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[[File:Coddle and Irish Soda bread.jpg|thumb|200px|[[Coddle]] served with Irish soda bread]]
[[File:Coddle and Irish Soda bread.jpg|thumb|200px|[[Coddle]] served with Irish soda bread]]
{{Culture of Ireland}}
{{Culture of Ireland}}
'''Irish cuisine''' ({{lang-ga|Cócaireacht na héireann}}) encompasses the cooking styles, traditions and recipes associated with the island of [[Ireland]]. It has developed from antiquity through centuries of social and political change and the mixing of different cultures, predominantly with those from nearby [[Great Britain|Britain]] and other [[Europe]]an regions. The cuisine is founded upon the crops and animals farmed in its [[temperate]] climate and the abundance of fresh fish and seafood from the surrounding waters of the [[Atlantic Ocean]]. [[Chowder]], for example, is popular around the coasts.<ref>{{Cite news|url=https://www.irishtimes.com/life-and-style/food-and-drink/is-this-the-best-fish-chowder-in-the-world-1.4223015|title = Is this the best fish chowder in the world?| newspaper=[[The Irish Times]] }}</ref> Herbs and spices traditionally used in Irish cuisine include [[Bay leaf|bay leaves]], [[black pepper]], [[caraway]] seeds, [[chives]], [[dill]], [[horseradish]], [[Mustard seed|mustard]] seeds, [[parsley]], [[Allium ursinum|ramsons]] (wild garlic), [[rosemary]], [[Salvia officinalis|sage]] and [[thyme]].
'''Irish cuisine''' ({{lang-ga|Cócaireacht na héireann}}) encompasses the cooking styles, traditions, and recipes associated with the island of [[Ireland]]. It has developed from antiquity through centuries of social and political change and the mixing of different cultures, predominantly with those from nearby [[Great Britain|Britain]] and other [[Europeean]] regions. The cuisine is founded upon the crops and animals farmed in its [[temperate]] climate and the abundance of fresh fish and seafood from the surrounding waters of the [[Atlantic Ocean]]. [[Chowder]], for example, is popular around the coasts.<ref>{{Cite news|url=https://www.irishtimes.com/life-and-style/food-and-drink/is-this-the-best-fish-chowder-in-the-world-1.4223015|title = Is this the best fish chowder in the world?| newspaper=[[The Irish Times]] }}</ref> Herbs and spices traditionally used in Irish cuisine include [[Bay leaf|bay leaves]], [[black pepper]], [[caraway]] seeds, [[chives]], [[dill]], [[horseradish]], [[Mustard seed|mustard]] seeds, [[parsley]], [[Allium ursinum|ramsons]] (wild garlic), [[rosemary]], [[Salvia officinalis|sage]] and [[thyme]].


The development of Irish cuisine was altered greatly by the [[Tudor conquest of Ireland]] in the late 16th and early 17th centuries, which introduced a new agro-alimentary system of intensive grain-based agriculture and led to large areas of land being turned over to grain production. The rise of a commercial market in grain and meat altered the diet of the Irish populace by redirecting traditionally consumed products (such as beef) abroad as [[cash crop]]s instead.<ref>{{cite journal|url=https://journals.openedition.org/mimmoc/1733|title=Changing eating habits in Ireland and the Scottish Highlands|first=Jean-Pierre|last=POUSSOU|date=14 March 2015|journal=Mémoire(s), Identité(s), Marginalité(s) dans le Monde Occidental Contemporain|issue=12|doi=10.4000/mimmoc.1733|doi-access=free}}</ref> Consequently, [[potato]]es were widely adopted in the 18th century and essentially became the main crop that the Irish [[working class]] (which formed a majority of the population) could afford.<ref name="potatobrit">{{cite web |title=Great Famine |url=https://www.britannica.com/event/Great-Famine-Irish-history |website=Britannica |publisher=Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc. |access-date=8 September 2022}}</ref>
The development of Irish cuisine was altered greatly by the [[Tudor conquest of Ireland]] in the late 16th and early 17th centuries, which introduced a new agro-alimentary system of intensive grain-based agriculture and led to large areas of land being turned over to grain production. The rise of a commercial market in grain and meat altered the diet of the Irish populace by redirecting traditionally consumed products (such as beef) abroad as [[cash crop]]s instead.<ref>{{cite journal|url=https://journals.openedition.org/mimmoc/1733|title=Changing eating habits in Ireland and the Scottish Highlands|first=Jean-Pierre|last=POUSSOU|date=14 March 2015|journal=Mémoire(s), Identité(s), Marginalité(s) dans le Monde Occidental Contemporain|issue=12|doi=10.4000/mimmoc.1733|doi-access=free}}</ref> Consequently, [[potato]]es were widely adopted in the 18th century and essentially became the main crop that the Irish [[working class]] (which formed a majority of the population) could afford.<ref name="potatobrit">{{cite web |title=Great Famine |url=https://www.britannica.com/event/Great-Famine-Irish-history |website=Britannica |publisher=Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc. |access-date=8 September 2022}}</ref>


By the 21st century, much traditional Irish cuisine was being revived.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Murphy |first=Diarmaid |date=2021-07-03 |title=Exploring evidence of lost and forgotten Irish food traditions in Irish cookbooks 1980-2015 |url=https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/04308778.2021.1957429 |journal=Folk Life |language=en |volume=59 |issue=2 |pages=161–181 |doi=10.1080/04308778.2021.1957429 |issn=0430-8778|doi-access=free }}</ref> Representative dishes include [[Irish stew]], [[bacon and cabbage]], [[boxty]], brown bread (as it is referred to in the south) or [[soda bread]] (predominantly used in [[Ulster]]), [[coddle]], and [[colcannon]].
By the 21st century, much of traditional Irish cuisine was being revived.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Murphy |first=Diarmaid |date=2021-07-03 |title=Exploring evidence of lost and forgotten Irish food traditions in Irish cookbooks 1980-2015 |url=https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/04308778.2021.1957429 |journal=Folk Life |language=en |volume=59 |issue=2 |pages=161–181 |doi=10.1080/04308778.2021.1957429 |issn=0430-8778|doi-access=free }}</ref> Representative dishes include [[Irish stew]], [[bacon and cabbage]], [[boxty]], brown bread (as it is referred to in the south) or [[soda bread]] (predominantly used in [[Ulster]]), [[coddle]], and [[colcannon]].


==History==
==History==
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==== Mesolithic period (8000–4000 BC) ====
==== Mesolithic period (8000–4000 BC) ====
Prior to the [[Neolithic|Neolithic period]] in Ireland and advances in farming technology, archaeological evidence such as the discovery of stone tools, bone assemblages, archeobotanical evidence, [[Isotopic analysis by nuclear magnetic resonance|isotopic analysis]] of human skeletal remains, and dental erosion on the remains of human teeth indicate the [[Mesolithic]] Irish were a hunter-gatherer society that ate a diet of varied floral and faunal sources.<ref>Wooman, P. C., Anderson, E., & Finlay, N. (1999). ''Excavations at Ferriter's Cove, 1983-95: last foragers, first farmers in the Dingle Peninsula''. Wordwell.</ref><ref>Meiklejohn, C., & Woodman, P. C. (2012). Radiocarbon dating of Mesolithic human remains in Ireland. ''Mesolithic Miscellany'', ''22''(1), 22-41.</ref><ref name="Warren-2015">{{Cite journal|last=Warren|first=G|date=2015|title='Mere food gatherers they, parasites upon nature…': food and drink in the Mesolithic of Ireland|journal=Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, Section C: Archaeology, Celtic Studies, History, Linguistics, Literature|volume=115|pages=1–26|doi=10.3318/priac.2015.115.09|s2cid=133320966|url=https://muse.jhu.edu/article/810602}}</ref> Discoveries of food byproducts such as bone fragments<ref name="Wijngaarden-Bakker, L. H. 1989">van Wijngaarden-Bakker, L. H. (1989). ''Faunal remains and the Irish Mesolithic''. John Donald.</ref> and sea shells<ref name="MacLean-1993">MacLean, R. (1993). Eat your greens: an examination of the potential diet available in Ireland during the Mesolithic. ''Ulster Journal of Archaeology'', 1-8.</ref> are key indicators of the dietary habits of the Mesolithic Irish, as immediate food products have long since decomposed<ref>Milner, N. (2006). Subsistence. ''Mesolithic Britain and Ireland: new approaches'', 61-82.</ref> —especially in the presence of Ireland's largely acidic soils.<ref name="Woodman-1978">Woodman, P. C. (1978). ''The Mesolithic in Ireland: hunter-gatherers in an insular environment'' (Vol. 58). British Archaeological Reports.</ref><ref name="Smyth-2015">Smyth, J., & Evershed, R. P. (2015). The molecules of meals: New insight into Neolithic foodways. ''Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, Section C: Archaeology, Celtic Studies, History, Linguistics, Literature'', ''115'', 27-46.</ref><ref name="Foster-1998">{{Cite book|title=Nature in Ireland: A Scientific and Cultural History|last=Foster|first=John Wilson|publisher=McGill-Queen's Press|year=1998|pages=184}}</ref> However, available archeological evidence of food remains, together with discoveries of Mesolithic food-harvesting tools<ref name="McQuade-2007">McQuade, M., & O'Donnell, L. (2007). Late Mesolithic fish traps from the Liffey estuary, Dublin, Ireland. ''Antiquity'', ''81''(313), 569-584.</ref> and the relationship of local environments with settlement sites,<ref name="Woodman-1978" /> provide an understanding of what may have eaten. Settlement sites, in particular, have supported notable insight into the dietary habits of the Mesolithic Irish.<ref name="Woodman-1978" /> For example, the proximity of Mesolithic settlements to water systems point to groups or individuals who ate marine species.<ref name="Little-2005">Little, A. (2005). 104. Fishy settlement patterns and their social significance: a case study from the northern Midlands of Ireland.</ref> The predominant location of Mesolithic Irish settlements are close to water systems, and therefore suggests a diet rich in vegetation, marine life, and smaller mammals, as distinct from their British and Native American contemporaries whose settlements further inland influenced a diet more substantive with meat.<ref name="Woodman-1978" /><ref name="MacLean-1993" /> For example, deer features minimally in archeological discoveries, thought to be particularly due to the infrequent presence of deer along coastal regions, bays, and estuaries.<ref name="Woodman-1978" />
Before the [[Neolithic|Neolithic period]] in Ireland and advances in farming technology, archaeological evidence such as the discovery of stone tools, bone assemblages, archaeobotanical evidence, [[Isotopic analysis by nuclear magnetic resonance|isotopic analysis]] of human skeletal remains, and dental erosion on the remains of human teeth indicate the [[Mesolithic]] Irish were a hunter-gatherer society that ate a diet of varied floral and faunal sources.<ref>Wooman, P. C., Anderson, E., & Finlay, N. (1999). ''Excavations at Ferriter's Cove, 1983-95: last foragers, first farmers in the Dingle Peninsula''. Wordwell.</ref><ref>Meiklejohn, C., & Woodman, P. C. (2012). Radiocarbon dating of Mesolithic human remains in Ireland. ''Mesolithic Miscellany'', ''22''(1), 22-41.</ref><ref name="Warren-2015">{{Cite journal|last=Warren|first=G|date=2015|title='Mere food gatherers they, parasites upon nature…': food and drink in the Mesolithic of Ireland|journal=Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, Section C: Archaeology, Celtic Studies, History, Linguistics, Literature|volume=115|pages=1–26|doi=10.3318/priac.2015.115.09|s2cid=133320966|url=https://muse.jhu.edu/article/810602}}</ref> Discoveries of food byproducts such as bone fragments<ref name="Wijngaarden-Bakker, L. H. 1989">van Wijngaarden-Bakker, L. H. (1989). ''Faunal remains and the Irish Mesolithic''. John Donald.</ref> and sea shells<ref name="MacLean-1993">MacLean, R. (1993). Eat your greens: an examination of the potential diet available in Ireland during the Mesolithic. ''Ulster Journal of Archaeology'', 1-8.</ref> are key indicators of the dietary habits of the Mesolithic Irish, as immediate food products have long since decomposed<ref>Milner, N. (2006). Subsistence. ''Mesolithic Britain and Ireland: new approaches'', 61-82.</ref> —especially in the presence of Ireland's largely acidic soils.<ref name="Woodman-1978">Woodman, P. C. (1978). ''The Mesolithic in Ireland: hunter-gatherers in an insular environment'' (Vol. 58). British Archaeological Reports.</ref><ref name="Smyth-2015">Smyth, J., & Evershed, R. P. (2015). The molecules of meals: New insight into Neolithic foodways. ''Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, Section C: Archaeology, Celtic Studies, History, Linguistics, Literature'', ''115'', 27-46.</ref><ref name="Foster-1998">{{Cite book|title=Nature in Ireland: A Scientific and Cultural History|last=Foster|first=John Wilson|publisher=McGill-Queen's Press|year=1998|pages=184}}</ref> However, available archeological evidence of food remains, together with discoveries of Mesolithic food-harvesting tools<ref name="McQuade-2007">McQuade, M., & O'Donnell, L. (2007). Late Mesolithic fish traps from the Liffey estuary, Dublin, Ireland. ''Antiquity'', ''81''(313), 569-584.</ref> and the relationship of local environments with settlement sites,<ref name="Woodman-1978" /> provide an understanding of what may have eaten. Settlement sites, in particular, have supported notable insight into the dietary habits of the Mesolithic Irish.<ref name="Woodman-1978" /> For example, the proximity of Mesolithic settlements to water systems points to groups or individuals who ate marine species.<ref name="Little-2005">Little, A. (2005). 104. Fishy settlement patterns and their social significance: a case study from the northern Midlands of Ireland.</ref> The predominant location of Mesolithic Irish settlements is close to water systems and therefore suggests a diet rich in vegetation, marine life, and smaller mammals, as distinct from their British and Native American contemporaries whose settlements further inland influenced a diet more substantive with meat.<ref name="Woodman-1978" /><ref name="MacLean-1993" /> For example, deer features minimally in archeological discoveries, thought to be particularly due to the infrequent presence of deer along coastal regions, bays, and estuaries.<ref name="Woodman-1978" />


The deliberate positioning of such settlements also suggests a cultural preference for particular foods.<ref name="MacLean-1993" /> Also unique to settlements positioned close to water systems are large mounds of [[bivalve shell]]s known as [[midden]]s, which provide concrete evidence that shellfish played a role in the dietary practices of the Mesolithic Irish.<ref>Milner, N., & Ibodwan, P. (2007). Deconstructing the myths. ''Shell Middens in Atlantic Europe'', 101.</ref> Shell middens are frequent Mesolithic discoveries in Ireland, which for their majority, were predominantly composed of [[oyster]] and [[limpet]] shells.<ref name="MacLean-1993" /> The coastal town name of [[Sligo]] (in Irish ''Sligeach)'' which means "abounding in shells", references the area's historic plenitude of shellfish in the river and its estuary, as well as the middens common to the area.<ref name="Sligo-2018">{{Cite web|url=https://www.sligoheritage.com/archsligeach.htm|title=Sligo Ireland: Origins of Sligo/Slicech/Sligeach names for County Sligo; History, Heritage, Irish Folklore, and News from County Sligo, Ireland|website=www.sligoheritage.com|access-date=2018-09-18}}</ref><ref name="Culleenamore-2018">{{Cite web|url=https://www.discoverireland.ie/Arts-Culture-Heritage/culleenamore-middens/50211|title=Culleenamore Middens|last=Discover Ireland|website=www.discoverireland.ie|access-date=2018-09-18}}</ref>
The deliberate positioning of such settlements also suggests a cultural preference for particular foods.<ref name="MacLean-1993" /> Also unique to settlements positioned close to water systems are large mounds of [[bivalve shell]]s known as [[midden]]s, which provide concrete evidence that shellfish played a role in the dietary practices of the Mesolithic Irish.<ref>Milner, N., & Ibodwan, P. (2007). Deconstructing the myths. ''Shell Middens in Atlantic Europe'', 101.</ref> Shell middens are frequent Mesolithic discoveries in Ireland, which for their majority, were predominantly composed of [[oyster]] and [[limpet]] shells.<ref name="MacLean-1993" /> The coastal town name of [[Sligo]] (in Irish ''Sligeach)'' which means "abounding in shells", references the area's historic plenitude of shellfish in the river and its estuary, as well as the middens common to the area.<ref name="Sligo-2018">{{Cite web|url=https://www.sligoheritage.com/archsligeach.htm|title=Sligo Ireland: Origins of Sligo/Slicech/Sligeach names for County Sligo; History, Heritage, Irish Folklore, and News from County Sligo, Ireland|website=www.sligoheritage.com|access-date=2018-09-18}}</ref><ref name="Culleenamore-2018">{{Cite web|url=https://www.discoverireland.ie/Arts-Culture-Heritage/culleenamore-middens/50211|title=Culleenamore Middens|last=Discover Ireland|website=www.discoverireland.ie|access-date=2018-09-18}}</ref>


Additionally, Ireland's position as an island and thus the unique composition of biodiversity and geography suggests its Mesolithic people enjoyed a somewhat dissimilar diet to their proximal contemporaries.<ref>Mitchell, G. F. (1976). ''The Irish Landscape''. HarperCollins.</ref><ref name="Carden-2012">Carden, R. F., McDevitt, A. D., Zachos, F. E., Woodman, P. C., O’Toole, P., Rose, H., ... & Edwards, C. J. (2012). Phylogeographic, ancient DNA, fossil and morphometric analyses reveal ancient and modern introductions of a large mammal: the complex case of red deer (Cervus elaphus) in Ireland. ''Quaternary Science Reviews'', ''42'', 74-84.</ref><ref name="Warren-2015" /> For example, prehistoric Ireland's paucity of small mammals,<ref>Yalden, D. W., & Carthy, R. I. (2004). The archaeological record of birds in Britain and Ireland compared: extinctions or failures to arrive?. ''Environmental Archaeology'', ''9''(2), 123-126.</ref> and its absences of species important to other Mesolithic communities, such as [[red deer]], [[Aurochs|wild cow]], and [[elk]]<ref name="MacLean-1993" /><ref name="Warren-2015" /><ref name="Carden-2012" /> would have contributed to unique dietary habits and nutritional standards. The persistent evidence of certain species, such as [[Wild boar|boar]]<ref name="Krause-2013">Krause-Kyora, B., Makarewicz, C., Evin, A., Flink, L. G., Dobney, K., Larson, G., ... & Nebel, A. (2013). Use of domesticated pigs by Mesolithic hunter-gatherers in northwestern Europe. ''Nature communications'', ''4'', 2348.</ref><ref name="Warren-2015" /> in contrast with the scarcity and/or uncooked nature of other animal remains such as [[bear]]<ref name="McCormick-2004">Finbar McCormick, 'Hunting wild pig in the Late Mesolithic', in Helen Roche, E. Grogan, J. Bradley, ''et al''. (eds), ''From megaliths to metals: essays in honour of George Eogan'' (Oxford, 2004), 1-5:3.</ref> and birds of prey (remains of which have been found in Mesolithic bone assemblages, but are otherwise absent in isotopic analysis of human bones<ref name="Warren-2015" />) suggests a particular understanding of certain animals as sources of food, others that served symbolic or medicinal purposes (as they were in other parts of Europe<ref>Amkreutz, L. W. S. W., & Corbey, R. H. A. (2008). An eagle-eyed perspective. Haliaeetus albicilla in the Mesolithic and Neolithic of the Lower Rhine Area.</ref><ref>Chaix, L., Bridault, A., & Picavet, R. (1997). A Tamed Brown Bear (Ursus arctosL.) of the Late Mesolithic from La Grande-Rivoire (Isère, France)?. ''Journal of Archaeological Science'', ''24''(12), 1067-1074.</ref>), while others still, such as [[dog]], which are not supposed to have been consumed at all.<ref name="Warren-2015" />
Additionally, Ireland's position as an island and thus the unique composition of biodiversity and geography suggests its Mesolithic people enjoyed a somewhat dissimilar diet to their proximal contemporaries.<ref>Mitchell, G. F. (1976). ''The Irish Landscape''. HarperCollins.</ref><ref name="Carden-2012">Carden, R. F., McDevitt, A. D., Zachos, F. E., Woodman, P. C., O’Toole, P., Rose, H., ... & Edwards, C. J. (2012). Phylogeographic, ancient DNA, fossil, and morphometric analyses reveal ancient and modern introductions of a large mammal: the complex case of red deer (Cervus elaphus) in Ireland. ''Quaternary Science Reviews'', ''42'', 74-84.</ref><ref name="Warren-2015" /> For example, prehistoric Ireland's paucity of small mammals,<ref>Yalden, D. W., & Carthy, R. I. (2004). The archaeological record of birds in Britain and Ireland compared: extinctions or failures to arrive? ''Environmental Archaeology'', ''9''(2), 123-126.</ref> and its absences of species important to other Mesolithic communities, such as [[red deer]], [[Aurochs|wild cow]], and [[elk]]<ref name="MacLean-1993" /><ref name="Warren-2015" /><ref name="Carden-2012" /> would have contributed to unique dietary habits and nutritional standards. The persistent evidence of certain species, such as [[Wild boar|boar]]<ref name="Krause-2013">Krause-Kyora, B., Makarewicz, C., Evin, A., Flink, L. G., Dobney, K., Larson, G., ... & Nebel, A. (2013). Use of domesticated pigs by Mesolithic hunter-gatherers in northwestern Europe. ''Nature communications'', ''4'', 2348.</ref><ref name="Warren-2015" /> In contrast with the scarcity and/or uncooked nature of other animal remains such as [[bear]]<ref name="McCormick-2004">Finbar McCormick, 'Hunting wild pig in the Late Mesolithic', in Helen Roche, E. Grogan, J. Bradley, ''et al''. (eds), ''From megaliths to metals: essays in honor of George Eogan'' (Oxford, 2004), 1-5:3.</ref> and birds of prey (remains of which have been found in Mesolithic bone assemblages, but are otherwise absent in isotopic analysis of human bones<ref name="Warren-2015" />) suggests a particular understanding of certain animals as sources of food, others that served symbolic or medicinal purposes (as they were in other parts of Europe<ref>Amkreutz, L. W. S. W., & Corbey, R. H. A. (2008). An eagle-eyed perspective. Haliaeetus albicilla in the Mesolithic and Neolithic of the Lower Rhine Area.</ref><ref>Chaix, L., Bridault, A., & Picavet, R. (1997). A Tamed Brown Bear (Ursus arctosL.) of the Late Mesolithic from La Grande-Rivoire (Isère, France)?. ''Journal of Archaeological Science'', ''24''(12), 1067-1074.</ref>), while others still, such as [[dog]], which are not supposed to have been consumed at all.<ref name="Warren-2015" />


Due to Ireland's geography and the locations of Mesolithic settlements, the variety of food sources available to the Mesolithic Irish was consequently unique.<ref name="MacLean-1993" /><ref name="Woodman-1978" /><ref name="Warren-2015" /> Outside of boar, large predators including the [[wolf]], the brown bear, and [[lynx]] are scarce in archaeological assemblages, and understood to have been generally avoided as a source of food, as they were in most contemporary Mesolithic Europe.<ref name="MacLean-1993" /> Likewise, while cereals were unlikely to have been yet consumed due to the processing required to make them digestible, [[Fungus|fungi]], roots, leaves, stems, flowers, nuts, seeds, berries and fruits were all otherwise simple to harvest and eat and would have substantiated the Mesolithic diet with nutritional variety and a diversity of flavour.<ref name="MacLean-1993" />
Due to Ireland's geography and the locations of Mesolithic settlements, the variety of food sources available to the Mesolithic Irish was consequently unique.<ref name="MacLean-1993" /><ref name="Woodman-1978" /><ref name="Warren-2015" /> Outside of boar, large predators including the [[wolf]], the brown bear, and [[lynx]] are scarce in archaeological assemblages, and understood to have been generally avoided as a source of food, as they were in most contemporary Mesolithic Europe.<ref name="MacLean-1993" /> Likewise, while cereals were unlikely to have been yet consumed due to the processing required to make them digestible, [[Fungus|fungi]], roots, leaves, stems, flowers, nuts, seeds, berries, and fruits were all otherwise simple to harvest and eat and would have substantiated the Mesolithic diet with nutritional variety and diversity of flavor.<ref name="MacLean-1993" />


