old Anxi accent", spoken among older generations in some areas of New Taipei (namely Sanxia, Linkou, Pinglin, Xizhi, Qidu, Pingxi, and Taishan), in Baozhong Township, and in a few villages in Xihu and Puyan. For these dialects, Ang Ui-jin describes this medial as -er- /-ə-/ rather than -ir- /-ɯ-/, except in the final -iriⁿ /ɯĩ/.[8][7]
-ira /ɯa/N 徛騎 |
-iro /ɯo/N 鉤偶 |
-ire /ɯe/N 街初 |
|
-irah /ɯaʔ/N 揭 |
-ireh /ɯeʔ/N 節狹 |
||
-iraⁿ /ɯã/N 囝 |
-iriⁿ /ɯĩ/N 先前 |
/uɛ/ and related rimes
Some southern dialects (Yunxiao, Chawan, Lengna) have /ue/ and /uɛ/ as distinct finals. The latter is used in a small number of vernacular readings: in 瓜, 花, 華, 化, 怪, 畫, 話 in all of these dialects, and 果, 過, 課, 火, 貨 additionally in the Chawan dialect, and 瓦, 蓋, 芥, 寡 in the Lengna dialect.[9]
Similarly, those dialects differentiate between /ueʔ/ and /uɛʔ/, but the latter is used exclusively in 劃.
Furthermore, in Chawan dialect, /uẽ/ is used in 妹, 糜, and 昧, while /uɛ̃/ is used in 關, 橫, 寬, 寡, 杆, and 莖. Other rural Zhangzhou dialects (Nanjing, Pinghe, Changtai, Yunxiao, etc) have /uẽ/ in both groups of characters.
Zhangpu dialect uses /uɛ/, /uɛʔ/ and /uɛ̃/ consistently in place of /ue/, /ueʔ/ and /uẽ/.
Marginal finals
Some marginal finals (not mentioned in the above charts) may occur in specific contexts, such as contractions. For example, in Dongshan dialect there is a final -iohⁿ /iɔ̃ʔ/, used in 即樣 chiohⁿ "like this" and 迄樣 hiohⁿ "like that".[10] In Tong'an dialect, there is a final -iai /iai/, used in contractions (遐兮 hiâ--ê > hiâi "those") or in words with the final -ia suffixed with 仔 á (e.g. 車仔 chhia-á > chhiai-á).
Tones
Traditionally, four Middle Chinese tones are called "level" 平 piâⁿ, "rising" 上 chiǔⁿ, "departing" 去 khìr and "entering" 入 ji̍p. These names are mnemonics illustrating the corresponding tone, e.g. the word "level" 平 piâⁿ has the level tone, the word "to enter" 入 ji̍p has the entering tone, etc. In modern languages, these four tones are further divided into two categories: the "dark" (陰 im) or "upper" (上 chiǔⁿ) tones and the "light" (陽 iông) or "lower" (下 ě) tones, giving a total of 8 tones in traditional system.
The tones can be counted in two patterns: the "dark—light" order (the checked tones are 7 and 8) is more common in works published in China, and the "level—rising—departing—entering" order (the checked tones are 4 and 8) is more popular in Taiwan. This article follows the latter numbering system.
陰 "dark tones" | |||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|
tone name | 陰平
"dark level" |
陰上
"dark rising" |
陰去
"dark departing" |
陰入
"dark entering" | |
Pe̍h-ōe-jī diacritic | a | á | à | ah (-p, -t, -k) | |
tone number | ① | ② | ③ | ④ | |
examples | 詩 si | 死 sí | 四 sì | 薛 sih | |
君 kun | 滾 kún | 棍 kùn | 骨 kut | ||
東 tong | 董 tóng | 棟 tòng | 督 tok | ||
耽 tam | 膽 tám | 擔 tàm | 答 tap | ||
陽 "light tones" | |||||
tone name | 陽平
"light level" |
陽上
"light rising" |
陽去
"light departing" |
陽入
"light entering" | |
Pe̍h-ōe-jī diacritic | â | ǎ | ā | a̍h (-p, -t, -k) | |
tone number | ⑤ | ⑥ | ⑦ | ⑧ | |
examples | 時 sî | 是 sǐ | 示 sī | 蝕 si̍h | |
群 kûn | 窘 kǔn | 郡 kūn | 滑 ku̍t | ||
同 tông | 動 tǒng | 洞 tōng | 獨 to̍k | ||
談 tâm | 湛 tǎm | 淡 tām | 踏 ta̍p |
In most dialects of Hokkien, there are only 7 distinct citation tones, as some of the 8 traditional tones merge into a single tone. Certain dialects (the Lengna dialect or the Changkeng-Yidu dialect in Anxi and Yongchun) distinguish all eight tones, and some (Jinjiang) have only 6 citation tones due to additional mergers. Many Northern dialects merge certain tones in the citation form, but not in the sandhi form.
