Manifesto of Race
The Manifesto of Race (Italian: Manifesto della razza), sometimes known as the Charter of Race or Racial Manifesto, was a manifesto published on 14 July 1938 which prepared the enactment, in September 1938, of a set of laws in Fascist Italy. The laws are regarded as antisemitic in nature, stripping the Jews of Italian citizenship and with it any position in the government or professions which many previously held. The manifesto demonstrated the enormous influence Adolf Hitler had over Benito Mussolini since Italy had become allied with Nazi Germany.
In the sixteen years of Benito Mussolini's dictatorship prior to this, there had not been any race laws; Mussolini had held the view that a small contingent of Italian Jews had lived in Italy "since the days of the Kings of Rome" (a reference to the Bené Roma) and should "remain undisturbed". There were even some Jews in the National Fascist Party, such as Ettore Ovazza who in 1935 founded the Jewish Fascist paper La Nostra Bandiera. The German influence on Italian policy upset the established balance in Fascist Italy and proved highly unpopular to most Italians, to the extent that Pope Pius XI sent a letter to Mussolini protesting against the new laws. Among the 42 signers of the "Manifesto of Race" were two medical doctors (S. Visco and N. Fende), an anthropologist (L. Cipriani), a zoologist (E. Zavattari) and a statistician (F. Savorgnan).
The Manifesto of Race, published in July 1938, declared the Italians to be descendants of the Aryan race. It targeted races that were seen as inferior (i.e. not of Aryan descent). In particular, Jews were banned from many professions and could have their property confiscated. Under racial laws, marriages between Italians and Jews were abolished, Jews were banned from positions in banking, government, and education, and their properties were confiscated.[clarification needed] These laws also targeted African races.
According to the historian Renzo De Felice, the influence of the Nazis and of Germany was significant, but not the sole factor in the generation of these racial concerns and decrees. From the Nazi side there had not been pressure because Italy allied itself even in this subject of race with Germany; and Mussolini had been himself ideologically expounding upon the need to preserve the stock of the "European Aryan" race for years.
The strong Italian and German alliance was greatly bound by the common political philosophy of fascism as a form of "progressive reaction"—both Mussolini and Hitler despised modern-style liberal humanist democracy, but lauded their own ideas of fascism as paradoxically the fulfillment of true, anti-Marxist, "organized, centralized, authoritarian democracy" or "folk-socialist democracy". Mussolini was greatly admired by Adolf Hitler, and in one of his conversations Hitler opened up emotionally, declaring the Duce was his "only real friend". Hitler was captivated and personally inspired by the 1922 March on Rome and envisioned himself at the head of a similar march on Berlin. Thus, Mussolini increasingly decided to harmonize Italian Fascism with the National Socialists by introducing anti-Semitic legislation in Italy as evidence of his good faith. He conceived it, at least partially and tactically, as an offering calculated to solidify the Italo-German Alliance. In Fascist literature and periodicals, a shift toward a less refined racism, accentuating the biological, Indo-European element occurred, emphasizing the original Latin Romans as a nucleus of warlike Aryans closely related to Celtic and paleo-Iranian ethnic groups (see Italo-Celtic) and more and more Italian Fascist nationalism merged with Aryan racism doctrinally.
After considerable resistance, National Socialists influence began to penetrate some circles in Fascist Italy. The individualistic maverick thinker Julius Evola was key in introducing Aryan racism and anti-Semitism into Fascist Italy. In general, however, there was a concerted effort to distinguish Fascist "racism", allegedly of "culturalist" variety, from that emanating from the Germanic realm. Giovanni Gentile, for example, despised the introduction of biological racism into Fascism, and the same can be said of the majority of the early theoreticians of intellectual Fascism. Yet a concern for corporate group national identity, as opposed to what Gentile called the "solipsist ego" enshrined by demo-liberal politics, was always part of the Fascist world-view. In any case, it was not unusual, before the outbreak of Second World War, for Fascist intellectuals to oppose themselves to the more excessive and irrational components of Ariosophy-descended National Socialist racism.
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