This in combination with the prevalence of settlements along waterways suggests key dietary staples of the Mesolithic Irish were marine and floral sources of food. Additionally, that boar was brought to Ireland by early Mesolithic colonists<ref name="Krause-2013" /> and features frequently in archeological assemblages of faunal bones, points to another noteworthy staple in the Mesolithic Irish diet.<ref name="Wijngaarden-Bakker, L. H. 1989"/><ref name="Warren-2015" /><ref name="Krause-2013" /> Despite the scarcity of plant-based artifacts in light of Ireland's wet weather and acidic soil, biochemical assessments of human bone have been used to provide evidence for a variety of floral sources, including [[Apple|apples]], [[Empetrum nigrum|crowberries]], [[Raspberry|raspberries]], [[Blackberry|blackberries]], [[Nymphaeaceae|water-lily]] seeds, [[tuber]]s, and [[hazelnut]]s.<ref name="Warren-2015" /><ref name="Warren-2013">{{Cite journal |last1=Warren|first1=Graeme|last2=Davis |first2=Steve|last3=McClatchie|first3=Meriel|last4=Sands|first4=Rob|date=2013-10-09|title=The potential role of humans in structuring the wooded landscapes of Mesolithic Ireland: a review of data and discussion of approaches|journal=Vegetation History and Archaeobotany|volume=23|issue=5|pages=629–646 |doi=10.1007/s00334-013-0417-z|s2cid=128418404|issn=0939-6314}}</ref>
This in combination with the prevalence of settlements along waterways suggests key dietary staples of the Mesolithic Irish were marine and floral sources of food. Additionally, that boar was brought to Ireland by early Mesolithic colonists<ref name="Krause-2013" /> and features frequently in archeological assemblages of faunal bones, pointing to another noteworthy staple in the Mesolithic Irish diet.<ref name="Wijngaarden-Bakker, L. H. 1989"/><ref name="Warren-2015" /><ref name="Krause-2013" /> Despite the scarcity of plant-based artifacts in light of Ireland's wet weather and acidic soil, biochemical assessments of human bone have been used to provide evidence for a variety of floral sources, including [[Apple|apples]], [[Empetrum nigrum|crowberries]], [[Raspberry|raspberries]], [[Blackberry|blackberries]], [[Nymphaeaceae|water-lily]] seeds, [[tuber]]s, and [[hazelnut]]s.<ref name="Warren-2015" /><ref name="Warren-2013">{{Cite journal |last1=Warren|first1=Graeme|last2=Davis |first2=Steve|last3=McClatchie|first3=Meriel|last4=Sands|first4=Rob|date=2013-10-09|title=The potential role of humans in structuring the wooded landscapes of Mesolithic Ireland: a review of data and discussion of approaches|journal=Vegetation History and Archaeobotany|volume=23|issue=5|pages=629–646 |doi=10.1007/s00334-013-0417-z|s2cid=128418404|issn=0939-6314}}</ref>


The sizable presence of hazelnuts in many archaeological assemblages in both Mesolithic Ireland and Britain suggests the nut was important,<ref>Hamilton, A., Bannon, D, Monk, M.A., and Pals, J.P. (1985). The Botanical Remains in P.Woodrnan (ed.), Excavations at Mount Sandel 1973-77 (Belfast).</ref><ref>Rankine, W. F., Rankine, W. M., & Dimbleby, G. W. (1960, December). Further excavations at a Mesolithic site at Oakhanger, Selborne, Hants. In ''Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society'' (Vol. 26, pp. 246-262). Cambridge University Press.</ref> and may have even been used as a form of currency, as acorns were for Native Americans of California during the same period.<ref>Mellars P.A. (1976). Fire Ecology, Animal Populations and Man: A Study of Some Ecological Relationships in Prehistory, P.P.S.,42, 15-45.</ref> There is an indication that these nuts, in particular, were stored underground during the winter months.<ref>Bradley, R. (1978). The Prehistoric Settlement of Britain (London).</ref> [[Elm]] bark is also suspected to have been a prized source of food for being particularly rich in nutrients, as well as featuring in the diets of other northern Mesolithic European communities, the Scandinavian in particular.<ref>Dimbleby, G.W. (1967). Plants and Archaeology (London).</ref>
The sizable presence of hazelnuts in many archaeological assemblages in both Mesolithic Ireland and Britain suggests the nut was important,<ref>Hamilton, A., Bannon, D., Monk, M.A., and Pals, J.P. (1985). The Botanical Remains in P.Woodrnan (ed.), Excavations at Mount Sandel 1973-77 (Belfast).</ref><ref>Rankine, W. F., Rankine, W. M., & Dimbleby, G. W. (1960, December). Further excavations at a Mesolithic site at Oakhanger, Selborne, Hants. In ''Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society'' (Vol. 26, pp. 246-262). Cambridge University Press.</ref> and may have even been used as a form of currency, as acorns were for Native Americans of California during the same period.<ref>Mellars P.A. (1976). Fire Ecology, Animal Populations, and Man: A Study of Some Ecological Relationships in Prehistory, P.P.S.,42, 15-45.</ref> There is an indication that these nuts, in particular, were stored underground during the winter months.<ref>Bradley, R. (1978). The Prehistoric Settlement of Britain (London).</ref> [[Elm]] bark is also suspected to have been a prized source of food for being particularly rich in nutrients, as well as featuring in the diets of other northern Mesolithic European communities, the Scandinavian in particular.<ref>Dimbleby, G.W. (1967). Plants and Archaeology (London).</ref>


Despite Ireland's coastal geography, there is no evidence of seaweed collection among the Mesolithic Irish in archaeological remains, as well as little evidence of deep-water ocean species.<ref name="Pickard-2012">Pickard, C., & Bonsall, C. (2012). A different kettle of fish: food diversity in Mesolithic Scotland. ''Food and Drink in Archaeology'', ''3'', 76-88.</ref> However, the presence of shellfish and in-shore fish—particularly [[Salmonidae|salmonids]]—in the Irish Mesolithic diet is impressive.<ref name="Woodman-1978" /> The absence of evidence for seal is a notable contrast with Mesolithic Scotland, where archaeological sites demonstrate the significant exploitation of seals.<ref name="Pickard-2012" />
Despite Ireland's coastal geography, there is no evidence of seaweed collection among the Mesolithic Irish in archaeological remains, as well as little evidence of deep-water ocean species.<ref name="Pickard-2012">Pickard, C., & Bonsall, C. (2012). A different kettle of fish: food diversity in Mesolithic Scotland. ''Food and Drink in Archaeology'', ''3'', 76-88.</ref> However, the presence of shellfish and in-shore fish—particularly [[Salmonidae|salmonids]]—in the Irish Mesolithic diet is impressive.<ref name="Woodman-1978" /> The absence of evidence for seal is a notable contrast with Mesolithic Scotland, where archaeological sites demonstrate the significant exploitation of seals.<ref name="Pickard-2012" />


Though the Mesolithic Irish were a hunter-gatherer people, such assemblages as middens, discoveries of lithic tools and technologies, and seasonal organization of animal remains alludes to understandings of environmental management to meet subsistence needs.<ref name="MacLean-1993" /><ref name="Warren-2015" /> For example, the transportation and management of boar through selective [[hunting]] and culling techniques<ref name="McCormick-2007">McCormick, F. (2007). Mammal bone studies from prehistoric Irish sites. ''Environmental archaeology in Ireland'', 77-101.</ref><ref name="Warren-2013" /> suggests a food source potentially purposefully semi-domesticated, as well as a species important to the Mesolithic communities of Ireland.<ref name="McCormick-2004" /><ref name="Krause-2013" /> Research into the composition of middens, as well, suggests that these Irish communities understood [[Tide|tidal]] behaviours, and optimal harvest periods for respective marine species.<ref name="Little-2005" /><ref>Pollard, T. (1996). Time and tide: coastal environments, cosmology and ritual practice in prehistoric Scotland.</ref> Different species of shellfish require different environmental conditions, such as intertidal flats for [[mussel]]s and cockles, and rocky shorelines for limpets<ref name="Woodman-1978" /> so different harvesting strategies would have been required to harvest and profit from different varieties of shellfish. As well, that freshwater, coastal, and in-shore marine life features greater than deep-sea species in archaeological evidence of the Irish Mesolithic diet inherently points to the use of in-shore [[fishing techniques]] such as traps and nets, in lieu of off-shore or deep-sea hunting techniques.<ref name="Woodman-1978" /><ref>Pickard, C., & Bonsall, C. (2004). Deep-sea fishing in the European Mesolithic: fact or fantasy?. ''European Journal of Archaeology'', ''7''(3), 273-290.</ref>
Though the Mesolithic Irish were a hunter-gatherer people, such assemblages as middens, discoveries of lithic tools and technologies, and seasonal organization of animal remains allude to an understanding of environmental management to meet subsistence needs.<ref name="MacLean-1993" /><ref name="Warren-2015" /> For example, the transportation and management of boar through selective [[hunting]] and culling techniques<ref name="McCormick-2007">McCormick, F. (2007). Mammal bone studies from prehistoric Irish sites. ''Environmental archaeology in Ireland'', 77-101.</ref><ref name="Warren-2013" /> suggests a food source potentially purposefully semi-domesticated, as well as a species important to the Mesolithic communities of Ireland.<ref name="McCormick-2004" /><ref name="Krause-2013" /> Research into the composition of middens, as well, suggests that these Irish communities understood [[Tide|tidal]] behaviors and optimal harvest periods for respective marine species.<ref name="Little-2005" /><ref>Pollard, T. (1996). Time and tide: coastal environments, cosmology, and ritual practice in prehistoric Scotland.</ref> Different species of shellfish require different environmental conditions, such as intertidal flats for [[mussel]]s and cockles, and rocky shorelines for limpets<ref name="Woodman-1978" /> so different harvesting strategies would have been required to harvest and profit from different varieties of shellfish. Also, that freshwater, coastal, and in-shore marine life features greater than deep-sea species in archaeological evidence of the Irish Mesolithic diet inherently points to the use of in-shore [[fishing techniques]] such as traps and nets, instead of off-shore or deep-sea hunting techniques.<ref name="Woodman-1978" /><ref>Pickard, C., & Bonsall, C. (2004). Deep-sea fishing in the European Mesolithic: fact or fantasy? ''European Journal of Archaeology'', ''7''(3), 273-290.</ref>


The recovery of stone tools in specific sites and vogue technologies of the period such as [[Lithic technology|blade-and-flake]] likewise suggests their roles in the construction and maintenance of basic food procurement technologies like fish traps.<ref name="McQuade-2007" /><ref name="Little-2005" /><ref>Woodman, P. C., & Anderson, E. (1990). The Irish later Mesolithic: a partial picture. ''Contributions to the Mesolithic in Europe'', 377-87.</ref> There is even some suggestion of the Mesolithic Irish being actively engaged in land snail farming.<ref>Grindon, A. J., & Davison, A. (2013). Irish Cepaea nemoralis land snails have a cryptic Franco-Iberian origin that is most easily explained by the movements of Mesolithic humans. ''PLoS One'', ''8''(6), e65792.</ref>
The recovery of stone tools in specific sites and vogue technologies of the period such as [[Lithic technology|blade-and-flake]] likewise suggest their roles in the construction and maintenance of basic food procurement technologies like fish traps.<ref name="McQuade-2007" /><ref name="Little-2005" /><ref>Woodman, P. C., & Anderson, E. (1990). The Irish later Mesolithic: a partial picture. ''Contributions to the Mesolithic in Europe'', 377-87.</ref> There is even some suggestion of the Mesolithic Irish being actively engaged in land snail farming.<ref>Grindon, A. J., & Davison, A. (2013). Irish Cepaea nemoralis land snails have a cryptic Franco-Iberian origin that is most easily explained by the movements of Mesolithic humans. ''PLoS One'', ''8''(6), e65792.</ref>


The fundamentally seasonal nature of the Mesolithic diet<ref name="MacLean-1993" /> and the various seasonally-conscripted food-gathering activities affected the time and social organization of the Mesolithic Irish during the year.<ref name="Warren-2013" /> Such activities would have consisted the hunting and [[foraging]] of seasonal plants and animals when they were at their most abundant, as well as storage-related activities such as preserving meat and seafood through [[Smoking (cooking)|smoking]],<ref name="Hawkes-2014a">Hawkes, A. (2014). The beginnings and evolution of the fulacht fia tradition in early prehistoric Ireland. ''Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, Section C: Archaeology, Celtic Studies, History, Linguistics, Literature'', ''114'', 89-139.</ref> and caching nuts and seeds.<ref>Mabey, R., & Blamey, M. (1972). ''Food for free''. London: Collins.</ref> As various plants are fertile only biannually, and the migratory patterns of animals can change over time,<ref>Dennis, F. G., & Neilsen, J. C. (1999). Physiological factors affecting biennial bearing in tree fruit: the role of seeds in apple. ''HortTechnology'', ''9''(3), 317-322.</ref><ref>Hodgson, S., & Quinn, T. P. (2002). The timing of adult sockeye salmon migration into freshwater: adaptations by populations to prevailing thermal regimes. ''Canadian Journal of Zoology'', ''80''(3), 542-555.</ref><ref>Gauthreaux, S. A. (1982). The ecology and evolution of avian migration systems. In ''Avian biology, volume VI'' (pp. 93-168).</ref> these food-gathering activities would have been significantly varied and as such, would have required attention and understanding of environmental and animal behaviours.<ref name="MacLean-1993" />
The fundamentally seasonal nature of the Mesolithic diet<ref name="MacLean-1993" /> and the various seasonally conscripted food-gathering activities affected the time and social organization of the Mesolithic Irish during the year.<ref name="Warren-2013" /> Such activities would have consisted of the hunting and [[foraging]] of seasonal plants and animals when they were at their most abundant, as well as storage-related activities such as preserving meat and seafood through [[Smoking (cooking)|smoking]],<ref name="Hawkes-2014a">Hawkes, A. (2014). The beginnings and evolution of the fulacht fia tradition in early prehistoric Ireland. ''Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, Section C: Archaeology, Celtic Studies, History, Linguistics, Literature'', ''114'', 89-139.</ref> and caching nuts and seeds.<ref>Mabey, R., & Blamey, M. (1972). ''Food for free''. London: Collins.</ref> As various plants are fertile only biannually, and the migratory patterns of animals can change over time,<ref>Dennis, F. G., & Neilsen, J. C. (1999). Physiological factors affecting biennial bearing in tree fruit: the role of seeds in apple. ''HortTechnology'', ''9''(3), 317-322.</ref><ref>Hodgson, S., & Quinn, T. P. (2002). The timing of adult sockeye salmon migration into freshwater: adaptations by populations to prevailing thermal regimes. ''Canadian Journal of Zoology'', ''80''(3), 542-555.</ref><ref>Gauthreaux, S. A. (1982). The ecology and evolution of avian migration systems. In ''Avian biology, volume VI'' (pp. 93-168).</ref> these food-gathering activities would have been significantly varied and as such, would have required attention and understanding of environmental and animal behaviors.<ref name="MacLean-1993" />


While most foods would have been eaten raw and out-of-hand, archaeological evidence has provided insight into Mesolithic food processing techniques, such as crude forms of [[butcher]]y,<ref name="McCormick-2004" /> the soaking of seeds,<ref>Mears, R., & Hillman, G. C. (2007). ''Wild food''. Hodder & Stoughton.</ref> and thermal processing to directly heat or smoke foods.<ref name="Hawkes-2014a" /><ref>Little, A. (2014). Clonava Island revisited: a story of cooking, plants and re-occupation during the Irish Late Mesolithic. ''Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, Section C: Archaeology, Celtic Studies, History, Linguistics, Literature'', ''114'', 35-55.</ref> At a site in [[Kilnatierney]] where ash, burnt shells, fish, and pig bones were discovered in a dug-out depression, the diminutive size of the fish bones suggests they were cooked on skewers or directly on hot rocks.<ref>Murray, E., Sloan, B., Hamilton-Dyer, S., & Wouter, W. (2011). A late Mesolithic shell midden at Kilnatierny near Greyabbey, Co. Down. ''Excavations at Ferriter's Cove'', ''20'', 100-18.</ref> The presence of burnt mounds of stones indicate cooking methods likely focused on direct heating methods such as roasting on spits constructed on tripods over open flames, and in earthen hearths.<ref name="Pilcher, J. R. 1979">Pilcher, J. R., & Smith, A. G. (1979). Palaeoecological investigations at Ballynagilly, a Neolithic and Bronze Age settlement in County Tyrone, Northern Ireland. ''Phil. Trans. R. Soc. Lond. B'', ''286''(1013), 345-369.</ref>
While most foods would have been eaten raw and out-of-hand, archaeological evidence has provided insight into Mesolithic food processing techniques, such as crude forms of [[butcher]]y,<ref name="McCormick-2004" /> the soaking of seeds,<ref>Mears, R., & Hillman, G. C. (2007). ''Wild food''. Hodder & Stoughton.</ref> and thermal processing to directly heat or smoke foods.<ref name="Hawkes-2014a" /><ref>Little, A. (2014). Clonava Island revisited: a story of cooking, plants, and re-occupation during the Irish Late Mesolithic. ''Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, Section C: Archaeology, Celtic Studies, History, Linguistics, Literature'', ''114'', 35-55.</ref> At a site in [[Kilnatierney]] where ash, burnt shells, fish, and pig bones were discovered in a dug-out depression, the diminutive size of the fish bones suggests they were cooked on skewers or directly on hot rocks.<ref>Murray, E., Sloan, B., Hamilton-Dyer, S., & Wouter, W. (2011). A late Mesolithic shell midden at Kilnatierny near Greyabbey, Co. Down. ''Excavations at Ferriter's Cove'', ''20'', 100-18.</ref> The presence of burnt mounds of stones indicates cooking methods likely focused on direct heating methods such as roasting on spits constructed on tripods over open flames, and in earthen hearths.<ref name="Pilcher, J. R. 1979">Pilcher, J. R., & Smith, A. G. (1979). Palaeoecological investigations at Ballynagilly, a Neolithic and Bronze Age settlement in County Tyrone, Northern Ireland. ''Phil. Trans. R. Soc. Lond. B'', ''286''(1013), 345-369.</ref>


==== Neolithic period (4000-2500 BC) ====
==== Neolithic period (4000-2500 BC) ====
Understanding the details about the [[foodways]] of the prehistoric Irish can be difficult to capture, especially given the island's temperate climate and prevalence of wet, acidic soils that are quick to erode organic material,<ref name="McCormick-2007" /><ref name="Foster-1998" /> but thanks to extensive evaluation of biochemical and isotopic signatures recovered from human bone and pottery sherds, there is insight into Neolithic dietary habits.<ref name="McClatchie-2016">McClatchie, M., Bogaard, A., Colledge, S., Whitehouse, N. J., Schulting, R. J., Barratt, P., & McLaughlin, T. R. (2016). Farming and foraging in Neolithic Ireland: an archaeobotanical perspective. ''Antiquity'', ''90''(350), 302-318.</ref><ref name="Whitehouse-2014">Whitehouse, N. J., Schulting, R. J., McClatchie, M., Barratt, P., McLaughlin, T. R., Bogaard, A., ... & Bunting, M. J. (2014). Neolithic agriculture on the European western frontier: the boom and bust of early farming in Ireland. ''Journal of Archaeological Science'', ''51'', 181-205.</ref><ref name="Smyth-2015" /> [[Biomarker]]s such as lipid and plant residues preserved in the clay matrix of pottery vessels<ref name="Smyth-2015" /> observe a diversity of plant- and animal-life in the diet of the Neolithic Irish, including berries, leafy vegetables, tubers, legumes, meats, seafoods, and nuts. These in combination with the agricultural developments of the Neolithic period such as [[field system]]s, [[Agriculture|farming tools]], and [[animal husbandry]]<ref>Murphy, E., Nelis, E., & Simpson, D. (2003). ''Neolithic settlement in Ireland and western Britain''. I. Armit (Ed.). Oxford: Oxbow Books.</ref><ref>O'Connell, M., & Molloy, K. (2001, December). Farming and woodland dynamics in Ireland during the Neolithic. In ''Biology and Environment: Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy'' (pp. 99-128). Royal Irish Academy.</ref> begin to describe the dramatic changes in the dietary practices and eating behaviours of the prehistoric Irish people, distinct from their Mesolithic ancestors.<ref name="Whitehouse-2014" />
Understanding the details about the [[foodways]] of the prehistoric Irish can be difficult to capture, especially given the island's temperate climate and prevalence of wet, acidic soils that are quick to erode organic material,<ref name="McCormick-2007" /><ref name="Foster-1998" /> but thanks to an extensive evaluation of biochemical and isotopic signatures recovered from human bone and pottery sherds, there is an insight into Neolithic dietary habits.<ref name="McClatchie-2016">McClatchie, M., Bogaard, A., Colledge, S., Whitehouse, N. J., Schulting, R. J., Barratt, P., & McLaughlin, T. R. (2016). Farming and foraging in Neolithic Ireland: an archaeobotanical perspective. ''Antiquity'', ''90''(350), 302-318.</ref><ref name="Whitehouse-2014">Whitehouse, N. J., Schulting, R. J., McClatchie, M., Barratt, P., McLaughlin, T. R., Bogaard, A., ... & Bunting, M. J. (2014). Neolithic agriculture on the European western frontier: the boom and bust of early farming in Ireland. ''Journal of Archaeological Science'', ''51'', 181-205.</ref><ref name="Smyth-2015" /> [[Biomarker]]s such as lipid and plant residues preserved in the clay matrix of pottery vessels<ref name="Smyth-2015" /> observe a diversity of plant- and animal life in the diet of the Neolithic Irish, including berries, leafy vegetables, tubers, legumes, meats, seafood, and nuts. These in combination with the agricultural developments of the Neolithic period such as [[field system]]s, [[Agriculture|farming tools]], and [[animal husbandry]]<ref>Murphy, E., Nelis, E., & Simpson, D. (2003). ''Neolithic settlement in Ireland and western Britain''. I. Armit (Ed.). Oxford: Oxbow Books.</ref><ref>O'Connell, M., & Molloy, K. (2001, December). Farming and woodland dynamics in Ireland during the Neolithic. In ''Biology and Environment: Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy'' (pp. 99-128). Royal Irish Academy.</ref> begin to describe the dramatic changes in the dietary practices and eating behaviors of the prehistoric Irish people, distinct from their Mesolithic ancestors.<ref name="Whitehouse-2014" />