平 | 上 | 去 | 入 | |
---|---|---|---|---|
陰 | ①君 kun [kun˦] |
②滾 kún [kun˥˧] |
③棍 kùn [kun˧˩] |
④骨 kut [kut˧˨] |
陽 | ⑤群 kûn [kun˨˩˦] |
⑦郡 kūn [kun˧] |
⑧滑 ku̍t [kut˦] |
citation tones | post-sandhi tones | |||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
平 | 上 | 去 | 入 | 平 | 上 | 去 | 入 | |||
-h | -p, -t, -k | |||||||||
Dehua | ||||||||||
陰 | 13 | 42 | 21 | 42 | 22 | 44 | 42 | |||
陽 | 44 | 35 | 35 | 21 | ||||||
urban Quanzhou, Nan'an, Hui'an, Lukang | ||||||||||
陰 | 33 | 554 | 31 | 5 | 33 | 214 | 554 | 24 | ||
陽 | 214 | 22 | 24 | 22 | ||||||
Jinjiang, Shishi | ||||||||||
陰 | 33 | 55 | 31 | 54 | 33 | 214 | 55 | 24 | ||
陽 | 214 | 33 | 24 | 22 | ||||||
Tong'an, Xiang'an | ||||||||||
陰 | 44 | 31 | 11 | 32 | 33 | 214/22[i] | 53 | 54 | ||
陽 | 214 | 22 | 4 | 11 | ||||||
Taipei | ||||||||||
陰 | 44 | 53 | 21 | 32 | 22 | 44 | 53 | 54[ii] | ||
陽 | 214 | 22 | 4 | 21 | 32 | |||||
Amoy, Yongchun, Changtai, Kaohsiung | ||||||||||
陰 | 44 | 53 | 21 | 32 | 22 | 44 | 53 | 54[ii] | ||
陽 | 214 | 22 | 4 | 21 | 32 | |||||
urban Zhangzhou, Longhai, Pinghe, Nanjing | ||||||||||
陰 | 34 | 53 | 31 | 32 | 22 | 34 | 53 | 54[ii] | ||
陽 | 213 | 22 | 121 | 31 | 32 | |||||
Zhangpu, Yunxiao, Dongshan, Hua'an | ||||||||||
陰 | 44 | 53 | 21 | 32 | 22 | 44 | 53 | 54[ii] | ||
陽 | 212 | 22 | 213 | 21 | 32 | |||||
Chawan | ||||||||||
陰 | 55 | 53 | 21 | 3 | 33 | 35 | 53 | 54[ii] | ||
陽 | 213 | 33 | 213 | 21 | 31 | 3 |
Tone contours vary across the Hokkien dialects. Some individual dialects, especially those of the Western branch of Hokkien, have more complex tone sandhi systems, with the post-sandhi tone dependent on the following tone.
- "Dark level" tone ①陰平
- High level 44 ˦ ~ 55 ˥ in most dialects.
- May be slightly lower in Quanzhou dialects (33 ˧ ~ 44 ˦).
- In urban Zhangzhou dialect it shifts towards high rising 34 ˧˦.[3]
- "Dark rising" tone ②陰上
- High falling 53 ˥˧ ~ 51 ˥˩ in most dialects.
- Coastal Quanzhou dialects (urban Quanzhou, Nan'an, Jinjiang, etc) have it as high level with a small drop at the end (55 ˥ ~ 554 ˥˥˦).
- "Dark departing" tone ③陰去
- Low falling 31 ˧˩ in most dialects.
- May have higher onset (41 ˦˩) in Northern Hokkien and lower onset (21 ˨˩ or even 11 ˩) in Southern dialects.
- "Dark entering" tone ④陰入
- Mid-falling 32 ˧˨ in Southern dialects, as well as in Amoy, Yongchun, Tong'an, etc.
- High falling 54 ˥˦ in Quanzhou dialects.
- "Light level" tone ⑤陽平
- Mid or high dipping tone 214 ˨˩˦ in Northern Hokkien, including Amoy.[14]
- Lower dipping 212 ˨˩˨ ~ 213 ˨˩˧ in Southern Hokkien, although sometimes it may become more level 22 ˨ or lose its rising part (in this case, however, it does not merge with the low-falling tone, but has a longer low segment with an overall contour 211 ˨˩˩).[3]
- Since the initial falling part is natural for rising tones in tonal languages, many works ignore it and describe this tone as 13 ˩˧ for Southern dialects of Hokkien or 24 ˨˦ for Northern dialects.
- "Light rising" tone ⑥陽上
- Mid-level with a slight drop 22 ˨ ~ 221 ˨˨˩ in some Northern dialects (urban Quanzhou, Nan'an, Hui'an, etc).
- Merged with tone ⑦陽去 in Southern dialects and some peripheral Northern dialects (Amoy, Tong'an, Yongchun, etc).
- "Light departing" tone ⑦陽去
- Mid-level 22 ˨ ~ 33 ˧ in Southern dialects, as well as Amoy Hokkien.
- Merged with tone ③陰去 in many Quanzhou dialects (but still distinguished in sandhi).
- "Light entering" tone ⑧陽入
- In greater Quanzhou and Zhangzhou Hokkien, its contour is similar to that of tone ⑤陽平 (mid- or low-rising).
- In Amoy and Taiwanese Hokkien, it is a high level tone 4 ˦.
- ^ 24 is used before rising 上 and departing 去 tones, as well as before the light entering tone 陽入; 22 is used before level 平 tones and the dark entering tone 陰入.
- ^ a b c d e Tone ④陰入 after sandhi is often described as high level 4 ˦. However, some studies show that it is still not identical to pre-sandhi tone ⑧陽入 in Amoy and Taiwanese Hokkien, but has a slight falling contour, akin to shortened post-sandhi tone ③陰去.[13]
Tone sandhi
A phrase in Hokkien is divided into "tone groups", where each syllable except the last one undergoes the tone sandhi.
The suffix 仔 -á
The suffix 仔 -á is related to some special phonetic changes.
Syllables before 仔 -á may induce its change due to assimilation.[15]
word | nominal form | assimilated form | meaning | |
---|---|---|---|---|
賊仔 | chha̍t-á | > chha̍t-lá | > chha̍l-lá | «thief» |
盒仔 | a̍p-á | > a̍p-bá | > a̍b-bá | «small box» |
竹仔 | tek-á | > tek-gá | > teg-gá | «bamboo» |
柑仔 | kam-á | > kam-má | «tangerine» | |
囡仔 | gín-á | > gín-ná | «child» | |
翁仔 | ang-á | > ang-ngá | «doll» | |
圓仔 | îⁿ-á | > îⁿ-áⁿ | «meatball» | |
美仔 | bí-á | > bí-ah | «Bi-a (a girl's name)» | |
箬仔 | hio̍h-á | > hio̍h-ah | «leaf» |
Some assimilations are dialect-specific. E.g. in Tong'an dialect, a syllable ending in -a changes it to -ai before 仔 -á: 車仔 chhia-á > chhiai-á.
The tone sandhi before 仔 -á is different from general Hokkien tone sandhi.