The cultivation and processing of cereals, as well as the maintenance of livestock in farming scenarios saw the significant consumption of new foods, particularly [[Emmer|emmer wheat]], [[barley]], [[beef]], [[Pork|pig]], and [[Goat meat|goat]], which coincided with a steep decline in the consumption of marine life.<ref name="Richards-2006">Richards, M. P., & Schulting, R. J. (2006). Touch not the fish: the Mesolithic-Neolithic change of diet and its significance. ''Antiquity'', ''80''(308), 444-456.</ref><ref name="Smyth-2015" /> [[Emmer|Emmer wheat]] was assumed to be a preferred crop for its resilience to wet Irish weather and soil, but evidence of other cereals such as [[rye]], [[Einkorn wheat|einkorn]] and barley have been recovered, albeit at a lesser degree.<ref name="Whitehouse-2014" /><ref>Bishop, R. R., Church, M. J., & Rowley-Conwy, P. A. (2009). Cereals, fruits and nuts in the Scottish Neolithic. In ''Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland.'' (Vol. 139, pp. 47-103). Society of Antiquaries of Scotland.</ref><ref>Sheridan, A. (2007). From Picardie to Pickering and Pencraig Hill? New information on the 'Carinated Bowl Neolithic’in northern Britain. In ''Proceedings of the British Academy'' (Vol. 144, pp. 441-492). Oxford University Press.</ref> [[Sugarcane]], [[maize]], [[sorghum]], and dryland grasses were introduced to Ireland in only recent centuries, and were therefore absent from the diet of Neolithic Irish.<ref name="Smyth-2015" /> Likewise, although the remains of [[oat]] were discovered, their minimal quantity at sites indicate that it was a wild plant, and not yet cultivated.<ref>Zohary, D., M. Hopf & E. Weiss. 2012. Domestication of plants in the Old World. Oxford: Oxford University Press. https://dx.doi.org/ 10.1093/acprof:osobl/9780199549061.001.0001</ref> New domestic livestock including beef and [[Lamb and mutton|sheep]] are understood to have been brought to the island from continental Europe, in addition to red deer,<ref>Woodman, P., & McCarthy, M. (2003). Contemplating some awful (ly interesting) vistas: importing cattle and red deer into prehistoric Ireland. ''Neolithic settlement in Ireland and western Britain'', 31-9.</ref> which marked new and increasingly significant species in the Irish diet. For example, evidence of enclosures couching large assemblages of charred cattle bones suggests the cooking and consumption of large quantities of beef, potentially during large communal gatherings.<ref name="Hawkes-2015">Hawkes, A. (2015). Fulachtaί fia and Bronze Age cooking in Ireland: reappraising the evidence. ''Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, Section C: Archaeology, Celtic Studies, History, Linguistics, Literature'', ''115'', 47-77.</ref><ref name="Gary Conboy-2009">Gary Conboy, 'A report on the archeological excavations at Inchirourke, Co. Tipperary', unpublished report, Valerie J. Keeley on behalf of Tipperary County Inchaquire, Co. Kildare', unpublished report prepared for Headland Archeology on behalf of Kildare County Council, 2009.</ref><ref>Finbar McCormick, 'The animal bones from Kilshane', in Finola O'Carroll, Matt Seaver, Richard Clutterbuck and Donal Fallon (eds.), ''The archeology of the N2 Road Scheme: travels through time from Finglas to Ashbourne'' (Dublin, in press.)</ref> As they were during the Mesolithic period, hazelnuts were still prevalent discoveries at many Neolithic sites, though their presence declines toward the [[Bronze Age]].<ref name="McClatchie-2016" /><ref name="Whitehouse-2014" />
The cultivation and processing of cereals, as well as the maintenance of livestock in farming scenarios saw the significant consumption of new foods, particularly [[Emmer|emmer wheat]], [[barley]], [[beef]], [[Pork|pig]], and [[Goat meat|goat]], which coincided with a steep decline in the consumption of marine life.<ref name="Richards-2006">Richards, M. P., & Schulting, R. J. (2006). Touch not the fish: the Mesolithic-Neolithic change of diet and its significance. ''Antiquity'', ''80''(308), 444-456.</ref><ref name="Smyth-2015" /> [[Emmer|Emmer wheat]] was assumed to be a preferred crop for its resilience to wet Irish weather and soil, but evidence of other cereals such as [[rye]], [[Einkorn wheat|einkorn]] and barley have been recovered, albeit at a lesser degree.<ref name="Whitehouse-2014" /><ref>Bishop, R. R., Church, M. J., & Rowley-Conwy, P. A. (2009). Cereals, fruits, and nuts in the Scottish Neolithic. In ''Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland.'' (Vol. 139, pp. 47-103). Society of Antiquaries of Scotland.</ref><ref>Sheridan, A. (2007). From Picardie to Pickering and Pencraig Hill? New information on the 'Carinated Bowl Neolithic’in northern Britain. In ''Proceedings of the British Academy'' (Vol. 144, pp. 441-492). Oxford University Press.</ref> [[Sugarcane]], [[maize]], [[sorghum]], and dryland grasses were introduced to Ireland in only recent centuries, and were therefore absent from the diet of Neolithic Irish.<ref name="Smyth-2015" /> Likewise, although the remains of [[oat]] were discovered, their minimal quantity at sites indicate that it was a wild plant, and not yet cultivated.<ref>Zohary, D., M. Hopf & E. Weiss. 2012. Domestication of plants in the Old World. Oxford: Oxford University Press. https://dx.doi.org/ 10.1093/acprof:osobl/9780199549061.001.0001</ref> New domestic livestock including beef and [[Lamb and mutton|sheep]] are understood to have been brought to the island from continental Europe, in addition to red deer,<ref>Woodman, P., & McCarthy, M. (2003). Contemplating some awful (ly interesting) vistas: importing cattle and red deer into prehistoric Ireland. ''Neolithic settlement in Ireland and western Britain'', 31-9.</ref> which marked a new and increasingly significant species in the Irish diet. For example, evidence of enclosures couching large assemblages of charred cattle bones suggests the cooking and consumption of large quantities of beef, potentially during large communal gatherings.<ref name="Hawkes-2015">Hawkes, A. (2015). Fulachtaί fia and Bronze Age cooking in Ireland: reappraising the evidence. ''Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, Section C: Archaeology, Celtic Studies, History, Linguistics, Literature'', ''115'', 47-77.</ref><ref name=" Gary Conboy-2009">Gary Conboy, 'A report on the archeological excavations at Inchirourke, Co. Tipperary', unpublished report, Valerie J. Keeley on behalf of Tipperary County Inchaquire, Co. Kildare', unpublished report prepared for Headland Archeology on behalf of Kildare County Council, 2009.</ref><ref>Finbar McCormick, 'The animal bones from Kilshane', in Finola O'Carroll, Matt Seaver, Richard Clutterbuck and Donal Fallon (eds.), ''The archeology of the N2 Road Scheme: travels through time from Finglas to Ashbourne'' (Dublin, in press.)</ref> As they were during the Mesolithic period, hazelnuts were still prevalent discoveries at many Neolithic sites, though their presence declines toward the [[Bronze Age]].<ref name="McClatchie-2016" /><ref name="Whitehouse-2014" />


The introduction of agricultural management greatly influenced new dietary staples of the Irish communities.<ref name="Whitehouse-2014" /> While attention on farming crops witnessed a decline in the consumption of wild forage,<ref name="McClatchie-2016" /> changes in the landscape also offered new foraging opportunities for wild plant life which would have thrived along the edges of cleared agricultural land.<ref>W. Groenman van Waateringe'''.''' The early agricultural utilization of the Irish landscape: the last word on the elm decline? T. Reeves-Smith, F. Hamond (Eds.), Landscape Archaeology in Ireland, Oxford: British Archaeological Reports International Series 116(1983), pp. 217-232</ref>
The introduction of agricultural management greatly influenced the new dietary staples of the Irish communities.<ref name="Whitehouse-2014" /> While attention on farming crops witnessed a decline in the consumption of wild forage,<ref name="McClatchie-2016" /> changes in the landscape also offered new foraging opportunities for wild plant life which would have thrived along the edges of cleared agricultural land.<ref>W. Groenman van Waateringe'''.''' The early agricultural utilization of the Irish landscape: the last word on the elm decline? T. Reeves-Smith, F. Hammond (Eds.), Landscape Archaeology in Ireland, Oxford: British Archaeological Reports International Series 116(1983), pp. 217-232</ref>


While [[radiocarbon dating]] of Neolithic fish nets and [[weir]]s suggests the consumption of marine life,<ref>Walsh, F. (2011). Archaeology of Two Townlands (Part I): from Stone Age settlers to 19th-century farmers at Monanny and Cloghvally Upper, Co. Monaghan. ''Clogher Record'', 500-520.</ref><ref>McQuade, M. (2008). Gone fishin'-Prehistoric fish-traps in Dublin. ''Archaeology Ireland'', ''22''(1), 8-11.</ref> what archeological evidence of food has been recovered points to a sharp decline in the consumption of aquatic species, converse to the notable consumption of marine life by the Mesolithic Irish.<ref name="Richards-2006" /><ref>Woodman, P. C. (2004). The exploitation of Ireland's coastal resources—a marginal resource through time. In ''The Mesolithic of the Atlantic façade: proceedings of the Santander symposium'' (No. 55, p. 37). Arizona State Univ Anthropological.</ref><ref name="Smyth-2015" /> The advancements of farming during the Neolithic period are assumed to have influenced this decline, in tandem with the heightened consumption of farmed animals, cereals,<ref name="Whitehouse-2014" /> and the very influential introduction of dairying,<ref>Alasdair Whittle, Alex Bayliss and Frances Healy, 'Gathering Time: the social dynamics of change', in Alasdair Whittle, [[Frances Healy (archaeologist)|Frances Healy]] and Alex Bayliss, ''Gathering Time: Dating the Early Neolithic Enclosures of Southern Britain and Ireland'' (Oxford, 2011), 848-914: 862</ref><ref>Cramp, L. J., Jones, J., Sheridan, A., Smyth, J., Whelton, H., Mulville, J., ... & Evershed, R. P. (2014). Immediate replacement of fishing with dairying by the earliest farmers of the northeast Atlantic archipelagos. ''Proceedings of the Royal Society of London B: Biological Sciences'', ''281''(1780), 20132372.</ref><ref name="Copley-2005">Copley, M. S., Berstan, R., Mukherjee, A. J., Dudd, S. N., Straker, V., Payne, S., & Evershed, R. P. (2005). Dairying in antiquity. III. Evidence from absorbed lipid residues dating to the British Neolithic. ''Journal of Archaeological Science'', ''32''(4), 523-546.</ref><ref name="Dudd-1998">Dudd, S. N., & Evershed, R. P. (1998). Direct demonstration of milk as an element of archaeological economies. ''Science'', ''282''(5393), 1478-1481.</ref> which coincided similar advancements in other Neolithic societies.<ref name="Copley-2005" /><ref>Richards, M. P., Schulting, R. J., & Hedges, R. E. (2003). Archaeology: sharp shift in diet at onset of Neolithic. ''Nature'', ''425''(6956), 366.</ref>
While [[radiocarbon dating]] of Neolithic fish nets and [[weir]]s suggests the consumption of marine life,<ref>Walsh, F. (2011). Archaeology of Two Townlands (Part I): from Stone Age settlers to 19th-century farmers at Monanny and Cloghvally Upper, Co. Monaghan. ''Clogher Record'', 500-520.</ref><ref>McQuade, M. (2008). Gone fishin'- Prehistoric fish traps in Dublin. ''Archaeology Ireland'', ''22''(1), 8-11.</ref> What archeological evidence of food has been recovered points to a sharp decline in the consumption of aquatic species, converse to the notable consumption of marine life by the Mesolithic Irish.<ref name="Richards-2006" /><ref>Woodman, P. C. (2004). The exploitation of Ireland's coastal resources—a marginal resource through time. In ''The Mesolithic of the Atlantic façade: proceedings of the Santander symposium'' (No. 55, p. 37). Arizona State Univ Anthropological.</ref><ref name="Smyth-2015" /> The advancements of farming during the Neolithic period are assumed to have influenced this decline, in tandem with the heightened consumption of farmed animals, cereals,<ref name="Whitehouse-2014" /> and the very influential introduction of dairying,<ref>Alasdair Whittle, Alex Bayliss, and Frances Healy, 'Gathering Time: the social dynamics of change', in Alasdair Whittle, [[Frances Healy (archaeologist)|Frances Healy]] and Alex Bayliss, ''Gathering Time: Dating the Early Neolithic Enclosures of Southern Britain and Ireland'' (Oxford, 2011), 848-914: 862</ref><ref>Cramp, L. J., Jones, J., Sheridan, A., Smyth, J., Whelton, H., Mulville, J., ... & Evershed, R. P. (2014). Immediate replacement of fishing with dairying by the earliest farmers of the northeast Atlantic archipelagos. ''Proceedings of the Royal Society of London B: Biological Sciences'', ''281''(1780), 20132372.</ref><ref name="Copley-2005">Copley, M. S., Berstan, R., Mukherjee, A. J., Dudd, S. N., Straker, V., Payne, S., & Evershed, R. P. (2005). Dairying in antiquity. III. Evidence from absorbed lipid residues dating to the British Neolithic. ''Journal of Archaeological Science'', ''32''(4), 523-546.</ref><ref name="Dudd-1998">Dudd, S. N., & Evershed, R. P. (1998). Direct demonstration of milk as an element of archaeological economies. ''Science'', ''282''(5393), 1478-1481.</ref> which coincided similar advancements in other Neolithic societies.<ref name="Copley-2005" /><ref>Richards, M. P., Schulting, R. J., & Hedges, R. E. (2003). Archaeology: sharp shift in diet at onset of Neolithic. ''Nature'', ''425''(6956), 366.</ref>


Approaches to agriculture, like those elsewhere across northwestern Europe, were focused on long-term plot management rather than [[Crop rotation|rotational methods]],<ref name="Whitehouse-2014" /> and implemented manure as fertilizer.<ref>R.A. Fraser, A. Bogaard, T. Heaton, M. Charles, G. Jones, B.T. Christensen, P. Halstead, I.Merbach, P.R. Poulton, D. Sparkes, A.K. Styring'''.''' Manuring and stable nitrogen isotope ratios in cereals and pulses: towards a new archaeobotanical approach to the inference of land use and dietary practices. J. Archaeol. Sci., 38 (2011), pp. 2790-2804</ref><ref>A. Bogaard, T.H.E. Heaton, P. Poulton, I.Merbach The impact of manuring on nitrogen isotope ratios in cereals: archaeological implications for reconstruction of diet and crop management practices J. Archaeol. Sci., 34 (2007), pp. 335-343</ref><ref name="Whitehouse-2014" /> The emergence of new technologies in cooking, water, and waste management is evidenced by an increasing frequency of crescent-shaped [[Burnt mound|mounds]] of burnt stones, called ''fulachtaí fia'' in Irish, that are understood to be the remnants of burning and/or cooking sites.<ref name="Whitehouse-2014" /><ref name="Hawkes-2014b">Hawkes, A. J. (2014). Prehistoric burnt mound archaeology in Ireland.</ref> Yet, despite all such advancements, there was a noticeable absence in the presence of cutlery, cooking, or other eating implements among recovered archeological artifacts.<ref>Quinlan, J. (1886). The cooking-places of the Stone Age in Ireland. ''The Journal of the Royal Historical and Archaeological Association of Ireland'', ''7''(65), 390-392.</ref>
Approaches to agriculture, like those elsewhere across northwestern Europe, were focused on long-term plot management rather than [[Crop rotation|rotational methods]],<ref name="Whitehouse-2014" /> and implemented manure as fertilizer.<ref>R.A. Fraser, A. Bogaard, T. Heaton, M. Charles, G. Jones, B.T. Christensen, P. Halstead, I.Merbach, P.R. Poulton, D. Sparkes, A.K. Styring'''.''' Manuring and stable nitrogen isotope ratios in cereals and pulses: towards a new archaeobotanical approach to the inference of land use and dietary practices. J. Archaeol. Sci., 38 (2011), pp. 2790-2804</ref><ref>A. Bogaard, T.H.E. Heaton, P. Poulton, I.Merbach The impact of manuring on nitrogen isotope ratios in cereals: archaeological implications for the reconstruction of diet and crop management practices J. Archaeol. Sci., 34 (2007), pp. 335-343</ref><ref name="Whitehouse-2014" /> The emergence of new technologies in cooking, water, and waste management is evidenced by an increasing frequency of crescent-shaped [[Burnt mound|mounds]] of burnt stones, called ''fulachtaí fia'' in Irish, that are understood to be the remnants of burning and/or cooking sites.<ref name="Whitehouse-2014" /><ref name="Hawkes-2014b">Hawkes, A. J. (2014). Prehistoric burnt mound archaeology in Ireland.</ref> Yet, despite all such advancements, there was a noticeable absence in the presence of cutlery, cooking, or other eating implements among recovered archeological artifacts.<ref>Quinlan, J. (1886). The cooking places of the Stone Age in Ireland. ''The Journal of the Royal Historical and Archaeological Association of Ireland'', ''7''(65), 390-392.</ref>


==== Bronze Age (2000-500 BC) ====
==== Bronze Age (2000-500 BC) ====
It is understood that both direct and indirect cooking methods were important features of Irish cuisine during the Bronze Age (2000—600BCE). The former used open fires to cook foods supported by ceramic vessels, spits, or surface griddles, while the latter used methods to heat surrounding mediums of earth, air, or water to cook foods within.<ref name="O-1954">O'Kelly, M. J. (1954). Excavations and experiments in ancient Irish cooking-places. ''The Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland'', ''84''(2), 105-155.</ref> Radiocarbon dating of crescent-shaped mounds of burnt stones, called ''fulachtaí fia'' in Irish, are understood to be the remnants of cooking sites in Ireland that emerged in the early Neolithic Period but came to prominence during the Bronze Age.<ref name="Hawkes-2014b" /> While the word ''fulacht'' in medieval texts refers to the direct cooking of food on a spit, it is thought that its origins reside in such Neolithic sites that may have been chiefly used for indirect cooking methods involving hot stones,<ref>Ó Néill, J. (2003). Lapidibus in igne calefactis coquebatur: The Historical Burnt Mound'Tradition'. ''The Journal of Irish Archaeology'', 79-85.</ref> suggesting at least that the term and its derivatives refer to the activity of cooking.<ref>Hawkes, A. (2011). Medieval fulachtaí fia in Ireland? An archaeological assessment. ''Journal of Irish Archaeology'', ''20'', 77-100.</ref>
It is understood that both direct and indirect cooking methods were important features of Irish cuisine during the Bronze Age (2000—600 BCE). The former used open fires to cook foods supported by ceramic vessels, spits, or surface griddles, while the latter used methods to heat surrounding mediums of earth, air, or water to cook foods within.<ref name="O-1954">O'Kelly, M. J. (1954). Excavations and experiments in ancient Irish cooking places. ''The Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland'', ''84''(2), 105-155.</ref> Radiocarbon dating of crescent-shaped mounds of burnt stones, called ''fulachtaí fia'' in Irish, are understood to be the remnants of cooking sites in Ireland that emerged in the early Neolithic Period but came to prominence during the Bronze Age.<ref name="Hawkes-2014b" /> While the word ''fulacht'' in medieval texts refers to the direct cooking of food on a spit, it is thought that its origins reside in such Neolithic sites that may have been chiefly used for indirect cooking methods involving hot stones,<ref>Ó Néill, J. (2003). Lapidibus in igne calefactis coquebatur: The Historical Burnt Mound'Tradition'. ''The Journal of Irish Archaeology'', 79-85.</ref> suggesting at least that the term and its derivatives refer to the activity of cooking.<ref>Hawkes, A. (2011). Medieval fulachtaí fia in Ireland? An archaeological assessment. ''Journal of Irish Archaeology'', ''20'', 77-100.</ref>


Contrary to Mesolithic sites featuring burnt mounds, post-Mesolithic sites are significant for featuring significant remnants of [[flint]],<ref>Brück, J. (Ed.). (2001). ''Bronze Age Landscapes: tradition and transformation''. Oxbow Books Limited.</ref> charred mounds of stones in close proximity to the remains of domesticated livestock, in addition to being accompanied by pits understood to have held water.<ref name="Hawkes-2014a" /> Stones belonging to these mounds, the majority of which are large pieces of [[sandstone]],<ref>Mandal, S. (2007). Petrographical report on stone samples from Caltragh, Co. Sligo. ''Unpublished report prepared for Archaeological Consultancy Services Ltd''.</ref><ref name="Hawkes-2015" /> are understood to have been heated and then submerged into these pits of water or buried underground as [[Thermal conduction|heat conductors]] used to boil, steam or bake food.<ref>Thoms, A. V. (2009). Rocks of ages: propagation of hot-rock cookery in western North America. ''Journal of Archaeological Science'', ''36''(3), 573-591.</ref>
Contrary to Mesolithic sites featuring burnt mounds, post-Mesolithic sites are significant for featuring significant remnants of [[flint]],<ref>Brück, J. (Ed.). (2001). ''Bronze Age Landscapes: tradition and transformation''. Oxbow Books Limited.</ref> charred mounds of stones near the remains of domesticated livestock, in addition to being accompanied by pits understood to have held water.<ref name="Hawkes-2014a" /> Stones belonging to these mounds, the majority of which are large pieces of [[sandstone]],<ref>Mandal, S. (2007). Petrographical report on stone samples from Caltragh, Co. Sligo. ''Unpublished report prepared for Archaeological Consultancy Services Ltd''.</ref><ref name="Hawkes-2015" /> are understood to have been heated and then submerged into these pits of water or buried underground as [[Thermal conduction|heat conductors]] used to boil, steam or bake food.<ref>Thoms, A. V. (2009). Rocks of ages: propagation of hot-rock cookery in western North America. ''Journal of Archaeological Science'', ''36''(3), 573-591.</ref>


While burnt mounds of similar natures have been discovered around Europe, Ireland hosts the greatest number of these sites, which suggests that indirect cooking methods were significant in Irish cuisine during the time. These mounds tend to feature a notable amount of stones, thought to be due to their repeated use over hundreds of years, and for the volume of stones needed to heat water to adequate cooking temperatures.<ref name="Hawkes-2015" /> Such technology could likely have facilitated a dual purpose for the use in building steam lodges, which were common in parts of Europe at the time,<ref>Barfield, L., & Hodder, M. (1987). Burnt mounds as saunas, and the prehistory of bathing. ''Antiquity'', ''61''(233), 370-379.</ref> but ''fulachtaí fia'' typically feature significant assemblages of charred faunal remains, which argues they were used predominantly as cooking sites.<ref name="Tourunen-2008">Tourunen, A. (2008). Fauna and Fulachta fiadh: Animal bones from burnt mounds on the N9/N10 Carlow Bypass. ''Roads, rediscovery and research archaeology and the National Roads Authority monograph series'', (5), 37-44.</ref> It has been considered that these sites were impromptu cooking locations used particularly by hunters, but most ''fulachtaí fia'' were established in low-lying agricultural lands and similar environments not supportive of optimal hunting conditions.<ref name="Tourunen-2008" /> As well, the faunal remains recovered from such sites are typically feature the long, upper limb bones of domesticated livestock, archeologically associated with animal exploitation for meat,<ref>McCormick, F., & Murray, E. (2007). ''Excavations at Knowth Vol 3. Knowth and the Zooarchaeology of Early Christian Ireland''. Dublin: Royal Irish Academy.</ref> and also suggestive of animals being previously processed, or slaughtered, butchered, and eaten on site.<ref name="Tourunen-2008" /><ref name="McCarthy-2010">Margaret McCarthy, 'Animal bone report from excavations at Balgeeth, Co. Meath', unpublished report, CRDS Ltd. on behalf of Meath County Council, 2010, 38.</ref>
While burnt mounds of similar natures have been discovered around Europe, Ireland hosts the greatest number of these sites, which suggests that indirect cooking methods were significant in Irish cuisine during the time. These mounds tend to feature a notable amount of stones, thought to be due to their repeated use over hundreds of years, and for the volume of stones needed to heat water to adequate cooking temperatures.<ref name="Hawkes-2015" /> Such technology could likely have facilitated a dual purpose for the use in building steam lodges, which were common in parts of Europe at the time,<ref>Barfield, L., & Hodder, M. (1987). Burnt mounds as saunas, and the prehistory of bathing. ''Antiquity'', ''61''(233), 370-379.</ref> but ''fulachtaí fia'' typically feature significant assemblages of charred faunal remains, which argues they were used predominantly as cooking sites.<ref name="Tourunen-2008">Tourunen, A. (2008). Fauna and Fulachta fiadh: Animal bones from burnt mounds on the N9/N10 Carlow Bypass. ''Roads, rediscovery and research archaeology and the National Roads Authority monograph series'', (5), 37-44.</ref> It has been considered that these sites were impromptu cooking locations used particularly by hunters, but most ''fulachtaí fia'' were established in low-lying agricultural lands and similar environments not supportive of optimal hunting conditions.<ref name="Tourunen-2008" /> As well, the faunal remains recovered from such sites are typically feature the long, upper limb bones of domesticated livestock, archeologically associated with animal exploitation for meat,<ref>McCormick, F., & Murray, E. (2007). ''Excavations at Knowth Vol 3. Knowth and the Zooarchaeology of Early Christian Ireland''. Dublin: Royal Irish Academy.</ref> and also suggestive of animals being previously processed, or slaughtered, butchered, and eaten on site.<ref name="Tourunen-2008" /><ref name="McCarthy-2010">Margaret McCarthy, 'Animal bone report from excavations at Balgeeth, Co. Meath', unpublished report, CRDS Ltd. on behalf of Meath County Council, 2010, 38.</ref>


As ''fulachtaí fia'' emerged alongside developments in animal husbandry in Upper Palaeolithic Europe,<ref>Movius, H. L. (1966). The hearths of the Upper Perigordian and Aurignacian horizons at the Abri Pataud, Les Eyzies (Dordogne), and their possible significance. ''American Anthropologist'', ''68''(2), 296-325.</ref> [[pyrolithic technology]] emerged in response to the newfound importance of livestock.<ref name="Hawkes-2014a" /> This is further compounded by the scarcity of game animal remains throughout all sites, and otherwise prevalence of sheep, pig, and cattle bones.<ref>Gowen, M., O’Neill, J., & Phillips, M. (2005). The Lisheen Mine Archaeological Project 1996-8. ''Wordwell, Bray''.</ref><ref name="Hawkes-2014a" /> This is not to discredit the lesser though still significant presence of red deer bones.<ref name="McCarthy-2010" /> Likewise, the absence of marine life at ''fulachtaí fia''<ref name="Hawkes-2015" />'','' also suggests a greater consumption of domestically farmed animals, and might also imply fish were cooked differently or respective of livestock.<ref>Thoms, A. V. (2008). The fire stones carry: ethnographic records and archaeological expectations for hot-rock cookery in western North America. ''Journal of Anthropological Archaeology'', ''27''(4), 443-460.</ref><ref name="Hawkes-2014a" /> Many sites feature indications of stake-hole clusters that may have once supported tripods and spits used for draining the blood from- or cooking recently killed animals.<ref>Delaney, F., & Tierney, J. (2011). ''In the lowlands of South Galway: archaeological excavations on the N18 Oranmore to Gort national road scheme''. National Roads Authority.</ref>
As ''fulachtaí fia'' emerged alongside developments in animal husbandry in Upper Palaeolithic Europe,<ref>Movius, H. L. (1966). The hearths of the Upper Perigordian and Aurignacian horizons at the Abri Pataud, Les Eyzies (Dordogne), and their possible significance. ''American Anthropologist'', ''68''(2), 296-325.</ref> [[pyrolithic technology]] emerged in response to the newfound importance of livestock.<ref name="Hawkes-2014a" /> This is further compounded by the scarcity of game animal remains throughout all sites, and otherwise prevalence of sheep, pig, and cattle bones.<ref>Gowen, M., O’Neill, J., & Phillips, M. (2005). The Lisheen Mine Archaeological Project 1996-8. ''Wordwell, Bray''.</ref><ref name="Hawkes-2014a" /> This is not to discredit the lesser though still significant presence of red deer bones.<ref name="McCarthy-2010" /> Likewise, the absence of marine life at ''fulachtaí fia''<ref name="Hawkes-2015" />'','' also suggests a greater consumption of domestically farmed animals, and might also imply fish were cooked differently or respective of livestock.<ref>Thoms, A. V. (2008). The fire stones carry ethnographic records and archaeological expectations for hot-rock cookery in western North America. ''Journal of Anthropological Archaeology'', ''27''(4), 443-460.</ref><ref name="Hawkes-2014a" /> Many sites feature indications of stake-hole clusters that may have once supported tripods and spits used for draining the blood from- or cooking recently killed animals.<ref>Delaney, F., & Tierney, J. (2011). ''In the lowlands of South Galway: archaeological excavations on the N18 Oranmore to Gort national road scheme''. National Roads Authority.</ref>


Archeobotanical evidence from the Bronze Age is hard to recover due in part to Ireland's temperate weather and acidic soils,<ref name="Hawkes-2014a" /><ref name="McCormick-2007" /><ref name="Foster-1998" /> but fossilized hazelnut shells have survived at sites,<ref name="Hawkes-2015" /> as well as evidence of elm bark, which is supposed to have been used as feed for livestock and people alike.<ref name="Pilcher, J. R. 1979"/>
Archaeobotanical evidence from the Bronze Age is hard to recover due in part to Ireland's temperate weather and acidic soils,<ref name="Hawkes-2014a" /><ref name="McCormick-2007" /><ref name="Foster-1998" /> but fossilized hazelnut shells have survived at sites,<ref name="Hawkes-2015" /> as well as evidence of elm bark, which is supposed to have been used as feed for livestock and people alike.<ref name="Pilcher, J. R. 1979"/>


There is thought that hazelnuts were used to produce oil, whereupon the nuts would have been boiled in the heated waters of ''fulachtaí fia'' for the purpose of extracting their natural oils which would have accumulated atop the water's surface, then skimmed and used or stored.<ref name="O-1954" /><ref>MONK, M. (2007). A greasy subject. ''Archaeology Ireland'', ''21''(1), 22-24.</ref><ref name="Hawkes-2015" /> Boiling is thought to have been a choice cooking method during the Bronze Age; the method provided good retention of calories in foods.<ref>Nakazawa, Y., Straus, L. G., González-Morales, M. R., Solana, D. C., & Saiz, J. C. (2009). On stone-boiling technology in the Upper Paleolithic: behavioral implications from an Early Magdalenian hearth in El Mirón Cave, Cantabria, Spain. ''Journal of Archaeological Science'', ''36''(3), 684-693.</ref><ref name="Wandsnider-1997">Wandsnider, L. (1997) The roasted and the boiled: food composition and heat treatment with special emphasis on pit-hearth cooking.</ref> Boiling meat, for example, is thought to have been a preferred cooking application for both helping to retain moisture in lean meats, for rendering fatty deposits in coarser cuts, as well as extracting [[Bone marrow (food)|marrow]] from bones.<ref name="Wandsnider-1997" />
There is thought that hazelnuts were used to produce oil, whereupon the nuts would have been boiled in the heated waters of ''fulachtaí fia'' to extract their natural oils which would have accumulated atop the water's surface, then skimmed and used or stored.<ref name="O-1954" /><ref>MONK, M. (2007). A greasy subject. ''Archaeology Ireland'', ''21''(1), 22-24.</ref><ref name="Hawkes-2015" /> Boiling is thought to have been a choice of cooking method during the Bronze Age; the method provided good retention of calories in foods.<ref>Nakazawa, Y., Straus, L. G., González-Morales, M. R., Solana, D. C., & Saiz, J. C. (2009). On stone-boiling technology in the Upper Paleolithic: behavioral implications from an Early Magdalenian hearth in El Mirón Cave, Cantabria, Spain. ''Journal of Archaeological Science'', ''36''(3), 684-693.</ref><ref name="Wandsnider-1997">Wandsnider, L. (1997) The roasted and the boiled: food composition and heat treatment with special emphasis on pit-hearth cooking.</ref> Boiling meat, for example, is thought to have been a preferred cooking application for both helping to retain moisture in lean meats, for rendering fatty deposits in coarser cuts, as well as extracting [[Bone marrow (food)|marrow]] from bones.<ref name="Wandsnider-1997" />


The aforementioned long, shallow pits that accompany most ''fulachtaí fia'' are typically found lined with insulating materials like stone, timber, and other organic materials,<ref>Martin, E. (1988). Swales Fen, Suffolk: a Bronze Age cooking pit?. ''Antiquity'', ''62''(235), 358-359.</ref> and divided with partitions suspected to have been intended to separate the hot stones from edible materials, or to divide different types of foods.<ref name="Hawkes-2015" /> It is thought that the use of clean, fresh water was a preferred medium given the placement of troughs over or near natural springs, and for their close proximity to irrigation channels carved into the earth which could have assisted in draining the pit after it was used.<ref name="Hawkes-2015" /> Other pits, such as those dug into sand or removed from water sources, are thought to have been used as subterranean ovens.<ref name="Hawkes-2015" />
The aforementioned long, shallow pits that accompany most ''fulachtaí fia'' are typically found lined with insulating materials like stone, timber, and other organic materials,<ref>Martin, E. (1988). Swales Fen, Suffolk: a Bronze Age cooking pit? ''Antiquity'', ''62''(235), 358-359.</ref> and divided with partitions suspected to have been intended to separate the hot stones from edible materials, or to divide different types of foods.<ref name="Hawkes-2015" /> It is thought that the use of clean, fresh water was a preferred medium given the placement of troughs over or near natural springs, and their proximity to irrigation channels carved into the earth which could have assisted in draining the pit after it was used.<ref name="Hawkes-2015" /> Other pits, such as those dug into sand or removed from water sources, are thought to have been used as subterranean ovens.<ref name="Hawkes-2015" />


The typically large scale of these mounds and their perpetuity in the landscape not only suggests that individual ''fulachtaí fia'' were returned to and used often,<ref>Ripper, S., Beamish, M., Bayliss, A., Ramsey, C. B., Brown, A., Collins, M., ... & Greig, J. (2012, January). Bogs, bodies and burnt mounds: visits to the Soar wetlands in the Neolithic and Bronze Age. In ''Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society'' (Vol. 78, pp. 173-206). Cambridge University Press.</ref> but that they were fixtures of social gatherings both large and small.<ref>Grogan, E., & Condit, T. (2005). ''The North Munster Project: The Later Prehistoric Landscape of South-east Clare''. Wordwell.</ref><ref name="Hawkes-2015" /> This is furthered by the presence of large assemblages of animal bones,<ref name="Gary Conboy-2009" /> as well as the mounds' notable distance from developed settlements, and the substantive size of the troughs—expected to have held large quantities of food.<ref>William O'Brien, 'Aspects of ''fulacht fiadh'' function and chronology in Cork', ''Journal of the Cork Historical and Archeological Society'' (2012).</ref> The laborious nature of preparing food, in addition to that of building these hearths would likely have required multiple actors working over long periods of time to finalize a meal, which suggests that cooking food would have been a social activity, likely with roles of responsibility distributed among the workers and hence a social structure.<ref>Néill, J. Ó. (2009). ''Burnt mounds in northern and western Europe: A study of prehistoric technology and society''. VDM Publishing.</ref><ref>Wright, K. I. (2000, January). The social origins of cooking and dining in early villages of western Asia. In ''Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society'' (Vol. 66, pp. 89-121). Cambridge University Press.</ref>
The typically large scale of these mounds and their perpetuity in the landscape not only suggests that individual ''fulachtaí fia'' were returned to and used often,<ref>Ripper, S., Beamish, M., Bayliss, A., Ramsey, C. B., Brown, A., Collins, M., ... & Greig, J. (2012, January). Bogs, bodies, and burnt mounds: visits to the Soar wetlands in the Neolithic and Bronze Age. In ''Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society'' (Vol. 78, pp. 173-206). Cambridge University Press.</ref> but that they were fixtures of social gatherings both large and small.<ref>Grogan, E., & Condit, T. (2005). ''The North Munster Project: The Later Prehistoric Landscape of South-east Clare''. Wordwell.</ref><ref name="Hawkes-2015" /> This is furthered by the presence of large assemblages of animal bones,<ref name=" Gary Conboy-2009" /> as well as the mounds' notable distance from developed settlements, and the substantive size of the troughs—expected to have held large quantities of food.<ref>William O'Brien, 'Aspects of ''fulacht fiadh'' function and chronology in Cork', ''Journal of the Cork Historical and Archeological Society'' (2012).</ref> The laborious nature of preparing food, in addition to that of building these hearths would likely have required multiple actors working over long periods to finalize a meal, which suggests that cooking food would have been a social activity, likely with roles of responsibility distributed among the workers and hence a social structure.<ref>Néill, J. Ó. (2009). ''Burnt mounds in northern and western Europe: A study of prehistoric technology and society''. VDM Publishing.</ref><ref>Wright, K. I. (2000, January). The social origins of cooking and dining in early villages of western Asia. In ''Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society'' (Vol. 66, pp. 89-121). Cambridge University Press.</ref>


As ritual sites were often marked by the production and display of commemorative items,<ref>Twiss, 'Transformations in an early agricultural society', 424</ref> the suggestion that these sites were sometimes spaces of notable communal gathering is further substantiated by the discoveries of monuments, [[stone circle]]s, and other non-funerary artifacts.<ref>Fahy, E. M. (1960). ''A Hut and Cooking Places at Drombeg, Co Cork''. Cork Historical and Archaeological Society.</ref> Likewise, that ''fulachtaí fia'' are structures made principally to facilitate the indirect cooking of food—methods significantly slower and longer than direct heating applications—provides further reasoning that these mounds were places for special occasions where people chose to spend long periods of time eating and communing together.<ref name="Hawkes-2014a" />
As ritual sites were often marked by the production and display of commemorative items,<ref>Twiss, 'Transformations in an early agricultural society', 424</ref> the suggestion that these sites were sometimes spaces of notable communal gathering is further substantiated by the discoveries of monuments, [[stone circle]]s, and other non-funerary artifacts.<ref>Fahy, E. M. (1960). ''A Hut and Cooking Places at Drombeg, Co Cork''. Cork Historical and Archaeological Society.</ref> Likewise, that ''fulachtaí fia'' are structures made principally to facilitate the indirect cooking of food—methods significantly slower and longer than direct heating applications—provides further reasoning that these mounds were places for special occasions where people chose to spend long periods eating and communing together.<ref name="Hawkes-2014a" />


=== Gaelic Ireland ===
=== Gaelic Ireland ===
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==== Customs and equipment ====
==== Customs and equipment ====
[[Hospitality]] was compulsory on all free landowners to welcome kings, bishops, or judges into their homes, with a wider superstitious fear held by the Irish of the consequences of turning away anyone. Much evidence for early Irish food exists in the law texts and poetry which were written down from the 7th and 8th century AD onwards. The arrival of Christianity also brought new influences from the Middle East and Roman culture.{{sfn|Mahon|1991|p=10-20}}
[[Hospitality]] was compulsory for all free landowners to welcome kings, bishops, or judges into their homes, with a wider superstitious fear held by the Irish of the consequences of turning away anyone. Much evidence for early Irish food exists in the law texts and poetry which were written down from the 7th and 8th century AD onwards. The arrival of Christianity also brought new influences from the Middle East and Roman culture.{{sfn|Mahon|1991|p=10-20}}


The main meal was eaten in the afternoon or evening. A daytime meal was termed ''díthat''. A meal at night, and especially a celebratory one, was called a ''feis'' and was often accompanied by beer.<ref name="Gilligan">{{cite journal |last1=Gilligan |first1=Nikolah |title=Salt from Seaweed? An Experimental Archaeology Perspective on Salt in Early Medieval Ireland |journal=Feast |url=http://feastjournal.co.uk/article/salt-from-seaweed-an-experimental-archaeology-perspective-on-salt-in-early-medieval-ireland/ |access-date=20 May 2021 |language=en}}</ref> The main cooking utensil was the cauldron (''coire'') in which a variety of broths and stews were made.{{sfn|Hickey|2018|p=128}}
The main meal was eaten in the afternoon or evening. A daytime meal was termed ''díthat''. A meal at night, and especially a celebratory one, was called a ''feis'' and was often accompanied by beer.<ref name="Gilligan">{{cite journal |last1=Gilligan |first1=Nikolah |title=Salt from Seaweed? An Experimental Archaeology Perspective on Salt in Early Medieval Ireland |journal=Feast |url=http://feastjournal.co.uk/article/salt-from-seaweed-an-experimental-archaeology-perspective-on-salt-in-early-medieval-ireland/ |access-date=20 May 2021 |language=en}}</ref> The main cooking utensil was the cauldron (''coire'') in which a variety of broths and stews were made.{{sfn|Hickey|2018|p=128}}


Meals consisted of a staple of bread, fresh milk, or a fermented variety such as ''[[Clabber (food)|bainne clabhair]],'' yoghurt or cheese accompanied by an ''anlann'' or ''tarsunn'' (relish, condiment) usually of vegetables, salted meat or honey, but could be any variety of seasonal foods. At the public guesthouses (''[[bruiden]]'') a person of high rank was entitled to 3 ''tarsunn'', a lesser person only one.
Meals consisted of a staple of bread, fresh milk, or a fermented variety such as ''[[Clabber (food)|bainne clabhair]],'' yogurt or cheese accompanied by an ''anlann'' or ''tarsunn'' (relish, condiment) usually of vegetables, salted meat or honey, but could be any variety of seasonal foods. At the public guesthouses (''[[bruiden]]'') a person of high rank was entitled to 3 ''tarsunn'', a lesser person only one.


A wooden cup with two or four handles called a [[mether]] (''meadar'' in Irish) was used as a communal drinking vessel at gatherings. <ref>{{Cite web |title=Medieval Irish Mether |url=https://www.museum.ie/en-IE/Collections-Research/Collection/Documentation-Discoveries/Artefact/Medieval-Irish-Mether/5dd4e563-0d16-459c-95ac-79abc83762a9 |access-date=2024-01-26 |website=National Museum of Ireland |language=en}}</ref>
A wooden cup with two or four handles called a [[mether]] (''meadar'' in Irish) was used as a communal drinking vessel at gatherings. <ref>{{Cite web |title=Medieval Irish Mether |url=https://www.museum.ie/en-IE/Collections-Research/Collection/Documentation-Discoveries/Artefact/Medieval-Irish-Mether/5dd4e563-0d16-459c-95ac-79abc83762a9 |access-date=2024-01-26 |website=National Museum of Ireland |language=en}}</ref>
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==== Grains ====
==== Grains ====


Until the arrival of the potato in the 16th century, grains such as oats, wheat and barley, cooked either as porridge or bread, formed the staple of the Irish diet. The most common form of bread consisted of [[flatbread]] made from ground oats. These flatbreads could be wafer-thin, like ''[[chapati]]'', or thicker like the [[Oatcake|oatcakes]] still popular in Scotland.
Until the arrival of the potato in the 16th century, grains such as oats, wheat, and barley, cooked either as porridge or bread, formed the staple of the Irish diet. The most common form of bread consisted of [[flatbread]] made from ground oats. These flatbreads could be wafer-thin, like ''[[chapati]]'', or thicker like the [[Oatcake|oatcakes]] still popular in Scotland.


Household equipment included a kneading trough ''lasat'', a kneading slab ''lecc'', a griddle ''lann'' and a griddle turner ''lainnéne''. While oats were the most commonly used grain, bread made from wheat was regarded as a luxury of the aristocratic class. Bread and milk formed the staple of the Irish diet for millennia. From Latin came ''tortine'' meaning a small loaf.
Household equipment included a kneading trough ''lasat'', a kneading slab ''lecc'', a griddle ''lann'', and a griddle turner ''lainnéne''. While oats were the most commonly used grain, bread made from wheat was regarded as a luxury of the aristocratic class. Bread and milk formed the staple of the Irish diet for millennia. From Latin came ''tortine'' meaning a small loaf.


Traditional porridge was cooked from oats, barley or wheat meal mixed with water, buttermilk or new milk and cooked to a smooth consistency. This was accompanied by either heavily salted butter, fresh butter or honey.{{sfn|Mahon|1991|p=63}}
Traditional porridge was cooked from oats, barley, or wheat meal mixed with water, buttermilk, or new milk and cooked to a smooth consistency. This was accompanied by either heavily salted butter, fresh butter, or honey.{{sfn|Mahon|1991|p=63}}


A fermented mixture of cracked wheat and heated milk was prepared as some form of [[frumenty]] or product similar to Turkish ''[[tarhana]]'' or Middle Eastern ''[[kashk]]''.<ref name="auto">{{Cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=lRjFBdR3cLgC|title=Early Medieval Munster: Archaeology, History and Society|last1=Monk|first1=Michael A.|last2=Sheehan|first2=John|date=1998-01-01|publisher=Cork University Press |isbn=9781859181072}}</ref> This could have other ingredients added such as egg yolks making a highly nutritious food that could also be dried and stored over winter.
A fermented mixture of cracked wheat and heated milk was prepared as some form of [[frumenty]] or product similar to Turkish ''[[tarhana]]'' or Middle Eastern ''[[kashk]]''.<ref name="auto">{{Cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=lRjFBdR3cLgC|title=Early Medieval Munster: Archaeology, History, and Society|last1=Monk|first1=Michael A.|last2=Sheehan|first2=John|date=1998-01-01|publisher=Cork University Press |isbn=9781859181072}}</ref> This could have other ingredients added such as egg yolks making highly nutritious food that could also be dried and stored over winter.


Another grain preparation known as ''menedach'' was made by kneading grains and butter together into a type of paste and was known for its medicinal qualities, especially for monks on strict penitential diets. It may have been an early form of [[roux]] or perhaps a type of [[polenta]]. It could be spread on bread. It is described in the 12th century [[Iceland]]ic saga [[Landnámabók|Landnamabok]] in which Irish slaves prepare the food claiming that it will cure thirst. "''The Irish thralls found the expedient of kneading meal and butter and said it would quench the thirst. They called it minapak".''{{sfn|Mahon|1991|p=63}}
Another grain preparation known as ''menedach'' was made by kneading grains and butter together into a type of paste and was known for its medicinal qualities, especially for monks on strict penitential diets. It may have been an early form of [[roux]] or perhaps a type of [[polenta]]. It could be spread on bread. It is described in the 12th century [[Iceland]]ic saga [[Landnámabók|Landnamabok]] in which Irish slaves prepare the food claiming that it will cure thirst. "''The Irish thralls found the expedient of kneading meal and butter and said it would quench the thirst. They called it minapak".''{{sfn|Mahon|1991|p=63}}


==== Meat ====
==== Meat ====
[[File:Crubeens 2008.jpg|thumb|[[Crubeens]] are an Irish food made of boiled pigs' feet.]]
[[File:Crubeens 2008. jpg|thumb|[[Crubeens]] is an Irish food made of boiled pigs' feet.]]


The meat was generally cooked fresh and unspiced, or salted and was boiled in a cauldron.{{sfn|Hickey|2018|p=128}} Sometimes it was flavored with honey, sometimes supplied at the table in a dish for dipping.{{sfn|Mahon|1991|p=80-81}} There are many descriptions of meat boiled in a cauldron in a form of stew. One recipe appears to have used "purple berries" to color the meal. There are also descriptions of meat being parboiled and then roasted over a fire on wooden spits somewhat similar to [[Kebab|shish kebab]].
The meat was generally cooked fresh and unspiced, or salted and boiled in a cauldron.{{sfn|Hickey|2018|p=128}} Sometimes it was flavored with honey, sometimes supplied at the table in a dish for dipping.{{sfn|Mahon|1991|p=80-81}} There are many descriptions of meat boiled in a cauldron in the form of stew. One recipe appears to have used "purple berries" to color the meal. There are also descriptions of meat being parboiled and then roasted over a fire on wooden spits somewhat similar to [[Kebab|shish kebab]].


Consumption of meat was forbidden twice a week on Wednesday and Friday and during [[Lent]]. ''Céadaoin'', the name for Wednesday in Irish, means first fast and ''Aoine'' the name for Friday, means fast. [[Eastern Orthodox Church|Orthodox Christian]] churches still maintain this practice.
Consumption of meat was forbidden twice a week on Wednesday and Friday and during [[Lent]]. ''Céadaoin'', the name for Wednesday in Irish, means first fast, and ''Aoine'' the name for Friday, means fast. [[Eastern Orthodox Church|Orthodox Christian]] churches still maintain this practice.