Historical phonology and internal differences
The earliest sources on the Hokkien phonology are the rhyme dictionaries Lūi-im Biāu-ngō͘ (彙音妙悟) and Lūi-chi̍p Ngé-sio̍k-thong Si̍p-ngó͘-im (彙集雅俗通十五音). The former describes the Quanzhou Hokkien, while the latter describes the Zhangzhou Hokkien.
Current Hokkien-speaking area mostly coincides with the 10th century Chheng-goân Circuit, a de facto independent polity that emerged after the fall of the Min Empire. The polity was divided into two prefectures, Quanzhou (which also included modern Putian, Changtai and most of Xiamen) and Zhangzhou (which also included the Hokkien-speaking areas of modern Longyan), and the border between these medieval prefectures roughly coincides with certain modern Hokkien isoglosses. The Chiang-bú Circuit (彰武軍), which was under the rule of Wuyue, covers the Hokchew-speaking area, and Tiong-gī Circuit (忠義軍) ruled by Southern Tang lies in Inland Min- and Hakka-speaking area in Fujian.
Changtai dialect contains features of both Northern (Quanzhou) and Southern (Zhangzhou) dialect areas, atop of having some of its own unique characteristics. Changtai was a part of Quanzhou prefecture in 6—10 centuries, until being transferred under Zhangzhou's jurisdiction in 980.
Chawan dialect is a distinct variety of Hokkien. It may have received some influence from Teochew, but its amount is contestable.
The Eastern Namoa dialect shows some traits of Zhangzhou Hokkien, as this half of the Namoa island was previously included in the Zhangzhou prefecture, yet in most aspects it still clusters more with Teochew.
Hai Lok Hong dialect has even more features typical for southern dialects of Hokkien, and may be classified as a distinct dialect of either Teochew or Hokkien, or a variety of Southern Min separate from both of them. The charts below follow the classification of The Language Atlas of China, where Hai Lok Hong is included in Teochew.
The Lengna and Zhangping dialects are very different from mainstream Hokkien. At the same time, they form a continuum with Zhangzhou dialects. They are usually classified as the Western branch of Hokkien.
Datian Min is usually included in Southern Min as a distinct variety, apart from Hokkien and Teochew. It is divided into two dialects, Qianlu (the 'Frontlect') and Houlu, the former lying closer to Hokkien, and the latter having more Central Min influence. An undescribed variety of Southern Min in the north of Dehua is reported to be quite different from other Hokkien dialects and may belong to the same Hokkien—Central Min transitionary area as Datian Min.
Hinghwa is a language closely affiliated with Hokkien, yet it has received heavy Hokchew influence and is not usually considered a part of Hokkien itself.
Initial correspondences
Denasalization
One large difference between Hokkien and Teochew is the degree of denasalization. Teochew /n/, /m/ and /ŋ/ are usually considered phonemes rather than allophones of the voiced plosives /d/, /b/, /g/.
In Teochew, most syllables with codas preserve the nasal initial, with a few exceptions: denasalization frequently occurs in some specific syllables, like buang (亡, 忘, 望, 萬), bak (木, 墨, but mak: 目), leng (能, 寧, 獰), long (農, 膿, 濃), lang (濃, 難, 囊, but nang: 儂), lung (嫩, 媆), bung (悶, 聞, 文, 紋, but mung: 門, 晚, 問). It may also sporadically occur in some individual characters: 勿, 蜜, 玉, 獄, etc. In Hokkien on the other hand, syllables with codas (excluding -h) can never have nasal initials.
In Hinghwa, Hokkien voiced consonants /b/, /dz/, /g/, including cases when they are derived from nasal initials, are further devoiced into /p/, /ts/, /k/.
Final correspondences
The charts below illustrate the common correspondences in rimes between various dialects of Hokkien, as well as related Southern Min languages. Middle Chinese finals are transcribed using Baxter's transcription, and Proto-Southern-Min reconstructions are per Kwok Bit-chee.[16]
In the example characters, literary and vernacular readings are marked by different types of underlines. Note that the examples are given primarily for Hokkien correspondences, and other languages may lack corresponding readings for some of the example characters.
Open-vowel finals
MC | PSM | examples | Hokkien | Teochew | Western Hokkien |
Datian | Hinghwa | ||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
gQZ TA |
JJ | AM TP |
AM KH |
gZZ | CA | ST | TY | HLH EN |
LN | ZP | FL | ||||||
[i] | *ɯ | 豬魚語箸舉 | ɯ | i | u | i | i | ɯ | ɯ | u | i | i | i | i | y | ||
[ii] | *ɿ | 自事思史師 | u | u | u | ɯ | u | o | o | ||||||||
[iii] | — | 遇區樹取雨 | u | u | i | u | i | i | i | i | y | ||||||
[iv] | *u | 府武主浮舊 | u | u | u | u | u | u | u | ||||||||
[v] | *i | 米知眉李時 | i | i | i | i | i | i | i | i | i | i | i | i | i | ||
[vi] | *ui | 非貴爲衣氣 | ui | ui | ui | ui | ui | ui | ui | ui | ui | ui | ui | ui | ui | ||
[vii] | *iu | 久友守手首 | iu | iu | iu | iu | iu | iu | iu | iu | iu | iu | iu | iu | iu |
- ^ 魚三開 -jo with all MC initials except retroflex sibilants
- ^ 支三開 -j(i)e, 脂三開 -(j)ij, 之三開 -i, 微三開 -jɨj with sibilant initials
- ^ 虞三合 -ju with dental and retroflex sibilants, velars, laryngeals