Deer were hunted for meat, being trapped in pits, or hunted with dogs.
Deer were hunted for meat, trapped in pits, or hunted with dogs.


Both domestic pig and wild boar were eaten. The pork was probably the most common meat consumed in Ireland. Pigs were fattened on acorns in the forests. The [[Flitch of bacon custom|flitch]] of bacon suspended on a hook is frequently mentioned in sources. Sausages made of salted pork are mentioned. Two types of sausage known as ''maróc'' (from a Norse loanword) and ''indrechtán'' (a sausage or pudding) are mentioned.
Both domestic pigs and wild boar were eaten. The pork was probably the most common meat consumed in Ireland. Pigs were fattened on acorns in the forests. The [[Flitch of bacon custom|flitch]] of bacon suspended on a hook is frequently mentioned in sources. Sausages made of salted pork are mentioned. Two types of sausage known as ''maróc'' (from a Norse loanword) and ''indrechtán'' (a sausage or pudding) are mentioned.


The dominant feature of the rural economy was the herding of cattle. Cows were not generally slaughtered for meat unless old or injured, but male cattle, if not destined to be oxen, were often slaughtered at one or two years.
The dominant feature of the rural economy was the herding of cattle. Cows were not generally slaughtered for meat unless old or injured, but male cattle, if not destined to be oxen, were often slaughtered at one or two years.
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Fish was also sometimes grilled on a spit or griddle over a fire.
Fish was also sometimes grilled on a spit or griddle over a fire.


In the Irish religious diet, [[Horse meat|horse]] and [[Crane (bird)|crane]] meat were forbidden. Fowl in general does not seem to have featured much in the diet. There is also evidence for taboos related to totem animals amongst certain groups or tribes for whom consumption of these animals was forbidden.
In the Irish religious diet, [[Horse meat|horse]] and [[Crane (bird)|crane]] meat were forbidden. Fowl in general does not seem to have featured much in the diet. There is also evidence of taboos related to totem animals amongst certain groups or tribes for whom consumption of these animals was forbidden.


==== Dairy ====
==== Dairy ====
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Ireland, with grass growth ten months of the year and no need to shelter cattle in extreme winter conditions, has always produced quality dairy products. Dairy was an important part of the ancient Irish diet, and this is backed up by archaeological record.<ref>{{cite web|title=Meat and Dairy Products |url=http://www.askaboutireland.ie/reading-room/history-heritage/folklore-of-ireland/folklore-in-ireland/irish-foodways/meat-and-dairy-products/|website=Askaboutireland.ie|access-date=12 December 2017}}</ref>
Ireland, with grass growth ten months of the year and no need to shelter cattle in extreme winter conditions, has always produced quality dairy products. Dairy was an important part of the ancient Irish diet, and this is backed up by archaeological record.<ref>{{cite web|title=Meat and Dairy Products |url=http://www.askaboutireland.ie/reading-room/history-heritage/folklore-of-ireland/folklore-in-ireland/irish-foodways/meat-and-dairy-products/|website=Askaboutireland.ie|access-date=12 December 2017}}</ref>


Dairy products were known as ''bánbia'' (white foods) and milk, butter, [[curd]]s, and cheese were staples of the diet. ''Táth'' was a form of pressed curds, perhaps similar to ''[[paneer]]'' or cottage cheese. ''Tánach'' referred to hard cheese, and ''mulchán'' was skimmed milk cheese. Milk or soft sweet-curd was heated with butter to make a sweet drink called ''milseán or millsén''.<ref>{{Cite book|last1=Anderson|first1=Glynn|title=Farmhouse cheeses of Ireland: a celebration|last2=McLaughlin|first2=John|publisher=Collins Press|year=2011|isbn=978-1-84889-121-0|location=Cork|pages=31–33|oclc=768042143}}</ref> Milk diluted with water was termed ''englas''.
Dairy products were known as ''bánbia'' (white foods) and milk, butter, [[curd]]s, and cheese were staples of the diet. ''Táth'' was a form of pressed curds, perhaps similar to ''[[paneer]]'' or cottage cheese. ''Tánach'' referred to hard cheese, and ''mulchán'' was skimmed milk cheese. Milk or soft sweet-curd was heated with butter to make a sweet drink called ''milseán or millsén''.<ref>{{Cite book|last1=Anderson|first1=Glynn|title=Farmhouse cheeses of Ireland: a celebration|last2=McLaughlin|first2=John|publisher=Collins Press|year=2011|isbn=978-1-84889-121-0|location=Cork|pages=31–33|oclc=768042143}}</ref> Milk diluted with water was termed ''angles''.


The practice of bleeding cattle and mixing the blood with milk and butter (similar to the practice of the [[Maasai people]]) was not uncommon. [[Black pudding]] is made from blood, grain (usually barley), and seasoning, and remains a breakfast staple in Ireland.<ref>{{cite web|title=A History of Irish Cuisine |website=www.ravensgard.org|url=http://www.ravensgard.org/prdunham/irishfood.html}}</ref>
The practice of bleeding cattle and mixing the blood with milk and butter (similar to the practice of the [[Maasai people]]) was not uncommon. [[Black pudding]] is made from blood, grain (usually barley), and seasoning, and remains a breakfast staple in Ireland.<ref>{{cite web|title=A History of Irish Cuisine |website=www.ravensgard.org|url=http://www.ravensgard.org/prdunham/irishfood.html}}</ref>
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==== Fruit and vegetables ====
==== Fruit and vegetables ====
Vegetables grown and eaten in Ireland included onions, chives, cabbage, celery, wild garlic and leeks. Fat-hen (''[[Chenopodium album]]'') is often found on pre Norman archaeological sites and appears to have been an important part of the diet, as it still is in Northern India. Skirret ([[Sium sisarum|''Sium sisaram'']]), in Irish ''cearrachán,'' appears to have been grown as a root vegetable, but this is no longer used.{{citation needed|date=May 2021}} Watercress, sorrel, parsley, and nettles were picked wild and eaten raw or added to broth.{{sfn|Mahon|1991|p=105-106}}
Vegetables grown and eaten in Ireland included onions, chives, cabbage, celery, wild garlic, and leeks. Fat-hen (''[[Chenopodium album]]'') is often found on pre-Norman archaeological sites and appears to have been an important part of the diet, as it still is in Northern India. Skirret ([[Sium sisarum|''Sium sisaram'']]), in Irish ''cearrachán,'' appears to have been grown as a root vegetable, but this is no longer used.{{citation needed|date=May 2021}} Watercress, sorrel, parsley, and nettles were picked wild and eaten raw or added to broth.{{sfn|Mahon|1991|p=105-106}}


Apples, pears, cherries, and plums seem to have been the most commonly eaten fruits.{{sfn|Mahon|1991|p=105}}
Apples, pears, cherries, and plums seem to have been the most commonly eaten fruits.{{sfn|Mahon|1991|p=105}}
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Pepper has been known in Ireland since early Christian times, being an import from the Roman empire.{{citation needed|date=June 2018}}
Pepper has been known in Ireland since early Christian times, being an import from the Roman empire.{{citation needed|date=June 2018}}


The fruit of the strawberry tree (''[[Arbutus unedo]]''), known as ''caithne'' in Irish, is associated with religious establishments and may have been used to make or flavour medicine.{{citation needed|date=June 2018}}
The fruit of the strawberry tree (''[[Arbutus unedo]]''), known as ''Caithness'' in Irish, is associated with religious establishments and may have been used to make or flavor medicine.{{citation needed|date=June 2018}}


==== Drinks ====
==== Drinks ====
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Beer was a prerequisite of a noble's house and was usually brewed from barley, although a wheat beer was also made. Malting kilns are a common find in archaeological digs in Ireland and appear from early Christian times on.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Edwards|first=Nancy|year=2006|title=The archaeology of early medieval Ireland|publisher=Routledge|isbn=978-1-135-95142-9|location=London|pages=62–63|oclc=830324013}}</ref>
Beer was a prerequisite of a noble's house and was usually brewed from barley, although a wheat beer was also made. Malting kilns are a common find in archaeological digs in Ireland and appear from early Christian times on.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Edwards|first=Nancy|year=2006|title=The archaeology of early medieval Ireland|publisher=Routledge|isbn=978-1-135-95142-9|location=London|pages=62–63|oclc=830324013}}</ref>


''Uisce beatha'' (water of life) or [[whiskey]] is an invention of the Gaelic world and was developed after the introduction of distilling in the 12th century.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Townsend |first=Brian |title=The lost distilleries of Ireland|date=1997|publisher=Neil Wilson Pub|isbn=978-1-897784-36-5|location=Glasgow|pages=9–13|oclc=797813471}}</ref>
''Uisce Beatha'' (water of life) or [[whiskey]] is an invention of the Gaelic world and was developed after the introduction of distilling in the 12th century.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Townsend |first=Brian |title=The lost distilleries of Ireland|date=1997|publisher=Neil Wilson Pub|isbn=978-1-897784-36-5|location=Glasgow|pages=9–13|oclc=797813471}}</ref>


==== Religious diets ====
==== Religious diets ====
Vegetarian diets were known among the strict monastic orders, but it was not compulsory. However, those that did eat meat were only permitted to eat wild pig or deer. Monks lived on a staple gruel made with water or milk and meal known as ''brothchán''. This, on Sundays and festivals had seasonal fruits and nuts and honey added, and it has been suggested that ''brothchán'' may have been an early form of [[muesli]].<ref name="auto"/>
Vegetarian diets were known among the strict monastic orders, but it was not compulsory. However, those who did eat meat were only permitted to eat wild pigs or deer. Monks lived on a staple gruel made with water or milk and a meal known as ''brothchán''. This, on Sundays and festivals, had seasonal fruits and nuts and honey added, and it has been suggested that ''brothchán'' may have been an early form of [[muesli]].<ref name="auto"/>


==== The Pale ====
==== The Pale ====
[[The Pale]] was the small area around [[Dublin]] in which English influence was strongest, where a hybrid food culture developed consisting of Norse, English and Irish influences.{{citation needed|date=June 2018}}
[[The Pale]] was the small area around [[Dublin]] in which English influence was strongest, where a hybrid food culture developed consisting of Norse, English, and Irish influences.{{citation needed|date=June 2018}}


Excavations at the [[Viking]] settlement in the Wood Quay area of Dublin have produced a significant amount of information on the diet of the inhabitants of the town. The main meats eaten were beef, [[mutton]], and [[Pork in Ireland|pork]]. Domestic poultry and [[Greylag goose|geese]] as well as fish and shellfish were also common, as was a wide range of native berries and nuts, especially hazelnuts. The seeds of knotgrass and goosefoot were widely present and may have been used to make a porridge.{{citation needed|date=June 2018}}
Excavations at the [[Viking]] settlement in the Wood Quay area of Dublin have produced a significant amount of information on the diet of the inhabitants of the town. The main meats eaten were beef, [[mutton]], and [[Pork in Ireland|pork]]. Domestic poultry and [[Greylag goose|geese]] as well as fish and shellfish were also common, as was a wide range of native berries and nuts, especially hazelnuts. The seeds of knotgrass and goosefoot were widely present and may have been used to make porridge.{{citation needed|date=June 2018}}


Ovens for baking were used in the towns.{{citation needed|date=June 2018}} Evidence for cherries has been found in 11th-century Dublin. Bread was sometimes flavoured with aniseed.{{citation needed|date=June 2018}}
Ovens for baking were used in the towns.{{citation needed|date=June 2018}} Evidence for cherries has been found in 11th-century Dublin. The bread was sometimes flavored with aniseed.{{citation needed|date=June 2018}}


==== The Normans ====
==== The Normans ====
The Norman invasion brought new additions to the diet, introducing [[rabbit]]s, [[fallow deer]] and [[pheasant]]s in the 12th century. They may also have introduced some freshwater fish, notably pike.
The Norman invasion brought new additions to the diet, introducing [[rabbit]]s, [[fallow deer]] and [[pheasant]]s in the 12th century. They may also have introduced some freshwater fish, notably pike.


The Norman invasion marked the beginning of both the English and French presence in the country which continued as a unique [[Hiberno-Normans|Hiberno-Norman]] culture developed in the Norman settled areas and towns. The Norman cuisine characteristically consisted of spicy meat and fowl along with [[potage]]s and [[broth]]s, roasts and sauces. The Normans may also have introduced the making of cider. Oysters and scallops were another favourite of the Normans.
The Norman invasion marked the beginning of both the English and French presence in the country which continued as a unique [[Hiberno-Normans|Hiberno-Norman]] culture developed in the Norman settled areas and towns. The Norman cuisine characteristically consisted of spicy meat and fowl along with [[potage]]s and [[broth]]s, roasts, and sauces. The Normans may also have introduced the making of cider. Oysters and scallops were another favorite of the Normans.


==== Medieval Ireland (5th-15th century AD) ====
==== Medieval Ireland (5th-15th century AD) ====
Distinct from preceding eras, the Middle Ages ushered the development of dense urban centers that dramatically affected preexisting food systems by changing both physical and societal infrastructures.<ref name="Peters-2015">Peters, C. N. (2015). 'He is not entitled to butter': the diet of peasants and commoners in early medieval Ireland. ''Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, Section C: Archaeology, Celtic Studies, History, Linguistics, Literature'', ''115'', 79-109.</ref><ref name="Mills-1891">Mills, J. (1891). Account roll of the Priory of the Holy Trinity. ''Dublin (Dublin, 1891)'', ''2''.</ref><ref name="Binchy-1966">Binchy, D. A. (1966). Bretha déin chécht. ''Ériu'', ''20'', 1-66.</ref> The spread and increasing normalization of a new type of civilian who did not produce or hunt their own food and was thus reliant on foreign market trade and import from rural farms made the need for accessible and consistent sources of food vital.<ref name="Lyons-2015">Lyons, S. (2015). Food plants, fruits and foreign foodstuffs: the archaeological evidence from urban medieval Ireland. ''Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, Section C: Archaeology, Celtic Studies, History, Linguistics, Literature'', ''115'', 111-166.</ref>
Distinct from preceding eras, the Middle Ages ushered the development of dense urban centers that dramatically affected preexisting food systems by changing both physical and societal infrastructures.<ref name="Peters-2015">Peters, C. N. (2015). 'He is not entitled to butter': the diet of peasants and commoners in early medieval Ireland. ''Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, Section C: Archaeology, Celtic Studies, History, Linguistics, Literature'', ''115'', 79-109.</ref><ref name="Mills-1891">Mills, J. (1891). Account roll of the Priory of the Holy Trinity. ''Dublin (Dublin, 1891)'', ''2''.</ref><ref name="Binchy-1966">Binchy, D. A. (1966). Bretha déin chécht. ''Ériu'', ''20'', 1-66.</ref> The spread and increasing normalization of a new type of civilian who did not produce or hunt their food and was thus reliant on foreign market trade and import from rural farms made the need for accessible and consistent sources of food vital.<ref name="Lyons-2015">Lyons, S. (2015). Food plants, fruits, and foreign foodstuffs: the archaeological evidence from urban medieval Ireland. ''Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, Section C: Archaeology, Celtic Studies, History, Linguistics, Literature'', ''115'', 111-166.</ref>


Uniquely to Ireland, the emergence of [[Norse–Gaels|Norse]] towns in the 9th and 10th centuries and their subsequent growth during the arrival of the [[Anglo-Normans]] in the 12th and 13th centuries ushered a population boom that brought with it new foods born of foreign trade and new methods of production.<ref name="MacCotter-2008">MacCotter, P. (2008). ''Medieval Ireland: territorial, political and economic divisions'' (p. 320). Dublin: Four Courts Press.</ref><ref name="Lyons-2015" /> The Anglo-Normans in particular propagated a commercial economy<ref name="MacCotter-2008" /><ref>Andrews, J. H. (Ed.). (1995). ''More Irish country towns''. Mercier Press.</ref> that encouraged urban settlement and the steady trade of local and foreign commodities by holding festive market fairs<ref>O’Donovan, E. (2004). Excavations at Friar Street, Cashel: a story of urban settlement AD 1200-1800. ''Tipperary Historical Journal'', 3-90.</ref> and attracting settlers with offers of [[burgage plots]] replete with space for a house and garden.<ref>John Bradley, 'Towns in medieval Ireland', ''Archaeology Ireland'' 5:3 (1991), 25-8:26.</ref>
Uniquely to Ireland, the emergence of [[Norse–Gaels|Norse]] towns in the 9th and 10th centuries and their subsequent growth during the arrival of the [[Anglo-Normans]] in the 12th and 13th centuries ushered a population boom that brought with it new foods born of foreign trade and new methods of production.<ref name="MacCotter-2008">MacCotter, P. (2008). ''Medieval Ireland: territorial, political and economic divisions'' (p. 320). Dublin: Four Courts Press.</ref><ref name="Lyons-2015" /> The Anglo-Normans in particular propagated a commercial economy<ref name="MacCotter-2008" /><ref>Andrews, J. H. (Ed.). (1995). ''More Irish country towns''. Mercier Press.</ref> encouraged urban settlement and the steady trade of local and foreign commodities by holding festive market fairs<ref>O’Donovan, E. (2004). Excavations at Friar Street, Cashel: a story of urban settlement AD 1200-1800. ''Tipperary Historical Journal'', 3-90.</ref> and attracting settlers with offers of [[burgage plots]] replete with space for a house and garden.<ref>John Bradley, 'Towns in medieval Ireland', ''Archaeology Ireland'' 5:3 (1991), 25-8:26.</ref>


Documentary data such as medieval law tracts,<ref name="Binchy-1966" /> literature on the lives of saints,<ref>Plummer, C. (Ed.). (1997). ''Lives of Irish saints''. Clarendon Press.</ref> as well as early records of land holdings<ref name="Mills-1891" /> provide insight into how food was grown and distributed among society.<ref name="Sexton-1998">Sexton, R. (1998). Porridges, gruels and breads: the cereal foodstuffs of early medieval Ireland. ''Early medieval Munster: archaeology, history and society'', 76-86.</ref> As such documents were generally concentrated on the literate upper classes of Ireland, additional archeological data<ref>Monk, M. (1984). Charred grain from Killederdadrum. ''Con Manning,'The excavations of the Early Christian enclosure of Killederdadrum in Lackenavorna, Co. Tipperary', Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy C'', ''84'', 265-7.</ref><ref name="Monk-1998">Monk, M. A., & Sheehan, J. (Eds.). (1998). ''Early medieval Munster: archaeology, history and society''. Cork University Press.</ref> offers broader insight into food consumption habits of peasants, commoners, and Irish [[Middle Ages|Medieval]] society as a whole.<ref name="Mitchell, G. F. 1987">Mitchell, G. F., Dickson, C. A., & Dickson, J. H. (1987). Archaeology & environment in early Dublin. Royal Irish Academy.</ref> Together, these findings and records play a significant role in interpreting urban food consumption behaviors of Medieval Ireland.<ref>Kenward, H., & Hall, A. (1997). Enhancing bioarchaeological interpretation using indicator groups: stable manure as a paradigm. ''Journal of archaeological science'', ''24''(7), 663-673.</ref><ref>McClatchie, M., Whitehouse, N., Schulting, R., Bogaard, A., & Barratt, P. (2009). Cultivating societies: new insights into agriculture in Neolithic Ireland. ''Dining and dwelling—archaeology and the National Roads.(Authority Monograph Series 6). Wordwell, Dublin'', 1-8.</ref><ref>Viner-Daniels, S. (2013). The archaeology of Livestock and cereal production in early medieval Ireland, AD 400-1100 de F. McCormick; T. Kerr.; M. Mcclatchie y A. O' Sullivan.</ref>
Documentary data such as medieval law tracts,<ref name="Binchy-1966" /> literature on the lives of saints,<ref>Plummer, C. (Ed.). (1997). ''Lives of Irish saints''. Clarendon Press.</ref>, as well as early records of land holdings<ref name="Mills-1891" />, provide insight into how food was grown and distributed among society.<ref name="Sexton-1998">Sexton, R. (1998). Porridges, gruels, and breads: the cereal foodstuffs of early medieval Ireland. ''Early medieval Munster: archaeology, history and society'', 76-86.</ref> As such documents were generally concentrated on the literate upper classes of Ireland, additional archeological data<ref>Monk, M. (1984). Charred grain from Killederdadrum. ''Con Manning,'The excavations of the Early Christian enclosure of Killederdadrum in Lackenavorna, Co. Tipperary', Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy C'', ''84'', 265-7.</ref><ref name="Monk-1998">Monk, M. A., & Sheehan, J. (Eds.). (1998). ''Early medieval Munster: archaeology, history and society''. Cork University Press.</ref> offers broader insight into the food consumption habits of peasants, commoners, and Irish [[Middle Ages|Medieval]] society as a whole.<ref name="Mitchell, G. F. 1987">Mitchell, G. F., Dickson, C. A., & Dickson, J. H. (1987). Archaeology & environment in early Dublin. Royal Irish Academy.</ref> Together, these findings and records play a significant role in interpreting urban food consumption behaviors of Medieval Ireland.<ref>Kenward, H., & Hall, A. (1997). Enhancing bioarchaeological interpretation using indicator groups: stable manure as a paradigm. ''Journal of archaeological science'', ''24''(7), 663-673.</ref><ref>McClatchie, M., Whitehouse, N., Schulting, R., Bogaard, A., & Barratt, P. (2009). Cultivating societies: new insights into agriculture in Neolithic Ireland. ''Dining and dwelling—archaeology and the National Roads. (Authority Monograph Series 6). Wordwell, Dublin'', 1-8.</ref><ref>Viner-Daniels, S. (2013). The archaeology of Livestock and cereal production in early medieval Ireland, AD 400-1100 de F. McCormick; T. Kerr.; M. Mcclatchie y A. O' Sullivan.</ref>


During the Middle Ages in Ireland, laws were written to allow only certain foods to certain classes of people.<ref name="Binchy-1941">Binchy, D. A. (Ed.). (1941). ''Críth gablach'' (Vol. 11). Stationery Office.</ref><ref name="Kelly-1988">Kelly, F. (1988). ''A guide to early Irish law'' (Vol. 3). Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies.</ref><ref name="Ireland-1978">Ireland, & Binchy, D. A. (1978). ''Corpus iuris hibernici''. Institiúid Ard-Léinn Bhaile Átha Cliath.</ref> As the accommodation of guests and its embedded acts of hospitality including the offering of food was a strong social convention of Ireland during this time,<ref>O'Sullivan, C. M. (2004). ''Hospitality in medieval Ireland, 900-1500''. Four Courts Pr Ltd.</ref> people entertained at the homes of others expected the service of specific foods.<ref name="Ireland-1978" /> Consequently, if a guest was 'entitled' to a certain food and did not receive it during their accommodation, they could justly accuse their host of failing to meet their obligations of hospitality which was a punishable offense.<ref name="Kelly-1988" />
During the Middle Ages in Ireland, laws were written to allow only certain foods to certain classes of people.<ref name="Binchy-1941">Binchy, D. A. (Ed.). (1941). ''Críth gablach'' (Vol. 11). Stationery Office.</ref><ref name="Kelly-1988">Kelly, F. (1988). ''A guide to early Irish law'' (Vol. 3). Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies.</ref><ref name="Ireland-1978">Ireland, & Binchy, D. A. (1978). ''Corpus iuris hibernici''. Institiúid Ard-Léinn Bhaile Átha Cliath.</ref> The accommodation of guests and its embedded acts of hospitality including the offering of food was a strong social convention of Ireland during this time,<ref>O'Sullivan, C. M. (2004). ''Hospitality in medieval Ireland, 900-1500''. Four Courts Pr Ltd.</ref> people entertained at the homes of others expected the service of specific foods.<ref name="Ireland-1978" /> Consequently, if a guest was 'entitled' to a certain food and did not receive it during their accommodation, they could justly accuse their host of failing to meet their obligations of hospitality which was a punishable offense.<ref name="Kelly-1988" />


The law tracts articulating the designation of certain foods to certain classes generally focused on free male [[Feudalism|landowners]] with some minor attention to free married women, but they do not describe what foods were entitled to peasants.<ref name="Binchy-1941" /><ref name="Kelly-1988" /><ref name="Ireland-1978" /> This is because peasants were considered only semi-free (accommodated and thus 'owned' by their landlords<ref>Charles-Edwards, T. M. (1986). Críth Gablach and the law of status. ''Peritia'', ''5'', 53-73.</ref><ref>Gearóid Mac Niocaill, 'The origins of the betagh', The Irish Jurist 1 (1966), 292-8.</ref><ref>Charles-Edwards, T. M. (1993). ''Early Irish and Welsh Kinship''. Oxford University Press.</ref>) and were therefore not entitled to hospitable offers of food or beverage.<ref name="Peters-2015" /> There is some description of a 'poor diet' which references what was permitted to criminals and [[monk]]s.<ref>Lawless, G. (1990). Augustine of Hippo and his monastic rule.</ref>
The law tracts articulating the designation of certain foods to certain classes generally focused on free male [[Feudalism|landowners]] with some minor attention to free married women, but they do not describe what foods were entitled to peasants.<ref name="Binchy-1941" /><ref name="Kelly-1988" /><ref name="Ireland-1978" /> This is because peasants were considered only semi-free (accommodated and thus 'owned' by their landlords<ref>Charles-Edwards, T. M. (1986). Críth Gablach and the law of status. ''Peritia'', ''5'', 53-73.</ref><ref>Gearóid Mac Niocaill, 'The origins of the betagh', The Irish Jurist 1 (1966), 292-8.</ref><ref>Charles-Edwards, T. M. (1993). ''Early Irish and Welsh Kinship''. Oxford University Press.</ref>) and were therefore not entitled to hospitable offers of food or beverage.<ref name="Peters-2015" /> There is some description of a 'poor diet' which references what was permitted to criminals and [[monk]]s.<ref>Lawless, G. (1990). Augustine of Hippo and his monastic rule.</ref>


The specificity of these foods was precise and provided such laws that decided, for example, to whom individual sections of beef were entitled,<ref>Beglane, F. (2015). The social significance of game in the diet of later medieval Ireland. ''Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, Section C: Archaeology, Celtic Studies, History, Linguistics, Literature'', ''115'', 167-196.</ref><ref>McCormick, F. (2002). The distribution of meat in a hierarchical society: the Irish evidence. ''Consuming passions and patterns of consumption'', 25-31.</ref> or in what quantities food was expected to be given and to what kind of person.<ref name="Ireland-1978" /> These 7th- and 8th-century law texts describe 7 grades of commoners and 3 grades of semi-free peasants—with these grades often further subdivided—in order to help guide judges through cases based on customary law.<ref>Binchy, D. A. (1958). The date and provenance of Uraicecht Becc. ''Ériu'', 44-54.</ref><ref name="Kelly-1988" /><ref name="Binchy-1941" /> As it was often difficult to distinguish one's class based on looks alone,<ref>Comber, M. (2008). ''The economy of the ringfort and contemporary settlement in early medieval Ireland''. John and Erica Hedges Limited.</ref> food was used as a social cue so people could distinguish another's social position, and therefore accommodate them with the appropriate reception.
The specificity of these foods was precise and provided such laws that decided, for example, to whom individual sections of beef were entitled,<ref>Beglane, F. (2015). The social significance of the game in the diet of later medieval Ireland. ''Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, Section C: Archaeology, Celtic Studies, History, Linguistics, Literature'', ''115'', 167-196.</ref><ref>McCormick, F. (2002). The distribution of meat in a hierarchical society: the Irish evidence. ''Consuming passions and patterns of consumption'', 25-31.</ref> or in what quantities food was expected to be given and to what kind of person.<ref name="Ireland-1978" /> These 7th- and 8th-century law texts describe 7 grades of commoners and 3 grades of semi-free peasants—with these grades often further subdivided—to help guide judges through cases based on customary law.<ref>Binchy, D. A. (1958). The date and provenance of Uraicecht Becc. ''Ériu'', 44-54.</ref><ref name="Kelly-1988" /><ref name="Binchy-1941" /> As it was often difficult to distinguish one's class based on looks alone,<ref>Comber, M. (2008). ''The economy of the ringfort and contemporary settlement in early medieval Ireland''. John and Erica Hedges Limited.</ref> Food was used as a social cue so people could distinguish another's social position, and therefore accommodate them with the appropriate reception.


Prescribing [[Social stratification|class status]] to certain foods consequently constructed the perspective of certain foods as being luxurious, and others as being common, but also created distinct nutritional staples for different levels of this stratified society.<ref name="Peters-2015" /> For example, the lowest-class free commoner was liberally entitled to barley, oats, and dairy products,<ref name="MacNeill-1921">MacNeill, E. (1921). Ancient Irish law. The law of status or franchise. ''Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, Section C: Archaeology, Celtic Studies, History, Linguistics, Literature'', ''36'', 265-316.</ref><ref name="Binchy-1941" /> whereas then penultimate low-class commoner was allowed this in addition to baked breads,<ref name="Ireland-1978" /><ref name="MacNeill-1921" /> though neither were permitted to goods derived of rye or wheat as such cereals were rare in Ireland (and thus privileged only to upper classes of people).<ref name="Monk-1998" /><ref>McCormick, F., Kerr, T., McClatchie, M., & O’Sullivan, A. (2011). The archaeology of livestock and cereal production in early medieval Ireland, AD 400–1100. ''Early Medieval Archaeology Project (EMAP 2) Report'', ''5''(1).</ref> [[Venison]] and other [[Game (hunting)|game]] meats were likewise considered low-class foods as wild animals derived from ungoverned lands were considered accessible to all classes and thus common.<ref name="Hancock-1901">Hancock, W. N., & Atkinson, R. (1901). ''Ancient laws of Ireland'' (Vol. 1). HM Stationery Office.</ref><ref name="Ireland-1978" /> This was contrary to cattle which belonged to the lands of respective lords and made beef a privatized, restricted, and thus more coveted food.<ref name="Peters-2015" /> The same was said for wild fish, as any commoner was entitled to a fish net or trap, albeit modestly-sized ones.<ref name="Peters-2015" /><ref name="Lyons-2015" />
Prescribing [[Social stratification|class status]] to certain foods consequently constructed the perspective of certain foods as being luxurious, and others as being common, but also created distinct nutritional staples for different levels of this stratified society.<ref name="Peters-2015" /> For example, the lowest-class free commoner was liberally entitled to barley, oats, and dairy products,<ref name="MacNeill-1921">MacNeill, E. (1921). Ancient Irish law. The law of status or franchise. ''Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, Section C: Archaeology, Celtic Studies, History, Linguistics, Literature'', ''36'', 265-316.</ref><ref name="Binchy-1941" /> whereas then penultimate low-class commoner was allowed this in addition to baked bread,<ref name="Ireland-1978" /><ref name="MacNeill-1921" /> though neither were permitted to goods derived of rye or wheat as such cereals were rare in Ireland (and thus privileged only to upper classes of people).<ref name="Monk-1998" /><ref>McCormick, F., Kerr, T., McClatchie, M., & O’Sullivan, A. (2011). The archaeology of livestock and cereal production in early medieval Ireland, AD 400–1100. ''Early Medieval Archaeology Project (EMAP 2) Report'', ''5''(1).</ref> [[Venison]] and other [[Game (hunting)|game]] meats were likewise considered low-class foods as wild animals derived from ungoverned lands were considered accessible to all classes and thus common.<ref name="Hancock-1901">Hancock, W. N., & Atkinson, R. (1901). ''Ancient laws of Ireland'' (Vol. 1). HM Stationery Office.</ref><ref name="Ireland-1978" /> This was contrary to cattle which belonged to the lands of respective lords and made beef a privatized, restricted, and thus more coveted food.<ref name="Peters-2015" /> The same was said for wild fish, as any commoner was entitled to a fish net or trap, albeit modestly-sized ones.<ref name="Peters-2015" /><ref name="Lyons-2015" />


Based on dietetic rationale, certain foods could travel between ranks under special conditions, such as during injury, pregnancy, menstruation,<ref>John O'Donovan, 'Prose Rule of the Céli Dé, In William Reeves (ed.), ''The Culdees of the British Islands, as they appear in history: with an appendix of evidence'' (Dublin 1864; repr. Somerset,1994), 84-97:93.</ref><ref name="Binchy-1938">Binchy, D. A. (1938). Bretha Crólige. ''Ériu'', 1-77.</ref> and illness,<ref name="Binchy-1938-1">Binchy, D. A. (1938). Sick-maintenance in Irish law. ''Ériu'', 78-134.</ref> when individuals were understood to require more substantial nutrition. All free people during sickness were, for example, permitted garden herbs and small amounts of butter.<ref name="Peters-2015" /> Free married women were generally entitled to half of what their husbands were entitled to,<ref name="Binchy-1938-1" /><ref name="Binchy-1938" /> but it was considered a punishable offense to deny a pregnant woman of any food she craved.<ref name="Hancock-1901" /> This was thought to have been designed in part to protect women from miscarriage.<ref name="Ní Chonaill-2008">Ní Chonaill, B. (2008). Child-centred law in medieval Ireland.</ref> Further dietetic rationale within these laws deemed only soft foods permissible to feed children,<ref>Chonaill, B. N. (1997). Fosterage: Child-rearing in medieval Ireland. ''History Ireland'', ''5''(1), 28-31.</ref><ref name="Ní Chonaill-2008" /> including soft eggs, [[porridge]], [[curds]] and [[whey]],<ref name="Binchy-1938" /> and garnished only with ingredients (such as honey or butter) that their father's class was permitted to eat.<ref name="Ní Chonaill-2008" />
Based on the dietetic rationale, certain foods could travel between ranks under special conditions, such as during injury, pregnancy, menstruation,<ref>John O'Donovan, 'Prose Rule of the Céli Dé, In William Reeves (ed.), ''The Culdees of the British Islands, as they appear in history: with an appendix of evidence'' (Dublin 1864; repr. Somerset,1994), 84-97:93.</ref><ref name="Binchy-1938">Binchy, D. A. (1938). Bretha Crólige. ''Ériu'', 1-77.</ref> and illness,<ref name="Binchy-1938-1">Binchy, D. A. (1938). Sick-maintenance in Irish law. ''Ériu'', 78-134.</ref> when individuals were understood to require more substantial nutrition. All free people during sickness were, for example, permitted garden herbs and small amounts of butter.<ref name="Peters-2015" /> Free married women were generally entitled to half of what their husbands were entitled to,<ref name="Binchy-1938-1" /><ref name="Binchy-1938" /> but it was considered a punishable offense to deny a pregnant woman of any food she craved.<ref name="Hancock-1901" /> This was thought to have been designed in part to protect women from miscarriage.<ref name="Ní Chonaill-2008">Ní Chonaill, B. (2008). Child-centred law in medieval Ireland.</ref> Further dietetic rationale within these laws deemed only soft foods permissible to feed children,<ref>Chonaill, B. N. (1997). Fosterage: Child-rearing in medieval Ireland. ''History Ireland'', ''5''(1), 28-31.</ref><ref name="Ní Chonaill-2008" /> including soft eggs, [[porridge]], [[curds]] and [[whey]],<ref name="Binchy-1938" /> and garnished only with ingredients (such as honey or butter) that their father's class was permitted to eat.<ref name="Ní Chonaill-2008" />


As religious doctrine heavily influenced these law tracts, Sundays were observed with greater leniency<ref name="Stokes, W. 1890">Stokes, W. (Ed.). (1890). ''Lives of Saints, from the Book of Lismore'' (No. 5). Clarendon Press.</ref><ref name="Binchy-1938" /> and some foods typically reserved for higher classes were shared with those of lower status.<ref name="Peters-2015" /> Cow, goat, and sheep milks were staple foods in all classes, from the lowest free commoner to the highest-ranking nobleman,<ref name="Peters-2015" /><ref name="Copley-2005"/><ref name="Dudd-1998"/> though cow and goat milk were considered higher-ranking milks than sheep's.<ref name="Ireland-1978" /> Common and small birds were afforded to be eaten by commoners, whereas larger or rarer birds such as swans were reserved for royalty (queens, particularly, in the case of swans<ref>Stokes, W. (1899). The Bodleian Amra Choluimb Chille. ''Revue celtique'', ''20'', 31-55.</ref>). Larger eggs of larger birds species were also permitted only to high class individuals for the basic reason that things of greater quantity or volume were given first to people of higher class status.<ref>O'Donovan, J. (Ed.). (1842). ''The Banquet of Dun Na N'Gedh: and the Battle of Magh Rath, an Ancient Historical Tale'' (Vol. 6). Irish Archeological Society.</ref><ref>Stokes, W. (Ed.). (1862). ''Three Irish Glossaries: Cormac's Glossary Codex A. O'Davoren's Glossary and a Glossary to the Calendar of Oingus the Culdee''. Williams & Norgate.</ref>
As religious doctrine heavily influenced these law tracts, Sundays were observed with greater leniency<ref name="Stokes, W. 1890">Stokes, W. (Ed.). (1890). ''Lives of Saints, from the Book of Lismore'' (No. 5). Clarendon Press.</ref><ref name="Binchy-1938" /> and some foods typically reserved for higher classes were shared with those of lower status.<ref name="Peters-2015" /> Cow, goat, and sheep milk were staple foods in all classes, from the lowest free commoner to the highest-ranking nobleman,<ref name="Peters-2015" /><ref name="Copley-2005"/><ref name="Dudd-1998"/> though cow and goat milk were considered higher-ranking milks than sheep's.<ref name="Ireland-1978" /> Common and small birds were afforded to be eaten by commoners, whereas larger or rarer birds such as swans were reserved for royalty (queens, particularly, in the case of swans<ref>Stokes, W. (1899). The Bodleian Amra Choluimb Chille. ''Revue celtique'', ''20'', 31-55.</ref>). Larger eggs of larger bird species were also permitted only to high-class individuals for the basic reason that things of greater quantity or volume were given first to people of higher class status.<ref>O'Donovan, J. (Ed.). (1842). ''The Banquet of Dun Na N'Gedh: and the Battle of Magh Rath, an Ancient Historical Tale'' (Vol. 6). Irish Archeological Society.</ref><ref>Stokes, W. (Ed.). (1862). ''Three Irish Glossaries: Cormac's Glossary Codex A. O'Davoren's Glossary and a Glossary to the Calendar of Oingus the Culdee''. Williams & Norgate.</ref>


As written records generally focused on storehouse inventories and staple commodities, archeobotanical remnants recovered from urban [[cesspit]]s<ref name="Greig-1982">Greig, J. (1982). Garderobes, sewers, cesspits and latrines. ''Current Archaeology'', ''85''(49), e52.</ref> offer further insight into less-common foods such as wild forage, foreign imports, and garden-grown goods that supplemented the diets of upper-class people, and substantiated those of whom could not afford food from the market.<ref>Woolgar, C. M. (1992, October). Household accounts from medieval England, part 1: introduction, glossary, diet accounts (i). The British Academy.</ref><ref name="Dyer-2006">Dyer, C. C. (2006). ''Gardens and garden produce in the Later Middle Ages''. na.</ref><ref name="Lyons-2015" />
As written records generally focused on storehouse inventories and staple commodities, archeobotanical remnants recovered from urban [[cesspit]]s<ref name="Greig-1982">Greig, J. (1982). Garderobes, sewers, cesspits and latrines. ''Current Archaeology'', ''85''(49), e52.</ref> offer further insight into less-common foods such as wild forage, imports, and garden-grown goods that supplemented the diets of upper-class people, and substantiated those who could not afford food from the market.<ref>Woolgar, C. M. (1992, October). Household accounts from medieval England, part 1: introduction, glossary, diet accounts (i). The British Academy.</ref><ref name="Dyer-2006">Dyer, C. C. (2006). ''Gardens and garden produce in the Later Middle Ages''. na.</ref><ref name="Lyons-2015" />


Both written record and archeological data indicate that sheep, cow, and goat milks made for the staple source of protein for most people, while oat, barley, and rye cereals comprised the typical source of carbohydrate,<ref name="Lyons-2015" /> consumed usually as [[ale]],<ref name="Sexton-1993">Sexton, M. R. (1993). ''Cereals and Cereal Foodstuffs in early Historic Ireland'' (Doctoral dissertation, NUI, at Department of History, UCC).</ref> in pot-based dishes, and breads.<ref name="Murphy-2010">Murphy, M., & Potterton, M. (2010). ''The Dublin region in the middle ages: settlement, land-use and economy''. Four Courts Press.</ref><ref>Lucas, A. T. (1960). Irish food before the potato. ''Gwerin: A Half-Yearly Journal of Folk Life'', ''3''(2), 8-43.</ref><ref name="Sexton-1998" />
Both written record and archeological data indicate that sheep, cow, and goat milk made for the staple source of protein for most people, while oat, barley, and rye cereals comprised the typical source of carbohydrate,<ref name="Lyons-2015" /> consumed usually as [[ale]],<ref name="Sexton-1993">Sexton, M. R. (1993). ''Cereals and Cereal Foodstuffs in early Historic Ireland'' (Doctoral dissertation, NUI, at Department of History, UCC).</ref> in pot-based dishes, and breads.<ref name="Murphy-2010">Murphy, M., & Potterton, M. (2010). ''The Dublin region in the middle ages: settlement, land-use and economy''. Four Courts Press.</ref><ref>Lucas, A. T. (1960). Irish food before the potato. ''Gwerin: A Half-Yearly Journal of Folk Life'', ''3''(2), 8-43.</ref><ref name="Sexton-1998" />


As [[Brewing|beer-making]] would only surface later in Ireland during the 14th century,<ref>Corran, H. S. (1975). ''A history of brewing''. David & Charles.</ref> and because ale had a short shelf-life that did not import or export well, ale-brewing was a significant industry in urban centers for providing what was then valued as a nutritious dietary staple.<ref name="Lyons-2015" /> Cheap and widely available, oat was the preferred grain for this industry up until the 14th century<ref name="Murphy-2010" /> until it was replaced by barley which was considered superior,<ref>O'Brien, G. (1923). Advertisements for Ireland. ''Being a Description of the State of Ireland in the Reign of James I (Dublin, 1923)'', 43.</ref> though not as good as [[wheat]].<ref>Meyer, K. (Ed.). (1911). ''Betha Colmáin maic Lúacháin'' (Vol. 17). Hodges, Figgis.</ref>
As [[Brewing|beer-making]] would only surface later in Ireland during the 14th century,<ref>Corran, H. S. (1975). ''A history of brewing''. David & Charles.</ref> and because ale had a short shelf-life that did not import or export well, ale-brewing was a significant industry in urban centers for providing what was then valued as a nutritious dietary staple.<ref name="Lyons-2015" /> Cheap and widely available, oat was the preferred grain for this industry up until the 14th century<ref name="Murphy-2010" /> until it was replaced by barley which was considered superior,<ref>O'Brien, G. (1923). Advertisements for Ireland. ''Being a Description of the State of Ireland in the Reign of James I (Dublin, 1923)'', 43.</ref> though not as good as [[wheat]].<ref>Meyer, K. (Ed.). (1911). ''Betha Colmáin maic Lúacháin'' (Vol. 17). Hodges, Figgis.</ref>


Wheat was difficult to grow in Ireland's wet, acidic soils, but the Anglo-Normans nonetheless worked to intensify its production<ref>Nicholls, K. W. (2003). ''Gaelic and gaelicized Ireland in the Middle Ages''. Lilliput PressLtd.</ref> as it was a coveted grain to the upper-classes,<ref name="Kelly-1997">Kelly, F. (1997). Early Irish Farming. ''Early Irish Law Series'', ''4'', 74-106.</ref> and vital in the creation of the [[Catholic Church|Catholic sacramental Host]]; a thin, white wafer. This monastic bread was typically made from barley, oat, and pulse flours baked on ashes or dried into biscuits, but the making of a special wheat-based wafer was reserved for Sundays.<ref name="Sexton-1993" /> As a sacred and rare food, wheat production was a heavily monitored and controlled operation, and wheat products were sometimes used as currency.<ref>Clarke, A. (1976). The Irish economy, 1600-60. ''A new history of Ireland'', ''3'', 1534-1691.</ref>
Wheat was difficult to grow in Ireland's wet, acidic soils, but the Anglo-Normans nonetheless worked to intensify its production<ref>Nicholls, K. W. (2003). ''Gaelic and Gaelicized Ireland in the Middle Ages''. Lilliput Press Ltd.</ref> as it was a coveted grain to the upper classes,<ref name="Kelly-1997">Kelly, F. (1997). Early Irish Farming. ''Early Irish Law Series'', ''4'', 74-106.</ref> and vital in the creation of the [[Catholic Church|Catholic sacramental Host]]; a thin, white wafer. This monastic bread was typically made from barley, oat, and pulse flours baked on ashes or dried into biscuits, but the making of a special wheat-based wafer was reserved for Sundays.<ref name="Sexton-1993" /> As a sacred and rare food, wheat production was a heavily monitored and controlled operation, and wheat products were sometimes used as currency.<ref>Clarke, A. (1976). The Irish economy, 1600-60. ''A new history of Ireland'', ''3'', 1534-1691.</ref>


Contrarily, while highly-accessible oats<ref>Monk, M. A. (1991). The archaeobotanical evidence for field crop plants in early historic Ireland. ''New Light on Early Farming: Recent Developments in Palaeobotany'', 315-28.</ref> were considered 'poor' food,<ref name="Sexton-1993" /> they were also valued as nutritious and easily-digestible, and thus made a staple for children,<ref name="Kelly-1997" /> as well as cheap fuel for horses.<ref name="Langdon-1982">Langdon, J. (1982). The economics of horses and oxen in medieval England. ''The Agricultural History Review'', ''30''(1), 31-40.</ref> Oat [[gruel]], however, was considered inferior in quality and was thus unacceptable to share with travelers.<ref name="Meyer-1892">Meyer, K. (1892). THE VISION OF MACCONGLINNE. ''The Academy and literature, 1914-1916'', (1074), 509-509.</ref> Likewise, pulses, legumes and flours made from them were generally reserved for animal feed<ref name="Langdon-1982" /> and for times of food scarcity.<ref name="Murphy-2010" /> Beans, typically a food of the poorer classes, were often eaten in sweet [[pudding]]s, according to recipe books of the 13th and 14th centuries.<ref>Hieatt, C. B. (Ed.). (1985). ''Curye on Inglysch: English culinary manuscripts of the fourteenth century (including the Forme of cury)''. Oxford University Press.</ref> Pulses and legumes also did not grow well in wet, acidic soil,<ref name="Woodman-1978"/><ref name="Smyth-2015"/><ref name="Foster-1998"/> and were generally avoided as a crop, but the arrival of the Anglo-Normans, their new method of crop-rotation,<ref name="Lyons-2015" /><ref name="MacCotter-2008" /> and the coinciding increase of pulse production in Ireland at the time signals the growing of pulses as a means to improve conditions for wheat crops (a crop which thrives in the nitrogen-rich soils left over by a previous crop of pulses or legumes).<ref>Allen, R. C. (2008). The nitrogen hypothesis and the English agricultural revolution: A biological analysis. ''The Journal of Economic History'', ''68''(1), 182-210.</ref>
Contrarily, while highly-accessible oats<ref>Monk, M. A. (1991). The archaeobotanical evidence for field crop plants in early historic Ireland. ''New Light on Early Farming: Recent Developments in Palaeobotany'', 315-28.</ref> were considered 'poor' food,<ref name="Sexton-1993" /> they were also valued as nutritious and easily digestible and thus made a staple for children,<ref name="Kelly-1997" /> as well as cheap fuel for horses.<ref name="Langdon-1982">Langdon, J. (1982). The economics of horses and oxen in medieval England. ''The Agricultural History Review'', ''30''(1), 31-40.</ref> Oat [[gruel]], however, was considered inferior in quality and was thus unacceptable to share with travelers.<ref name="Meyer-1892">Meyer, K. (1892). THE VISION OF MACCONGLINNE. ''The Academy and literature, 1914-1916'', (1074), 509-509.</ref> Likewise, pulses, legumes, and flours made from them were generally reserved for animal feed<ref name="Langdon-1982" /> and for times of food scarcity.<ref name="Murphy-2010" /> Beans, typically a food of the poorer classes, were often eaten in sweet [[pudding]]s, according to recipe books of the 13th and 14th centuries.<ref>Hieatt, C. B. (Ed.). (1985). ''Curye on Inglysch: English culinary manuscripts of the fourteenth century (including the Forme of Cury)''. Oxford University Press.</ref> Pulses and legumes also did not grow well in wet, acidic soil,<ref name="Woodman-1978"/><ref name="Smyth-2015"/><ref name="Foster-1998"/> and were generally avoided as a crop, but the arrival of the Anglo-Normans, their new method of crop-rotation,<ref name="Lyons-2015" /><ref name="MacCotter-2008" /> and the coinciding increase of pulse production in Ireland at the time signals the growing of pulses as a means to improve conditions for wheat crops (a crop which thrives in the nitrogen-rich soils left over by a previous crop of pulses or legumes).<ref>Allen, R. C. (2008). The nitrogen hypothesis and the English agricultural revolution: A biological analysis. ''The Journal of Economic History'', ''68''(1), 182-210.</ref>