- ^ 虞三合 -ju with palatal sibilants and labials;
vernacular readings cognate to 尤三開 -juw with velars and labials;
some literary readings from 尤三開 -juw with labials - ^ 支三開 -j(i)e, 脂三開 -(j)ij, 之三開 -i, 微三開 -jɨj with all initials except sibilants;
some readings from 齊四開 -ej - ^ 支三合 -jw(i)e, 脂三合 -(j)wij, 微三合 -jwɨj, 齊四合 -wej;
some 廢三合 -jwoj;
vernacular readings cognate to 微三開 -jɨj;
灰一合 -woj with dental stop initials - ^ 幽三開 -jiw;
some vernacular readings cognate to 虞三合 -ju;
尤三開 -juw with non-labial initials;
few literary readings from 尤三開 -juw with labials (mostly in Teochew)
MC | PSM | examples | Hokkien | Teochew | Western Hokkien |
Datian | Hinghwa | ||||||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
LK | SX | gQZ TA |
JJ AM TP |
CT | KH | ZZ | ZP | YX | CA | ST TY |
HLH | LN | ZP | FL | XY | PT | |||||
[i] | *e | 茶蝦馬牙 | e | e | e | e | e | e | ɛ | ɛ | ɛ | ɛ | e | e | iɛ | ɛ | a | ɒ | ɒ | ||
[ii] | *ø | 坐袋退短螺胎 | ə | ə | ə | e | e | ə | o | ie | ie | e | ø | ø | |||||||
[iii] | *uø | 皮吹被垂 | ue | ue | ue | uɛ | ue | ue | ue | ue | ue | ue | ue | uoi | ue | ||||||
[iv] | 果過課火貨 | uɛ | |||||||||||||||||||
[v] | *ue | 配背回退罪 | ue | ue | ue | ue | ue | ||||||||||||||
[vi] | 瓜花華化話 | ua | ua | uɛ | uɛ | uɛ | ua | ua | ua | ||||||||||||
— | 瓦蓋芥寡 | ua | ua | ua | ua | ua | ua | ua | ua | ua | ua | ||||||||||
[vii] | *ua | 大紙沙破蛇 | ua | ua | |||||||||||||||||
[viii] | *oi | 買賣批稗 | ue | ue | ue | ue | ue | e | e | iei | ei | ei | oi | ei | ie | ie | e | e | e | ||
[ix] | 雞街初細 | ɯe | əe | ||||||||||||||||||
[x] | — | 低系西迷 | e | e | e | e | i | i |
- ^ vernacular readings cognate to 麻二開 -æ
- ^ few vernacular readings cognate to various MC rimes after alveolar initials
- ^ vernacular readings cognate to 戈一合 -wa, 支三合 -jw(i)e after non-velar initials
- ^ vernacular readings cognate to 戈一合 -wa, 支三合 -jw(i)e after velar initials
- ^ 泰一合 -waj, 祭三合 -jw(i)ej;
some 廢三合 -jwoj;
灰一合 -woj after labial and certain other initials;
泰一開 -aj with labial initials except 明 m- - ^ vernacular readings cognate to 麻二合 -wæ after velar initials
- ^ 麻二合 -wæ;
vernacular readings cognate to 歌一開 -a - ^ vernacular readings cognate to 佳二開 -ɛɨ after labial initials
- ^ vernacular readings cognate to 佳二開 -ɛɨ after non-labial initials
- ^ 祭三開 -j(i)ej, 齊四開 -ej
MC | PSM | examples | Hokkien | Teochew | Western Hokkien |
Datian | Hinghwa | |||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
LK | gQZ | YC | ZZ AM TA |
CT | ZP | YX CA |
ST TY HLH |
TC | LN | ZP | FL | XY | PT | |||||
[i] | *a | 巴霸亞家夏 | a | a | a | a | a | a | a | a | a | a | a | a | a | a | ||
[ii] | *ia | 寫謝邪也舍 | ia | ia | ia | ia | ia | ia | ia | ia | ia | ia | ia | ia | ia | ia | ||
[iii] | *ai | 才台代在大 | ai | ai | ai | ai | ai | ai | ai | ai | ai | ai | ai | ɛ | ai | ai | ||
[iv] | *o | 報寶道保抱 | o, ɔ | o, ɔ | o, ɔ | o | ɔ | o | o | o | o | o | uo | o, ɔ | ɒ, o | ɒ, o | ||
[v] | 左多波朵破 | |||||||||||||||||
[vi] | — | 所初助楚阻 | ɔ | ɔ | ɔ | ɔ | eu | uou | ou | u | ø | ø | ||||||
[vii] | *ou | 土布路烏古 | ou | ou | u | ɔ | ou | ou | ||||||||||
[viii] | — | 搜鄹鄒瘦驟 | ɯo | io | au | au | ɔ | ieu | iau | |||||||||
[ix] | 偶侯樓鉤厚 | |||||||||||||||||
[x] | 貿牟懋茂謀 | io | ||||||||||||||||
[xi] | *au | 包草孝走狗 | au | au | au | au | au | au | au | au | au | au | au | |||||
[xii] | *iau | 了小照條肖 | iau | iau | iau | iau | iau | iau | iau | iau | iou | iau | iau | iɔ | ieu | iau | ||
[xiii] | *uai | 快怪 | uai | uai | uai | uai | uai | uai | uai | uai | uai | uai | uai | uɛ | uoi | ue |
- ^ 麻二開 -æ
- ^ 麻三開 -jæ;
vernacular readings cognate to 支三開 -j(i)e - ^ 咍一開 -oj, 皆二開 -ɛj, 夬二開 -æj, 佳二開 -ɛɨ, 廢三開 -joj;
泰一開 -aj with non-labial initials and 明 m-;
vernacular readings cognate to 脂三開 -(j)ij and 之三開 -i - ^ 豪一開 -aw; note that in Teochew characters from this rime have much higher incidence of readings with -au, while readings with -o are often not used
- ^ 歌一開 -a, 戈一合 -wa
- ^ 魚三開 -jo with retroflex sibilants;
in Hokkien also as a variant for characters from 虞三合 -ju with retroflex sibilants - ^ 模一開 -u
- ^ 尤三開 -juw with retroflex sibilants; note that in Hokkien such characters often have more common vulgar readings (俗讀) with -o
- ^ literary readings from 侯一開 -uw with non-labial initials;
some literary readings from 尤三開 -juw with labials except 明 m- (mostly in Hokkien, e.g. 浮, 罘, 芣, 桴, 否, etc) - ^ literary readings from 侯一開 -uw with labial initials;
some literary readings from 尤三開 -juw with 明 m- - ^ 肴二開 -æw;
vernacular readings cognate to 侯一開 -uw;
variant readings cognate to 豪一開 -aw (more common in Teochew, less common in Hokkien; when present for a character, it is usually described as the literary reading, while readings with -o are considered vernacular) - ^ 宵三開 -j(i)ew, 蕭四開 -ew
- ^ 皆二合 -wɛj, 夬二合 -wæj, 佳二合 -wɛɨ
Finals with -n/-t
Teochew has mostly merged -n/-t with -ŋ/-k, except for some peripheral dialects. The dialect of Fenghuang County in Chaozhou preserves the most -n/-t finals (a total of six: -un, -in, -uan, -ien, -an, -ɯn). The Eastern Namoa dialect preserves only -in and -un. In Hai Lok Hong, while some dialects also preserve -in and -un, most Western Hai Lok Hong dialects only preserve -un, and most Eastern Hai Lok Hong dialects merge all -n/-t finals with -ŋ/-k, like in Teochew.