Quickly-perishable foods, and those not grown at a commercial scale, such as fruits, nuts, and vegetables are underrepresented in historical records,<ref name="Dyer-2006" /><ref name="Murphy-2010" /> but archeological evidence suggests such foods were nonetheless important seasonal supplements to the Irish diet. As evidence suggests most urban dwellings were furnished with gardens,<ref name="Kelly-1997" /> the growth and harvest of a variety of fresh fruits, herbs, and vegetables would have provided variety of the diets of urban dwellers.<ref name="Lyons-2015" />
Quickly-perishable foods, and those not grown at a commercial scale, such as fruits, nuts, and vegetables are underrepresented in historical records,<ref name="Dyer-2006" /><ref name="Murphy-2010" /> but archeological evidence suggests such foods were nonetheless important seasonal supplements to the Irish diet. As evidence suggests most urban dwellings were furnished with gardens,<ref name="Kelly-1997" /> the growth and harvest of a variety of fresh fruits, herbs, and vegetables would have provided a variety of the diets of urban dwellers.<ref name="Lyons-2015" />


Fragile plant life erodes and disappears quickly compared to grain chaff that fossilizes easily, what evidence is recovered may present a distorted assessment of what ratio of cereals to plant life was consumed<ref name="Lyons-2015" /> at the time only because there is no empirical data of such eroded materials.<ref>Tierney, J., & Hannon, M. (1986). Plant remains. ''Late Viking Age and medieval Waterford: excavations'', ''1992'', 854-93.</ref> The presence of vegetables, in particular, is therefore minimal in archeological assemblages, but fruit—via fossilized seeds and pits—consequently features more frequently,<ref>Moffett, L. (2006). ''The archaeology of medieval plant foods'' (pp. 41-55). na.</ref> with evidence of [[cherry]], [[strawberry]], [[Prunus spinosa|sloe]], [[rowan]], blackberry, [[bilberry]], apple, and haws as present in Medieval cesspits.<ref name="Mitchell, G. F. 1987"/><ref name="Greig-1982" /> Apples are frequently mentioned in Medieval texts of various kinds,<ref name="Murphy-2010" /><ref name="Ireland-1978" /><ref name="Kelly-1997" /> particularly in reference to sweet varieties as valuable and rare offerings to nobles and lords,<ref name="Stokes, W. 1890"/><ref name="Meyer-1892" /> and sour breeds as used to make cider, verjus, vinegar, and medicine.<ref name="Adamson-2004">Adamson, M. W. (2004). ''Food in medieval times''. Greenwood Publishing Group.</ref><ref>Reeves-Smyth, T. (1999). ''Irish gardens and gardening before Cromwell'' (Vol. 4). Barryscourt Trust.</ref><ref name="Peters-2015" /> That theological and dietetic discourse affected these texts also affected the corresponding behaviors by which certain foods were consumed<ref name="Kelly-1997" />—to eat apples raw, for example, was frowned upon by medieval physicians<ref name="Adamson-2004" /> and so apples were generally cooked into puddings, or fermented into drinks.<ref name="Kelly-1997" /><ref name="Peters-2015" /><ref name="Murphy-2010" />
Fragile plant life erodes and disappears quickly compared to grain chaff that fossilizes easily, what evidence is recovered may present a distorted assessment of what ratio of cereals to plant life was consumed<ref name="Lyons-2015" /> at the time only because there is no empirical data of such eroded materials.<ref>Tierney, J., & Hannon, M. (1986). Plant remains. ''Late Viking Age and medieval Waterford: excavations'', ''1992'', 854-93.</ref> The presence of vegetables, in particular, is therefore minimal in archeological assemblages, but fruit—via fossilized seeds and pits—consequently features more frequently,<ref>Moffett, L. (2006). ''The archaeology of medieval plant foods'' (pp. 41-55). na.</ref> with evidence of [[cherry]], [[strawberry]], [[Prunus spinosa|sloe]], [[rowan]], blackberry, [[bilberry]], apple, and haws as present in Medieval cesspits.<ref name="Mitchell, G. F. 1987"/><ref name="Greig-1982" /> Apples are frequently mentioned in Medieval texts of various kinds,<ref name="Murphy-2010" /><ref name="Ireland-1978" /><ref name="Kelly-1997" /> particularly about sweet varieties as valuable and rare offerings to nobles and lords,<ref name="Stokes, W. 1890"/><ref name="Meyer-1892" /> and sour breeds as used to make cider, verjus, vinegar, and medicine.<ref name="Adamson-2004">Adamson, M. W. (2004). ''Food in medieval times''. Greenwood Publishing Group.</ref><ref>Reeves-Smyth, T. (1999). ''Irish gardens and gardening before Cromwell'' (Vol. 4). Barryscourt Trust.</ref><ref name="Peters-2015" /> That theological and dietetic discourse affected these texts also affected the corresponding behaviors by which certain foods were consumed<ref name="Kelly-1997" />—to eat apples raw, for example, was frowned upon by medieval physicians<ref name="Adamson-2004" /> and so apples were generally cooked into puddings, or fermented into drinks.<ref name="Kelly-1997" /><ref name="Peters-2015" /><ref name="Murphy-2010" />


Fruit and herb consumption in the medieval period was particularly encapsulated in a medicinal fervour as unique fruits were prescribed and avoided for reasons concerning health.<ref name="Lyons-2015" />
Fruit and herb consumption in the medieval period was particularly encapsulated in a medicinal fervor as unique fruits were prescribed and avoided for reasons concerning health.<ref name="Lyons-2015" />


The perishable nature of fruits and vegetables also changed the ways in which they were consumed by challenging consumers to develop methods of preserving them.<ref>Hall, A., & Kenward, H. (2004). Setting people in their environment: plant and animal remains from Anglo-Scandinavian York.</ref> Cooking and fermenting are already examples, but fruits were also commonly dried, [[Pickling|pickled]], or made into [[relish]]es using brine and honey.<ref>Dyer, C. C. (2006). ''Seasonal patterns in food consumption in the later middle ages'' (pp. 201-14). na.</ref> Their omnipresence consequently precipitated the convention of eating many sweet and savory foods with [[Fruit preserves|jams]], jellies, chutneys, and relishes.<ref name="Kelly-1997" /><ref name="Peters-2015" />
The perishable nature of fruits and vegetables also changed how they were consumed by challenging consumers to develop methods of preserving them.<ref>Hall, A., & Kenward, H. (2004). Setting people in their environment: plant and animal remains from Anglo-Scandinavian York.</ref> Cooking and fermenting are already examples, but fruits were also commonly dried, [[Pickling|pickled]], or made into [[relish]]es using brine and honey.<ref>Dyer, C. C. (2006). ''Seasonal patterns in food consumption in the later middle ages'' (pp. 201-14). a.</ref> Their omnipresence consequently precipitated the convention of eating many sweet and savory foods with [[Fruit preserves|jams]], jellies, chutneys, and relishes.<ref name="Kelly-1997" /><ref name="Peters-2015" />


An herbal broth called ''brothchán'', made with oatmeal and herbs served to sick was one such dish accompanied by a fruit relish, notably on Sundays.<ref name="Kelly-1997" /> The recovery of several fruit presses also suggests that fruits were pressed into juices, though only at a domestic scale.<ref>Bamforth, C. W., & Ward, R. E. (Eds.). (2014). ''The oxford handbook of food fermentations''. Oxford Handbooks.</ref><ref>Dyer, C. (2000). ''Everyday life in medieval England''. A&C Black.</ref>
An herbal broth called ''brothchán'', made with oatmeal and herbs served to the sick was one such dish accompanied by a fruit relish, notably on Sundays.<ref name="Kelly-1997" /> The recovery of several fruit presses also suggests that fruits were pressed into juices, though only on a domestic scale.<ref>Bamforth, C. W., & Ward, R. E. (Eds.). (2014). ''The oxford handbook of food fermentations''. Oxford Handbooks.</ref><ref>Dyer, C. (2000). ''Everyday life in medieval England''. A&C Black.</ref>


Hazelnuts, having been an important Irish food from prehistory,<ref name="Kelly-1997" /><ref name="Warren-2015"/><ref name="Smyth-2015"/><ref name="Woodman-1978"/> were still common in the medieval era, and ground into a meal called ''maothal''.<ref>O'curry, E. (1873). ''On the manners and customs of the ancient Irish'' (Vol. 3). Williams and Norgate.</ref>
Hazelnuts, having been an important Irish food from prehistory,<ref name="Kelly-1997" /><ref name="Warren-2015"/><ref name="Smyth-2015"/><ref name="Woodman-1978"/> were still common in the medieval era, and ground into a meal called ''martial''.<ref>O'curry, E. (1873). ''On the manners and customs of the ancient Irish'' (Vol. 3). Williams and Norgate.</ref>


There is also documentation of a wine trade between Ireland and Biscay from the 7th century,<ref>Corráin, D. Ó. (1972). ''Ireland before the Normans'' (Vol. 2). Gill and Mac Millan.</ref> as well as early Irish texts that reference a wine imported from [[Bordeaux wine|Bordeaux]] specifically for church feasts,<ref name="Kelly-1997" /> bolstering substantial evidence of wine trade between Ireland, France and England between the 12th and 15th centuries.<ref>O'Neill, T. (1987). ''Merchants and Mariners: In Medieval Ireland''. Irish Academic Press.</ref>
There is also documentation of a wine trade between Ireland and Biscay from the 7th century,<ref>Corráin, D. Ó. (1972). ''Ireland before the Normans'' (Vol. 2). Gill and Mac Millan.</ref> as well as early Irish texts that reference a wine imported from [[Bordeaux wine|Bordeaux]] specifically for church feasts,<ref name="Kelly-1997" /> bolstering substantial evidence of wine trade between Ireland, France, and England between the 12th and 15th centuries.<ref>O'Neill, T. (1987). ''Merchants and Mariners: In Medieval Ireland''. Irish Academic Press.</ref>


=== Post-Medieval Ireland ===
=== Post-Medieval Ireland ===
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At this time Ireland produced large quantities of salted ([[Corned beef|corned) beef]], almost all of it for export {{citation needed|date=June 2018}}. The beef was packed into barrels to provision the [[Royal Navy|navy]], [[British Army|army]], and merchant fleet. Corned beef became associated with the [[Irish Americans|Irish in America]] where it was plentiful and used as a replacement for the bacon in bacon and cabbage. However, it was not traditional fare in Ireland.
At this time Ireland produced large quantities of salted ([[Corned beef|corned) beef]], almost all of it for export {{citation needed|date=June 2018}}. The beef was packed into barrels to provision the [[Royal Navy|navy]], [[British Army|army]], and merchant fleet. Corned beef became associated with the [[Irish Americans|Irish in America]] where it was plentiful and used as a replacement for the bacon in bacon and cabbage. However, it was not traditional fare in Ireland.


Fresh meat was generally considered a luxury except for the most affluent until the late-19th century. A pig was often kept for bacon and was known as the "gentleman that pays the rent". Potatoes were also fed to pigs, to fatten them prior to their slaughter at the approach of the cold winter months. Much of the slaughtered pork would have been [[Curing (food preservation)|cured]] to provide ham and bacon that could be stored over the winter.
Fresh meat was generally considered a luxury except for the most affluent until the late-19th century. A pig was often kept for bacon and was known as the "gentleman that pays the rent". Potatoes were also fed to pigs, to fatten them before their slaughter at the approach of the cold winter months. Much of the slaughtered pork would have been [[Curing (food preservation)|cured]] to provide ham and bacon that could be stored over the winter.


Chickens were not raised on a large scale until the emergence of town grocers in the 1880s allowed people to exchange surplus goods, like eggs, and for the first time purchase a variety of food items to diversify their diet.
Chickens were not raised on a large scale until the emergence of town grocers in the 1880s allowed people to exchange surplus goods, like eggs, and for the first time purchase a variety of food items to diversify their diet.


The over-reliance on potatoes as a staple crop meant that the people of Ireland were vulnerable to poor potato harvests. The first [[Irish Famine (1740–1741)|Great Famine]] of 1739 was the result of extreme cold weather, but the famine of 1845–1849 (see [[Great Irish Famine]]) was caused by [[potato blight]] which spread throughout the Irish crop which consisted largely of a single variety, the [[Irish Lumper|Lumper]]. During the famine approximately one million people died and a million more emigrated.<ref>{{citation|title=Ireland: History of a Nation|first=David|last=Ross|year=2002|page=[https://archive.org/details/irelandhistoryof0000ross/page/226 226]|publisher=New Lanark: Geddes & Grosset|isbn=978-1-84205-164-1|url=https://archive.org/details/irelandhistoryof0000ross/page/226}}</ref>
The over-reliance on potatoes as a staple crop meant that the people of Ireland were vulnerable to poor potato harvests. The first [[Irish Famine (1740–1741)|Great Famine]] of 1739 was the result of extremely cold weather, but the famine of 1845–1849 (see [[Great Irish Famine]]) was caused by [[potato blight]] which spread throughout the Irish crop which consisted largely of a single variety, the [[Irish Lumper|Lumper]]. During the famine approximately one million people died and a million more emigrated.<ref>{{citation|title=Ireland: History of a Nation|first=David|last=Ross|year=2002|page=[https://archive.org/details/irelandhistoryof0000ross/page/226 226]|publisher=New Lanark: Geddes & Grosset|isbn=978-1-84205-164-1|url=https://archive.org/details/irelandhistoryof0000ross/page/226}}</ref>


Tea was introduced during Ireland's time as part of the United Kingdom and became increasingly popular, especially during the 19th century. Irish people are now amongst the highest per capita tea drinkers in the world. Tea is drunk hot and with milk at all times of the day{{citation needed|date=June 2018}}. Slightly stronger varieties are preferred than in England.{{citation needed|date=June 2018}}
Tea was introduced during Ireland's time as part of the United Kingdom and became increasingly popular, especially during the 19th century. Irish people are now amongst the highest per capita tea drinkers in the world. Tea is drunk hot and with milk at all times of the day{{citation needed|date=June 2018}}. Slightly stronger varieties are preferred than in England.{{citation needed|date=June 2018}}


==== Great Famine ====
==== Great Famine ====
In 1845, the [[Great Famine (Ireland)|Great Famine]] began when many potato crops in Ireland had been infected with the [[Phytophthora infestans|mold]] that causes potato blight. This had turned their potatoes diseased and useless, putting many who are already in poverty into deeper poverty.{{Citation needed|date=June 2018}} The crop had failed due to potato blight in 1845–46, had little success in 1847, and failed once again in 1848.
In 1845, the [[Great Famine (Ireland)|Great Famine]] began when many potato crops in Ireland had been infected with the [[Phytophthora infestans|mold]] that causes potato blight. This had turned their potatoes diseased and useless, putting many who were already in poverty into deeper poverty.{{Citation needed|date=June 2018}} The crop had failed due to potato blight in 1845–46, had little success in 1847, and failed once again in 1848.


The starving people tried eating the potatoes, and became extremely sick from eating them.{{citation needed|date=June 2018}} They began eating a diet of eggs, birds, and plants like nettles and chickweed.<ref>{{Cite web |url=http://www.culinarylore.com/food-history:myths-about-great-irish-potato-famine |title=Common Myths About The Great Irish Potato Famine |website=CulinaryLore.com|date=12 January 2015|access-date=2018-04-05}}</ref> Many farmers bled their cattle out and fried the blood rather than eat their meat. With the cattle as malnourished as the people, the meat was not fit for consumption, so they resorted to using the blood mixed with herbs, garlic, oats and butter, to use as a subsistence meal.<ref>{{Cite book|title=Cattle in ancient Ireland|last=T.|first=Lucas, A.|date=1989|publisher=Boethius Press|isbn=978-0863141454|location=Kilkenny, Ireland |oclc=18623799}}</ref> The extremely desperate and malnourished ate rats and worms found off the street.{{citation needed|date=June 2018}}
The starving people tried eating the potatoes, and became extremely sick from eating them.{{citation needed|date=June 2018}} They began eating a diet of eggs, birds, and plants like nettles and chickweed.<ref>{{Cite web |url=http://www.culinarylore.com/food-history:myths-about-great-irish-potato-famine |title=Common Myths About The Great Irish Potato Famine |website=CulinaryLore.com|date=12 January 2015|access-date=2018-04-05}}</ref> Many farmers bled their cattle out and fried the blood rather than eat their meat. With the cattle as malnourished as the people, the meat was not fit for consumption, so they resorted to using the blood mixed with herbs, garlic, oats, and butter, to use as a subsistence meal.<ref>{{Cite book|title=Cattle in ancient Ireland|last=T.|first=Lucas, A.|date=1989|publisher=Boethius Press|isbn=978-0863141454|location=Kilkenny, Ireland |oclc=18623799}}</ref> The extremely desperate and malnourished ate rats and worms found off the street.{{citation needed|date=June 2018}}


==== Post-Famine migration ====
==== Post-Famine migration ====
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This was problematic at first due to Irish women clinging to foods and ingredients common in Ireland. This caused much prejudice towards Irish women and many would mock the Irish's lack of cooking skills without considering the famine and poverty Irish women grew up with.{{Clarify| I don't know how to save this paragraph|date=March 2021}}
This was problematic at first due to Irish women clinging to foods and ingredients common in Ireland. This caused much prejudice towards Irish women and many would mock the Irish's lack of cooking skills without considering the famine and poverty Irish women grew up with.{{Clarify| I don't know how to save this paragraph|date=March 2021}}


Newspapers, including the ''Women's Journal'', published articles which contained prejudice towards Irish women for seemingly being unable to know how to cook.<ref>{{Cite book |last= Lynch-Brennan |first=Margaret |date=2009 |title= The Irish Bridget: Irish Immigrant Women in Domestic Service in America, 1840-1930}}{{pn|date=September 2022}}</ref>
Newspapers, including the ''Women's Journal'', published articles that contained prejudice towards Irish women for seemingly being unable to know how to cook.<ref>{{Cite book |last= Lynch-Brennan |first=Margaret |date=2009 |title= The Irish Bridget: Irish Immigrant Women in Domestic Service in America, 1840-1930}}{{pn|date=September 2022}}</ref>


Irish women in domestic service later gained the experience with ingredients abundant in America and altered Irish cuisine to be foods for pleasure. In Ireland food was designed based on caloric intake, instead of for pleasure, such as foods in America.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Diner |first=Hasia |author-link= Hasia Diner |date=1991 |title= Hungering for America: Italian, Irish, and Jewish Foodways in the Age of Migration}}</ref> Traditional Irish dishes started to include more meat and fruit and allowed for Irish food to stray from the stigma of being bland.{{citation needed|date=June 2018}}
Irish women in domestic service later gained experience with ingredients abundant in America and altered Irish cuisine to be foods for pleasure. In Ireland, food was designed based on caloric intake, instead of for pleasure, such as foods in America.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Diner |first=Hasia |author-link= Hasia Diner |date=1991 |title= Hungering for America: Italian, Irish, and Jewish Foodways in the Age of Migration}}</ref> Traditional Irish dishes started to include more meat and fruit and allowed for Irish food to stray from the stigma of being bland.{{citation needed|date=June 2018}}


===Modern era===
===Modern era===
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In much of [[Ulster]] (especially [[Northern Ireland]] and [[County Donegal]]), [[fish and chips]] are usually known as a "fish supper". The restaurant from which the food is purchased and the food itself is often referred to as a "chippy" throughout many northern regions of the country.
In much of [[Ulster]] (especially [[Northern Ireland]] and [[County Donegal]]), [[fish and chips]] are usually known as a "fish supper". The restaurant from which the food is purchased and the food itself is often referred to as a "chippy" throughout many northern regions of the country.


The proliferation of fast food has led to increasing public health problems, including [[obesity]], and it was reported in 2012 that as many as 327,000 Irish children had become obese or overweight, and in response the [[Government of Ireland|Irish government]] considered introducing a fast-food tax.<ref>{{cite web| url=http://www.irishhealth.com/article.html?id=19828/ |title=Taxing ourselves thin – the way forward? |work=Irish Health |access-date=6 February 2012}}</ref> Government efforts to combat obesity have also included television advertising campaigns and educational programmes in schools.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.rte.ie/news/2011/1109/children.html/ |title=Govt plans to tackle childhood obesity |publisher=RTÉ |date=9 November 2011 |access-date=6 February 2012 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120118082637/http://www.rte.ie/news/2011/1109/children.html |archive-date=18 January 2012 }}</ref>
The proliferation of fast food has led to increasing public health problems, including [[obesity]], and it was reported in 2012 that as many as 327,000 Irish children had become obese or overweight, in response to the [[Government of Ireland|Irish government]] considered introducing a fast-food tax.<ref>{{cite web| url=http://www.irishhealth.com/article.html?id=19828/ |title=Taxing ourselves thin – the way forward? |work=Irish Health |access-date=6 February 2012}}</ref> Government efforts to combat obesity have also included television advertising campaigns and educational programs in schools.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.rte.ie/news/2011/1109/children.html/ |title=Govt plans to tackle childhood obesity |publisher=RTÉ |date=9 November 2011 |access-date=6 February 2012 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120118082637/http://www.rte.ie/news/2011/1109/children.html |archive-date=18 January 2012 }}</ref>


==Common foods==
==Common foods==
* Dairy: butter, milk, buttermilk, cheese<ref>{{Harvnb|Davenport|2008|p=66}}</ref>
* Dairy: butter, milk, buttermilk, cheese<ref>{{Harvnb|Davenport|2008|p=66}}</ref>
* Grains: barley, oats, wheat
* Grains: barley, oats, wheat
* [[Freshwater fish]]: pollan, trout, salmon, smoked salmon, smoked trout
* [[Freshwater fish]]: pollen, trout, salmon, smoked salmon, smoked trout
*Seafood: [[Mackerel as food|mackerel]], cod, hake, haddock, smoked haddock, mussels, oysters, lobster, crab, sea vegetables (seaweeds), dillisk
*Seafood: [[Mackerel as food|mackerel]], cod, hake, haddock, smoked haddock, mussels, oysters, lobster, crab, sea vegetables (seaweeds), dillisk
* Meat: beef, chicken, duck, lamb, pork, turkey, goose, [[offal]]
* Meat: beef, chicken, duck, lamb, pork, turkey, goose, [[offal]]
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The consumption of seafood, despite Ireland's enormous coastline, is not as common as in other maritime countries.<ref name="irishtimes.com">{{cite news|url=http://www.irishtimes.com/news/why-do-irish-people-not-eat-more-fish-1.1412255|title=Why do Irish people not eat more fish?|newspaper=The Irish Times|access-date=21 June 2017}}</ref> Irish people eat seafood well below the European average.<ref name="irishtimes.com"/> It may have been more common in the past but declined markedly in the last few centuries.
The consumption of seafood, despite Ireland's enormous coastline, is not as common as in other maritime countries.<ref name="irishtimes.com">{{cite news|url=http://www.irishtimes.com/news/why-do-irish-people-not-eat-more-fish-1.1412255|title=Why do Irish people not eat more fish?|newspaper=The Irish Times|access-date=21 June 2017}}</ref> Irish people eat seafood well below the European average.<ref name="irishtimes.com"/> It may have been more common in the past but declined markedly in the last few centuries.