MC | PSM | examples | Hokkien | Teochew | Western Hokkien |
Datian | Hinghwa | |||||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
LK | SX | HA | NA YC |
QZ TA JJ AM |
gZZ | TC | ST | KY | TY | HLH EN |
LN | ZP | FL | XY | PT | |||||
[i] | *an (*at) |
單難安山等 (八辣殺渴葛) |
an (at) |
an (at) |
an (at) |
an (at) |
an (at) |
an (at) |
aŋ (ak) |
aŋ (ak) |
aŋ (ak) |
aŋ (ak) |
aŋ (ak) |
an (at) |
an (at) |
aŋ (aʔ) |
aŋ (aʔ) |
aŋ (aʔ) | ||
[ii] | *un (*ut) |
分本門問船 (不出突骨弗) |
un (ut) |
un (ut) |
un (ut) |
un (ut) |
un (ut) |
un (ut) |
uŋ (uk) |
uŋ (uk) |
uŋ (uk) |
uŋ (uk) |
un (ut) |
un (ut) |
un (ut) |
ueŋ (oʔ) |
uoŋ (uoʔ) |
ɔŋ
(ɔʔ) | ||
[iii] | *ɯn (—) |
恩銀近根筋 (迄屹屼) |
ɯən (ɯət) |
ɯn (ɯt) |
ən (ət) |
ən (ət) |
in (it) |
ɯŋ (ɯk) |
ɯŋ (ɯk) |
eng (ek) |
iŋ (ik) |
in (it) |
in (it) |
in (it) |
eŋ (eʔ) |
yŋ (yʔ) |
yŋ (yʔ) | |||
[iv] | *in (*it) |
陳神面品民 (一必日質失) |
in (it) |
in (it) |
en (et) |
in (it) |
in (it) |
iŋ (ik) |
iŋ (ik) |
iŋ (iʔ) |
iŋ (iʔ) | |||||||||
[v] | *ian (*iat) |
善戰天見建 (列別舌烈血) |
iɛn (iɛt) |
iɛn (iɛt) |
iɛn (iɛt) |
iɛn (iɛt) |
iɛn (iɛt) |
ieŋ (iek) |
iaŋ (iak) |
iaŋ (iak) |
iaŋ (iak) |
iaŋ (iak) |
iɛn (iɛt) |
en (et) |
iaŋ (iaʔ) |
ɛŋ (ɛʔ) |
ɛŋ (ɛʔ) | |||
[vi] | *uan (*uat) |
傳權村元全 (說絕決越雪) |
uan (uat) |
uan (uat) |
uan (uat) |
uan (uat) |
uan (uat) |
uan (uat) |
ueŋ (uek) |
uaŋ (uak) |
uaŋ (uak) |
uaŋ (uak) |
uaŋ (uak) |
uan (uat) |
uaŋ (uaʔ) |
yøŋ (yøʔ) |
œŋ (œʔ) | |||
[vii] | 官關亂判歡 (活伐奪末發) |
uan (uat) |
uoŋ (uoʔ) |
uaŋ
(uaʔ) |
The choose of -ian/-iat or -uan/-uat for a given character derived from MC rhymes 仙三合 -jw(i)en and 先四合 -wen is not consistent among different languages. For 仙三合 -jw(i)en, the generally used reflex is -uan/-uat for most Southern Min languages, except Hinghwa and Lengna, where it is -ian/-iat. However, there is a tendency in Hokkien to have -ian/-iat here when the MC initial was 以 y-, either as the only reading or a non-standard popular variant. For 先四合 -wen, the general reflex is -ian/-iat.
The shape of a character may influence the choose of -ian/-iat or -uan/-uat. Characters with 肙 as the phonetic element (涓, 罥, 鵑, 鞙) tend to have -uan in Hokkien, but -ian in other languages. Characters derived from 矞, 血 and 穴 tend to have -iat in Hokkien, but -uat in Teochew. Characters derived from 夬 and 癸 tend to have -uat in mainstream Hokkien and Teochew, but -iat in Hinghwa, Lengna, Hai Lok Hong, etc.
Finals with -m/-p
MC | PSM | examples | Hokkien | Teochew | Western Hokkien |
Datian | Hinghwa | |||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
LK | gQZ | HA | TA SX TP |
AM | gZZ | CA | ST TY |
HLH EN |
LN | ZP | FL | XY | PT | |||||
[i] | *am (*ap) |
南甘男三談 (合盒答雜壓) |
am (ap) |
am (ap) |
am (ap) |
am (ap) |
am (ap) |
am (ap) |
am (ap) |
am (ap) |
am (ap) |
am (ap) |
am (ap) |
aŋ (aʔ) |
aŋ (aʔ) |
aŋ (aʔ) | ||
[ii] | *uam (*uap) |
犯泛範 (法) |
uan (uat) |
uan (uat) |
uan (uat) |
uan (uat) |
uan (uat) |
uan (uat) |
uam (uap) |
uam (uap) |
uam (uap) |
uan (uat) |
uan (uat) |
aŋ (uaʔ) |
aŋ (aʔ) |
aŋ (aʔ) | ||
[iii] | *im (*ip) |
今心深金音 (入及立習集) |
im (ip) |
im (ip) |
em (ep) |
im (ip) |
im (ip) |
im (ip) |
im (ip) |
im (ip) |
im (ip) |
iom (iop) |
im, in (ip, it) |
eŋ (eʔ) |
iŋ (iʔ) |
iŋ (iʔ) | ||
[iv] | *iam (*iap) |
念忝漸鹽劍 (業粒接疊涉) |
iam (iap) |
iam (iap) |
iam (iap) |
iam (iap) |
iam (iap) |
iam (iap) |
iam (iap) |
iam (iap) |
iam (iap) |
iam (iap) |
iaŋ (iaʔ) |
ieŋ (ieʔ) |
iaŋ (iaʔ) | |||
— | *øm | 蔘 | ɯəm | əm | im | ong | om | om | om | iom | am | aŋ | ||||||
森 | im | am |
Finals with -ŋ/-k
MC | PSM | examples | Hokkien | Teochew | Western Hokkien |
Datian | Hinghwa | |||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
LK | NA | QZ JJ |
HA | YC TA SX AM ZZ CT CA |
ZP | YX | ST | TY | HLH | LN | ZP | FL | ||||||
[i] | *aŋ (*ak) |
巷江空同東 (角覺六木北) |
aŋ (ak) |
aŋ (ak) |
aŋ (ak) |
aŋ (ak) |
aŋ (ak) |
aŋ (ak) |
aŋ (ak) |
aŋ (ak) |
aŋ (ak) |
aŋ (ak) |
aŋ (ak) |
aŋ (ak) |
aŋ (aʔ) |
aŋ (aʔ) | ||
[ii] | — | 等生能僧肯 (德得刻克特) |
ɯəng (ɯak) |
əng (ək) |
əng (iak) |
eŋ (iak) |
iŋ (ik) |
ioŋ (iok) |
iɛn (iɛt) |
eŋ (ek) |
eŋ (ek) |
eŋ (ek) |
in (it) |
in (et) |
eŋ (aʔ) |
ɛŋ (ɛʔ) | ||
[iii] | *iŋ (*ik) |
定零朋幸戥 (白的色笛魄) |
iŋ (iak) |
iŋ (ik) |
iŋ (iak) | |||||||||||||
[iv] | 形正星京命 (食赤力飾職) |
iŋ (iʔ) | ||||||||||||||||
[v] | — | 永泳螢詠榮 (或惑域) |
ioŋ (ok) |
ueŋ (uek) |
yŋ (ɛʔ) | |||||||||||||
— | 炯熲 (獲穫砉) |
uang (uak) |
MC | PSM | examples | Hokkien | Teochew | Western Hokkien |
Datian | Hinghwa | ||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
QZ JJ LK |
HA | NA YC TA SX AM |
ZZ CT |
ZP YX |
CA | ST TY |
HLH | LN | ZP | FL | XY | PT | |||||
[i] | *ɯŋ (*ɯk) |
龍頌湧舂弓 (綠粟玉浴竹) |
iŋ (iak) |
eŋ (iak) |
iŋ (ik) |
iŋ (ik) |
ioŋ (iok) |
iŋ (ik) |
eŋ (ek) |
eŋ (ek) |
ioŋ (iok) |
ioŋ (iok) |
oŋ (oʔ) |
yøŋ (yøʔ) | øŋ (œʔ) | ||
[ii] | *ioŋ (*iok) |
恐弓恭雄庸 (玉肉蓄辱欲) |
ioŋ (iok) |
ioŋ (iok) |
ioŋ (iok) |
ioŋ (iok) |
ioŋ (iok) |
ioŋ (iok) |
ioŋ (iok) |
ioŋ (oʔ) | |||||||
充中種終腫 (俗陸足祝築) |
oŋ (ok) |
oŋ (ok) |
oŋ (oʔ) | ||||||||||||||
[iii] | — | 向想章像樣 (爵弱略藥雀) |
iaŋ (iak) |
iaŋ (iak) |
iaŋ (iɛt) |
iaŋ (iak) |
iaŋ (iak) |
iaŋ (iak) |
iaŋ (iak) |
iŋ (ioʔ) |
yøŋ (iʔ) |
yɒŋ (eʔ) |
MC | PSM | examples | Hokkien | Teochew | Western Hokkien |
Datian | Hinghwa | |||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
gQZ | gZZ AM |
ST TY |
HLH | LN | ZP | FL | ||||||
[i] | *oŋ | 公同宋通東 (族福服僕北) |
oŋ (ok) |
oŋ (ok) |
oŋ (ok) |
oŋ (ok) |
oŋ (ok) |
oŋ (ok) |
oŋ (oʔ) |
ɒŋ (ɒʔ) | ||
[ii] | *uoŋ | 方況逛礦亡荒 (廓朔溯擴濁) |
uaŋ (uak) |
uaŋ (ok) |
uaŋ (uak) |
uaŋ (uak) |
uaŋ (uaʔ) | |||||
— | 風 | uaŋ | oŋ | uaŋ | uaŋ | oŋ | oŋ | oŋ | ɒŋ | |||
— | *iaŋ | 雙 | aŋ | iaŋ | aŋ | aŋ | aŋ | iaŋ | aŋ | aŋ |
Finals with -ʔ
Finals with the coda -ʔ are all used in vernacular readings. Their literary counterparts almost always have -p, -t, -k as a coda in Hokkien.
PSM | examples | Hokkien | Teochew | Western Hokkien |
Datian | Hinghwa | ||||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
LK | SX | QZ TA NA YC HA |
JJ AM |
CT | ZZ NJ YX |
ZP | CA | ST TY |
HLH | LN | ZP | FL | XY | PT | ||||
*aʔ | 甲鴨答較 | aʔ | aʔ | aʔ | aʔ | aʔ | aʔ | aʔ | aʔ | aʔ | aʔ | a | a | a | ɒ | ɒ | ||
*uʔ | 托拓 | uʔ | uʔ | uʔ | uʔ | uʔ | uʔ | uʔ | uʔ | oʔ | oʔ | — | — | — | ||||
*oʔ | 索惡學落 | oʔ | oʔ | oʔ | oʔ | oʔ | oʔ | oʔ | oʔ | o | uo | o | o | o | ||||
*iʔ | 鐵舌裂篾 | iʔ | iʔ | iʔ | iʔ | iʔ | iʔ | iʔ | iʔ | iʔ | iʔ | i | i | i | i | i | ||
*eʔ | 白百客密 | eʔ | eʔ | eʔ | eʔ | eʔ | ɛʔ | ɛʔ | ɛʔ | eʔ | eʔ | iɛ | ɛ | a | a | a | ||
*øʔ | 雪絕 | əʔ | əʔ | əʔ | eʔ | əʔ | oʔ | oʔ, eʔ | ie | ie | ue | ø | ø | |||||
*uøʔ | 月說缺卜 | ueʔ | ueʔ | uɛʔ | ueʔ | ueʔ | ueʔ | ue | ue | uoi | oe | |||||||
*ueʔ | 血 | uiʔ | uiʔ | uiʔ | uiʔ | e | e | |||||||||||
*oiʔ | 八 | ueʔ | ueʔ | ueʔ | ueʔ | eʔ | ɛʔ | eʔ | oiʔ | eʔ | ie | ie | e | |||||
節夾截切 | ɯeʔ | əeʔ | ||||||||||||||||
*iaʔ | 削勺食壁 | iaʔ | iaʔ | iaʔ | iaʔ | iaʔ | iaʔ | iaʔ | iaʔ | iaʔ | iaʔ | a | ia | ia | ia | ia | ||
*ioʔ | 着腳約藥 | ioʔ | ioʔ | ioʔ | ioʔ | ioʔ | ioʔ | ioʔ | ioʔ | ioʔ | ioʔ | io | io | io | ieu | ieu | ||
*uaʔ | 辣活末熱 | uaʔ | uaʔ | uaʔ | uaʔ | uaʔ | uaʔ | uaʔ | uaʔ | uaʔ | uaʔ | ua | ua | ua | ua | ua |
Nasalized finals
Nasalized finals in Hokkien have two principal etymological sources.
First category includes the nasalized finals that are cognate to finals with a full nasal coda. They are used only in vernacular readings.
PSM | examples | Hokkien | Teochew | Western Hokkien |
Datian | Hinghwa | ||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
gQZ TA AM |
CT | ZZ | PH NJ ZP |
YX | CA | ST KY EN TY HLH |
TC | LN | ZP | FL | XY | PT | ||||
*ã | 三林藍衫 | ã | ã | ã | ã | ã | ã | ã | ã | ã | ã | ã | ɒ̃ | ɒ | ||
*ẽ | 姓病硬青生 | ĩ | ẽ | ɛ̃ | ɛ̃ | ĩ | ɛ̃ | ẽ | ẽ | iɛ̃ | ɛ̃ | ã | a | |||
*ĩ | 天偏丸見箭 | ĩ | ĩ | ĩ | ĩ | ĩ | ĩ | ĩ | ĩ | iŋ | iŋ | iŋ | ||||
*iã | 行命聲名京 | iã | iã | iã | iã | iã | iã | iã | iã | iã | iã | iã | iã | ia | ||
健營件贏燃 | yã | yɒ | ||||||||||||||
*iõ | 丈場張章香 | iũ | iɔ̃ | iɔ̃ | iũ | iũ | iõ | iõ | iẽ | iõ | iõ | ŋ | iũ | iau | ||
*uã | 單半山傘旦 | uã | uã | uã | uã | uã | uã | uã | uã | uã | uã | uã | uã | ua |
PSM | examples | Hokkien | Teochew | Western Hokkien |
Datian | Hinghwa | |||||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
LK | gQZ | TA | AM | CT | ZZ | ZP | YX | CA | ST TC |
TY HLH |
LN | ZP | FL | XY | PT | ||||
*õi | 反 | uĩ | uĩ | ãi | iŋ | an | iŋ | ioŋ | an | iŋ | oĩ | ãi | ĩ | an | iŋ | ĩ | e | ||
先前閑肩千 | ɯĩ | ian | |||||||||||||||||
*ãi | 指 | ãi | ãi | ai | ai | ai | ai | ãi | ai | ai | ɛ | ai | ai | ||||||
*uẽ | 關 | uĩ | uĩ | uãi | uã | uɛ̃ | uẽ | uɛ̃ | uẽ | uẽ | uɛ̃ | uĩ | uã | uĩ | ue | ||||
橫 | uãi | uãi | uẽ | uã | ua | ||||||||||||||
*uõi | 縣懸 | uan | uan | uan | uan | uan | uĩ | uãi | uĩ | uan | uŋ | ĩ | e |
PSM | examples | Hokkien | Teochew | Western Hokkien |
Datian | Hinghwa | ||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
gQZ TA AM |
CT | gZZ | CA | ST TC |
KY EN |
TY | HLH | LN | ZP | FL | XY | PT | ||||
*õ | 唐堂向糖 | ŋ | ɔ̃ | ŋ | ŋ | ɯŋ | ɯŋ | ŋ | ŋ | õ | ŋ | ŋ | ŋ | uŋ | ||
*uĩ | 全酸鑽斷頓 | ŋ | uĩ | uĩ | ĩ | uĩ | uŋ | ỹ | ø | |||||||
光廣 | uĩ | uĩ | ŋ | uŋ | ||||||||||||
勸穿磚管傳 | uĩ | ue | ||||||||||||||
門問飯晚 | uŋ | |||||||||||||||
遠園荒 | ŋ | ŋ |
Another type of nasalized finals is used in syllables with nasal initials that did not undergo denasalization. Such syllables may be alternatively analyzed as having a plain, non-nasalized final and a nasal initial. Although this analysis is not typical for Hokkien, it is more common in descriptions of Teochew (e.g. the Peng'im romanization would spell 迷 as mi5, and 棉 as min5, even though both are actually /mĩ⁵⁵/, or mî in Pe̍h-ūe-jī). This type of nasal finals occurs in both literary and vernacular readings.
Tone correspondences
locality | 平 'level' |
上 'rising' |
去 'departing' |
入 'entering' |
total | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
陰 'dark' |
陽 'light' |
陰 'dark' |
陽 'light' |
陰 'dark' |
陽 'light' |
陰 'dark' |
陽 'light' | ||
Tn̂g-kheng[i] | 13 | 35 | 33 | 53 | 21 | 22 | 32 | 5 | 8 |
Dehua | 13 | 44 | 42 | 35 | 21 | 陰去 | 42 | 35 | 7 |
Hui'an | 33~44 | 214 | 53 | 22 | 31 | 陰去 | 54 | 24 | 7 |
Quanzhou, Nan'an | 33~44 | 214 | 554 | 22 | 31 | 陰去 | 54 | 24 | 7 |
Jinjiang, Shishi | 33 | 214 | 554 | 陰平 | 31 | 陰去 | 54 | 24 | 6 |
Tong'an, Xiang'an | 44 | 214 | 31 | 陽去 | 11 | 22 | 32 | 4 | 7 |
Quemoy | 44 | 214 | 53 | 陽去 | 12 | 22 | 32 | 4 | 7 |
Amoy, Taiwan, Changtai, Yongchun |
44 | 214 | 53 | 陽去 | 21 | 22~33 | 32 | 4 | 7 |
Zhangzhou, Longhai, Pinghe, Nanjing |
34 | 213 | 53 | 陽去 | 31 | 22~33 | 32 | 121 | 7 |
Zhangpu, Yunxiao, Dongshan |
44 | 212 | 53 | 陽去 | 21 | 22~33 | 32 | 213 | 7 |
Chawan | 55 | 213 | 53 | 陽去 | 21 | 22~33 | 32 | 213 | 7 |
Swatow, Teochew | 33 | 55 | 53 | 35 | 212 | 22~21 | 32 | 54 | 8 |
Puning | 34 | 44 | 53 | 23 | 31 | 42 | 32 | 54 | 8 |
Teoyeo (old) | 21 | 44 | 551 | 陰去 | 53 | 42 | 43 | 45 | 7 |
Teoyeo (new) | 31 | 33 | 55~35 | 陰去 | 52 | 43 | 32 | 45 | 7 |
Haimen | 31 | 44 | 551 | 陰平 | 51 | 441 | 43 | 45 | 7 |
Lengna | 334 | 11 | 21 | 52 | 213 | 55 | 5 | 32 | 8 |
Zhangping | 24 | 22 | 53 | 陽去 | 21 | 55 | 21 | 53 | 7 |
Datian | 33 | 24 | 53 | 55 | 31 | 陰去 | 3 | 5 | 7 |
Hinghwa | 533 | 13 | 453 | 陽去 | 42 | 21 | 2 | 4 | 7 |
References
- ^ a b 闽南话水平测试指导用书 (in Chinese). 2016. ISBN 978-7-5550-0839-2.
- ^ Lien, Chinfa. "Denasalization, Vocalic Nasalization and Related Issues in Southern Min: A Dialectal and Comparative Perspective". Essays of linguistic change and the Chinese dialects.
- ^ a b c d Huang, Yishan (2018). Tones in Zhangzhou: Pitch and Beyond (PDF) (PhD). Australian National University.
- ^ Cheng, Chin-Chuan; 鄭錦全 (1999). "Quantitative Studies in Min Dialects / 閩方言計量研究". Journal of Chinese Linguistics Monograph Series (14): 229–246. ISSN 2409-2878.
- ^ 洪惟仁 (2012-09-01). "閩南語入字頭(日母)的音變潮流". 臺灣語文研究. 7 (2): 1–33. doi:10.6710/JTLL.201209_7(2).0001.
- ^ a b 福建省志: 方言志. 中华人民共和国地方志. 北京: 福建省地方志编纂委员会编. 1998. ISBN 978-7-80122-279-4.
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: CS1 maint: date and year (link) - ^ a b "當代泉州音字彙". alt.reasoning.cs.ucla.edu. Retrieved 2024-06-03.
- ^ 洪惟仁 (2009-01-01). "台北地區閩南語的方言類型與方言分區". 臺灣語文研究 (3): 239–309. doi:10.6710/JTLL.200901_(3).0012.
- ^ "福建詔安閩南方言研究__臺灣博碩士論文知識加值系統". ndltd.ncl.edu.tw. Retrieved 2024-05-15.
- ^ 东山县地方志编纂委员会 (1994). 東山县志. 中华人民共和国地方志 : 福建省. ISBN 978-7-101-01330-6.
- ^ Lin, Qing (2018-08-30). The Diachrony of Tone Sandhi: Evidence from Southern Min Chinese. Springer. ISBN 978-981-13-1939-6.
- ^ Zhang, Jingfen (2021-01-04). Tono-types and Tone Evolution: The Case of Chaoshan. Springer Nature. ISBN 978-981-334-870-7.
- ^ a b Li, Xiaolin; Mok, Peggy Pik Ki (2020). "The acquisition of tone sandhi of the Xiamen dialect": 479–483. doi:10.21437/SpeechProsody.2020-98.
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(help) - ^ a b 曾, 南逸 (2013). 泉厦方言音韵比较研究 (in Chinese).
- ^ Chappell, Hilary (2019-06-04), "Southern Min", Southern Min, De Gruyter Mouton, pp. 176–233, doi:10.1515/9783110401981-005, ISBN 978-3-11-040198-1, retrieved 2024-06-03
- ^ Kwok, Bit-Chee (2018). Southern Min: comparative phonology and subgrouping. Routledge studies in East Asian linguistics. Vol. 2. New York: Routledge. ISBN 978-1-138-94365-0.