Irish-owned shipping was severely restricted under English governance from the late 16th century on. Ireland was traditionally a cattle-based economy and fish was associated with religious fasting. It was the traditional food of fast on Fridays, in common with other Catholic countries. Also, seafood—particularly shellfish—became associated with the poor and the shame of colonisation.<ref>[http://arrow.dit.ie/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1002&context=tfschcafcon] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160310014024/http://arrow.dit.ie/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1002&context=tfschcafcon|date=10 March 2016}}</ref> However, seafood has remained an important part of the diet in coastal communities, and the consumption of fresh fish and seafood is now undergoing a resurgence all over Ireland.
Irish-owned shipping was severely restricted under English governance from the late 16th century on. Ireland was traditionally a cattle-based economy and fish was associated with religious fasting. It was the traditional food of fast on Fridays, in common with other Catholic countries. Also, seafood—particularly shellfish—became associated with the poor and the shame of colonization.<ref>[http://arrow.dit.ie/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1002&context=tfschcafcon] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160310014024/http://arrow.dit.ie/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1002&context=tfschcafcon|date=10 March 2016}}</ref> However, seafood has remained an important part of the diet in coastal communities, and the consumption of fresh fish and seafood is now undergoing a resurgence all over Ireland.


In Dublin, the fish seller is celebrated in the traditional folk song ''[[Molly Malone]]'', and in Galway the international [[Galway Oyster Festival]] is held every September.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.galwayoysterfest.com/|title=galwayoysterfest.com|website=Galwayoysterfest.com|access-date=12 December 2017}}</ref> An example of a modern Irish shellfish dish is Dublin Lawyer ([[Lobster meat|lobster]] cooked in whiskey and cream).<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.irelandseye.com/aarticles/culture/recipes/cooking/lawyer.shtm|title=Dublin Lawyer|website=Irelandseye.com|access-date=12 December 2017}}</ref> [[Salmon as food|Salmon]] and [[Cod as food|cod]] are perhaps the two most common types of fish eaten. [[Chondrus crispus|Carrageen moss]] and [[Palmaria palmata|dulse]] (both types of [[red algae]]) are commonly used in Irish seafood dishes.
In Dublin, the fish seller is celebrated in the traditional folk song ''[[Molly Malone]]'', and in Galway the international [[Galway Oyster Festival]] is held every September.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.galwayoysterfest.com/|title=galwayoysterfest.com|website=Galwayoysterfest.com|access-date=12 December 2017}}</ref> An example of a modern Irish shellfish dish is Dublin Lawyer ([[Lobster meat|lobster]] cooked in whiskey and cream).<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.irelandseye.com/aarticles/culture/recipes/cooking/lawyer.shtm|title=Dublin Lawyer|website=Irelandseye.com|access-date=12 December 2017}}</ref> [[Salmon as food|Salmon]] and [[Cod as food|cod]] are perhaps the two most common types of fish eaten. [[Chondrus crispus|Carrageen moss]] and [[Palmaria palmata|dulse]] (both types of [[red algae]]) are commonly used in Irish seafood dishes.
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* Lucas, Anthony T. "Irish food before the potato." ''Gwerin: A Half-Yearly Journal of Folk Life'' 3.2 (1960): 8-43.
* Lucas, Anthony T. "Irish food before the potato." ''Gwerin: A Half-Yearly Journal of Folk Life'' 3.2 (1960): 8-43.
* Mac Con Iomaire, M. (2004) "The history of seafood in Irish cuisine and culture,'" ''History Studies,'' Vol. 5, University of Limerick pp.&nbsp;61–76. (http://arrow.dit.ie/tfschafart/106)
* Mac Con Iomaire, M. (2004) "The history of seafood in Irish cuisine and culture,'" ''History Studies,'' Vol. 5, University of Limerick pp.&nbsp;61–76. (http://arrow.dit.ie/tfschafart/106)
* Mac Con Iomaire, M. (2008) "Searching for Chefs, Waiters and Restaurateurs in Edwardian Dublin: A Culinary Historian's Experience of the 1911 Dublin Census Online" in ''[[Petits Propos Culinaires]]'' 86. pp.&nbsp;92–126. (http://arrow.dit.ie/tfschafart/1/)
* Mac Con Iomaire, M. (2008) "Searching for Chefs, Waiters, and Restaurateurs in Edwardian Dublin: A Culinary Historian's Experience of the 1911 Dublin Census Online" in ''[[Petits Propos Culinaires]]'' 86. pp.&nbsp;92–126. (http://arrow.dit.ie/tfschafart/1/)
* Mac Con Iomaire, M. and P. Gallagher (2009) "The Potato in Irish Cuisine and Culture" in ''Journal of Culinary Science and Technology'' Vol. 7, Issues 2–3, pp.&nbsp;1–16 (http://arrow.dit.ie/tfschafart/3/)
* Mac Con Iomaire, M. and P. Gallagher (2009) "The Potato in Irish Cuisine and Culture" in ''Journal of Culinary Science and Technology'' Vol. 7, Issues 2–3, pp.&nbsp;1–16 (http://arrow.dit.ie/tfschafart/3/)
* Mac Con Iomaire, M. (2010) "The Pig in Irish Cuisine and Culture" in ''MC Journal – the Journal of Media and Culture,'' Vol. 13, No. 5. (http://arrow.dit.ie/tfschafart/2/)
* Mac Con Iomaire, M. (2010) "The Pig in Irish Cuisine and Culture" in ''MC Journal – the Journal of Media and Culture,'' Vol. 13, No. 5. (http://arrow.dit.ie/tfschafart/2/)
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{{DEFAULTSORT:Irish Cuisine}}
{{DEFAULTSORT:Irish Cuisine}}
[[Category:Irish cuisine| ]]
[[Category:Irish cuisine|Irish cuisine]]
[[Category:Culture of Ireland|Cuisine]]
[[Category:Culture of Ireland|Cuisine]]

Revision as of 07:03, 14 July 2024

Irish stew with beef (Irish: Stobhach)
Seafood chowder, a popular dish in Ireland
Coddle served with Irish soda bread

Irish cuisine (Irish: Cócaireacht na héireann) encompasses the cooking styles, traditions, and recipes associated with the island of Ireland. It has developed from antiquity through centuries of social and political change and the mixing of different cultures, predominantly with those from nearby Britain and other Europeean regions. The cuisine is founded upon the crops and animals farmed in its temperate climate and the abundance of fresh fish and seafood from the surrounding waters of the Atlantic Ocean. Chowder, for example, is popular around the coasts.[1] Herbs and spices traditionally used in Irish cuisine include bay leaves, black pepper, caraway seeds, chives, dill, horseradish, mustard seeds, parsley, ramsons (wild garlic), rosemary, sage and thyme.

The development of Irish cuisine was altered greatly by the Tudor conquest of Ireland in the late 16th and early 17th centuries, which introduced a new agro-alimentary system of intensive grain-based agriculture and led to large areas of land being turned over to grain production. The rise of a commercial market in grain and meat altered the diet of the Irish populace by redirecting traditionally consumed products (such as beef) abroad as cash crops instead.[2] Consequently, potatoes were widely adopted in the 18th century and essentially became the main crop that the Irish working class (which formed a majority of the population) could afford.[3]

By the 21st century, much of traditional Irish cuisine was being revived.[4] Representative dishes include Irish stew, bacon and cabbage, boxty, brown bread (as it is referred to in the south) or soda bread (predominantly used in Ulster), coddle, and colcannon.

History

Traditional Irish wheaten soda bread with Irish butter

There are many references to food and drink in Irish mythology and early Irish literature, such as the tale of Fionn mac Cumhaill and the Salmon of Knowledge.[5] They contain many references to banquets involving the heroes' portion and meat cooked in cauldrons and on spits. Irish mythology is a Celtic Indo-European tradition and shares many foods with other cultures' stories. For example, honey has always been valued and was used in the making of mead, a drink featured in many ancient Indo-European myths and rituals, from Ireland to India.[6]

Prehistoric Ireland

Mesolithic period (8000–4000 BC)

Before the Neolithic period in Ireland and advances in farming technology, archaeological evidence such as the discovery of stone tools, bone assemblages, archaeobotanical evidence, isotopic analysis of human skeletal remains, and dental erosion on the remains of human teeth indicate the Mesolithic Irish were a hunter-gatherer society that ate a diet of varied floral and faunal sources.[7][8][9] Discoveries of food byproducts such as bone fragments[10] and sea shells[11] are key indicators of the dietary habits of the Mesolithic Irish, as immediate food products have long since decomposed[12] —especially in the presence of Ireland's largely acidic soils.[13][14][15] However, available archeological evidence of food remains, together with discoveries of Mesolithic food-harvesting tools[16] and the relationship of local environments with settlement sites,[13] provide an understanding of what may have eaten. Settlement sites, in particular, have supported notable insight into the dietary habits of the Mesolithic Irish.[13] For example, the proximity of Mesolithic settlements to water systems points to groups or individuals who ate marine species.[17] The predominant location of Mesolithic Irish settlements is close to water systems and therefore suggests a diet rich in vegetation, marine life, and smaller mammals, as distinct from their British and Native American contemporaries whose settlements further inland influenced a diet more substantive with meat.[13][11] For example, deer features minimally in archeological discoveries, thought to be particularly due to the infrequent presence of deer along coastal regions, bays, and estuaries.[13]

The deliberate positioning of such settlements also suggests a cultural preference for particular foods.[11] Also unique to settlements positioned close to water systems are large mounds of bivalve shells known as middens, which provide concrete evidence that shellfish played a role in the dietary practices of the Mesolithic Irish.[18] Shell middens are frequent Mesolithic discoveries in Ireland, which for their majority, were predominantly composed of oyster and limpet shells.[11] The coastal town name of Sligo (in Irish Sligeach) which means "abounding in shells", references the area's historic plenitude of shellfish in the river and its estuary, as well as the middens common to the area.[19][20]

Additionally, Ireland's position as an island and thus the unique composition of biodiversity and geography suggests its Mesolithic people enjoyed a somewhat dissimilar diet to their proximal contemporaries.[21][22][9] For example, prehistoric Ireland's paucity of small mammals,[23] and its absences of species important to other Mesolithic communities, such as red deer, wild cow, and elk[11][9][22] would have contributed to unique dietary habits and nutritional standards. The persistent evidence of certain species, such as boar[24][9] In contrast with the scarcity and/or uncooked nature of other animal remains such as bear[25] and birds of prey (remains of which have been found in Mesolithic bone assemblages, but are otherwise absent in isotopic analysis of human bones[9]) suggests a particular understanding of certain animals as sources of food, others that served symbolic or medicinal purposes (as they were in other parts of Europe[26][27]), while others still, such as dog, which are not supposed to have been consumed at all.[9]

Due to Ireland's geography and the locations of Mesolithic settlements, the variety of food sources available to the Mesolithic Irish was consequently unique.[11][13][9] Outside of boar, large predators including the wolf, the brown bear, and lynx are scarce in archaeological assemblages, and understood to have been generally avoided as a source of food, as they were in most contemporary Mesolithic Europe.[11] Likewise, while cereals were unlikely to have been yet consumed due to the processing required to make them digestible, fungi, roots, leaves, stems, flowers, nuts, seeds, berries, and fruits were all otherwise simple to harvest and eat and would have substantiated the Mesolithic diet with nutritional variety and diversity of flavor.[11]

This in combination with the prevalence of settlements along waterways suggests key dietary staples of the Mesolithic Irish were marine and floral sources of food. Additionally, that boar was brought to Ireland by early Mesolithic colonists[24] and features frequently in archeological assemblages of faunal bones, pointing to another noteworthy staple in the Mesolithic Irish diet.[10][9][24] Despite the scarcity of plant-based artifacts in light of Ireland's wet weather and acidic soil, biochemical assessments of human bone have been used to provide evidence for a variety of floral sources, including apples, crowberries, raspberries, blackberries, water-lily seeds, tubers, and hazelnuts.[9][28]

The sizable presence of hazelnuts in many archaeological assemblages in both Mesolithic Ireland and Britain suggests the nut was important,[29][30] and may have even been used as a form of currency, as acorns were for Native Americans of California during the same period.[31] There is an indication that these nuts, in particular, were stored underground during the winter months.[32] Elm bark is also suspected to have been a prized source of food for being particularly rich in nutrients, as well as featuring in the diets of other northern Mesolithic European communities, the Scandinavian in particular.[33]

Despite Ireland's coastal geography, there is no evidence of seaweed collection among the Mesolithic Irish in archaeological remains, as well as little evidence of deep-water ocean species.[34] However, the presence of shellfish and in-shore fish—particularly salmonids—in the Irish Mesolithic diet is impressive.[13] The absence of evidence for seal is a notable contrast with Mesolithic Scotland, where archaeological sites demonstrate the significant exploitation of seals.[34]

Though the Mesolithic Irish were a hunter-gatherer people, such assemblages as middens, discoveries of lithic tools and technologies, and seasonal organization of animal remains allude to an understanding of environmental management to meet subsistence needs.[11][9] For example, the transportation and management of boar through selective hunting and culling techniques[35][28] suggests a food source potentially purposefully semi-domesticated, as well as a species important to the Mesolithic communities of Ireland.[25][24] Research into the composition of middens, as well, suggests that these Irish communities understood tidal behaviors and optimal harvest periods for respective marine species.[17][36] Different species of shellfish require different environmental conditions, such as intertidal flats for mussels and cockles, and rocky shorelines for limpets[13] so different harvesting strategies would have been required to harvest and profit from different varieties of shellfish. Also, that freshwater, coastal, and in-shore marine life features greater than deep-sea species in archaeological evidence of the Irish Mesolithic diet inherently points to the use of in-shore fishing techniques such as traps and nets, instead of off-shore or deep-sea hunting techniques.[13][37]

The recovery of stone tools in specific sites and vogue technologies of the period such as blade-and-flake likewise suggest their roles in the construction and maintenance of basic food procurement technologies like fish traps.[16][17][38] There is even some suggestion of the Mesolithic Irish being actively engaged in land snail farming.[39]

The fundamentally seasonal nature of the Mesolithic diet[11] and the various seasonally conscripted food-gathering activities affected the time and social organization of the Mesolithic Irish during the year.[28] Such activities would have consisted of the hunting and foraging of seasonal plants and animals when they were at their most abundant, as well as storage-related activities such as preserving meat and seafood through smoking,[40] and caching nuts and seeds.[41] As various plants are fertile only biannually, and the migratory patterns of animals can change over time,[42][43][44] these food-gathering activities would have been significantly varied and as such, would have required attention and understanding of environmental and animal behaviors.[11]

While most foods would have been eaten raw and out-of-hand, archaeological evidence has provided insight into Mesolithic food processing techniques, such as crude forms of butchery,[25] the soaking of seeds,[45] and thermal processing to directly heat or smoke foods.[40][46] At a site in Kilnatierney where ash, burnt shells, fish, and pig bones were discovered in a dug-out depression, the diminutive size of the fish bones suggests they were cooked on skewers or directly on hot rocks.[47] The presence of burnt mounds of stones indicates cooking methods likely focused on direct heating methods such as roasting on spits constructed on tripods over open flames, and in earthen hearths.[48]

Neolithic period (4000-2500 BC)

Understanding the details about the foodways of the prehistoric Irish can be difficult to capture, especially given the island's temperate climate and prevalence of wet, acidic soils that are quick to erode organic material,[35][15] but thanks to an extensive evaluation of biochemical and isotopic signatures recovered from human bone and pottery sherds, there is an insight into Neolithic dietary habits.[49][50][14] Biomarkers such as lipid and plant residues preserved in the clay matrix of pottery vessels[14] observe a diversity of plant- and animal life in the diet of the Neolithic Irish, including berries, leafy vegetables, tubers, legumes, meats, seafood, and nuts. These in combination with the agricultural developments of the Neolithic period such as field systems, farming tools, and animal husbandry[51][52] begin to describe the dramatic changes in the dietary practices and eating behaviors of the prehistoric Irish people, distinct from their Mesolithic ancestors.[50]

The cultivation and processing of cereals, as well as the maintenance of livestock in farming scenarios saw the significant consumption of new foods, particularly emmer wheat, barley, beef, pig, and goat, which coincided with a steep decline in the consumption of marine life.[53][14] Emmer wheat was assumed to be a preferred crop for its resilience to wet Irish weather and soil, but evidence of other cereals such as rye, einkorn and barley have been recovered, albeit at a lesser degree.[50][54][55] Sugarcane, maize, sorghum, and dryland grasses were introduced to Ireland in only recent centuries, and were therefore absent from the diet of Neolithic Irish.[14] Likewise, although the remains of oat were discovered, their minimal quantity at sites indicate that it was a wild plant, and not yet cultivated.[56] New domestic livestock including beef and sheep are understood to have been brought to the island from continental Europe, in addition to red deer,[57] which marked a new and increasingly significant species in the Irish diet. For example, evidence of enclosures couching large assemblages of charred cattle bones suggests the cooking and consumption of large quantities of beef, potentially during large communal gatherings.[58][59][60] As they were during the Mesolithic period, hazelnuts were still prevalent discoveries at many Neolithic sites, though their presence declines toward the Bronze Age.[49][50]

The introduction of agricultural management greatly influenced the new dietary staples of the Irish communities.[50] While attention on farming crops witnessed a decline in the consumption of wild forage,[49] changes in the landscape also offered new foraging opportunities for wild plant life which would have thrived along the edges of cleared agricultural land.[61]

While radiocarbon dating of Neolithic fish nets and weirs suggests the consumption of marine life,[62][63] What archeological evidence of food has been recovered points to a sharp decline in the consumption of aquatic species, converse to the notable consumption of marine life by the Mesolithic Irish.[53][64][14] The advancements of farming during the Neolithic period are assumed to have influenced this decline, in tandem with the heightened consumption of farmed animals, cereals,[50] and the very influential introduction of dairying,[65][66][67][68] which coincided similar advancements in other Neolithic societies.[67][69]

Approaches to agriculture, like those elsewhere across northwestern Europe, were focused on long-term plot management rather than rotational methods,[50] and implemented manure as fertilizer.[70][71][50] The emergence of new technologies in cooking, water, and waste management is evidenced by an increasing frequency of crescent-shaped mounds of burnt stones, called fulachtaí fia in Irish, that are understood to be the remnants of burning and/or cooking sites.[50][72] Yet, despite all such advancements, there was a noticeable absence in the presence of cutlery, cooking, or other eating implements among recovered archeological artifacts.[73]

Bronze Age (2000-500 BC)

It is understood that both direct and indirect cooking methods were important features of Irish cuisine during the Bronze Age (2000—600 BCE). The former used open fires to cook foods supported by ceramic vessels, spits, or surface griddles, while the latter used methods to heat surrounding mediums of earth, air, or water to cook foods within.[74] Radiocarbon dating of crescent-shaped mounds of burnt stones, called fulachtaí fia in Irish, are understood to be the remnants of cooking sites in Ireland that emerged in the early Neolithic Period but came to prominence during the Bronze Age.[72] While the word fulacht in medieval texts refers to the direct cooking of food on a spit, it is thought that its origins reside in such Neolithic sites that may have been chiefly used for indirect cooking methods involving hot stones,[75] suggesting at least that the term and its derivatives refer to the activity of cooking.[76]

Contrary to Mesolithic sites featuring burnt mounds, post-Mesolithic sites are significant for featuring significant remnants of flint,[77] charred mounds of stones near the remains of domesticated livestock, in addition to being accompanied by pits understood to have held water.[40] Stones belonging to these mounds, the majority of which are large pieces of sandstone,[78][58] are understood to have been heated and then submerged into these pits of water or buried underground as heat conductors used to boil, steam or bake food.[79]

While burnt mounds of similar natures have been discovered around Europe, Ireland hosts the greatest number of these sites, which suggests that indirect cooking methods were significant in Irish cuisine during the time. These mounds tend to feature a notable amount of stones, thought to be due to their repeated use over hundreds of years, and for the volume of stones needed to heat water to adequate cooking temperatures.[58] Such technology could likely have facilitated a dual purpose for the use in building steam lodges, which were common in parts of Europe at the time,[80] but fulachtaí fia typically feature significant assemblages of charred faunal remains, which argues they were used predominantly as cooking sites.[81] It has been considered that these sites were impromptu cooking locations used particularly by hunters, but most fulachtaí fia were established in low-lying agricultural lands and similar environments not supportive of optimal hunting conditions.[81] As well, the faunal remains recovered from such sites are typically feature the long, upper limb bones of domesticated livestock, archeologically associated with animal exploitation for meat,[82] and also suggestive of animals being previously processed, or slaughtered, butchered, and eaten on site.[81][83]

As fulachtaí fia emerged alongside developments in animal husbandry in Upper Palaeolithic Europe,[84] pyrolithic technology emerged in response to the newfound importance of livestock.[40] This is further compounded by the scarcity of game animal remains throughout all sites, and otherwise prevalence of sheep, pig, and cattle bones.[85][40] This is not to discredit the lesser though still significant presence of red deer bones.[83] Likewise, the absence of marine life at fulachtaí fia[58], also suggests a greater consumption of domestically farmed animals, and might also imply fish were cooked differently or respective of livestock.[86][40] Many sites feature indications of stake-hole clusters that may have once supported tripods and spits used for draining the blood from- or cooking recently killed animals.[87]

Archaeobotanical evidence from the Bronze Age is hard to recover due in part to Ireland's temperate weather and acidic soils,[40][35][15] but fossilized hazelnut shells have survived at sites,[58] as well as evidence of elm bark, which is supposed to have been used as feed for livestock and people alike.[48]

There is thought that hazelnuts were used to produce oil, whereupon the nuts would have been boiled in the heated waters of fulachtaí fia to extract their natural oils which would have accumulated atop the water's surface, then skimmed and used or stored.[74][88][58] Boiling is thought to have been a choice of cooking method during the Bronze Age; the method provided good retention of calories in foods.[89][90] Boiling meat, for example, is thought to have been a preferred cooking application for both helping to retain moisture in lean meats, for rendering fatty deposits in coarser cuts, as well as extracting marrow from bones.[90]

The aforementioned long, shallow pits that accompany most fulachtaí fia are typically found lined with insulating materials like stone, timber, and other organic materials,[91] and divided with partitions suspected to have been intended to separate the hot stones from edible materials, or to divide different types of foods.[58] It is thought that the use of clean, fresh water was a preferred medium given the placement of troughs over or near natural springs, and their proximity to irrigation channels carved into the earth which could have assisted in draining the pit after it was used.[58] Other pits, such as those dug into sand or removed from water sources, are thought to have been used as subterranean ovens.[58]

The typically large scale of these mounds and their perpetuity in the landscape not only suggests that individual fulachtaí fia were returned to and used often,[92] but that they were fixtures of social gatherings both large and small.[93][58] This is furthered by the presence of large assemblages of animal bones,[59] as well as the mounds' notable distance from developed settlements, and the substantive size of the troughs—expected to have held large quantities of food.[94] The laborious nature of preparing food, in addition to that of building these hearths would likely have required multiple actors working over long periods to finalize a meal, which suggests that cooking food would have been a social activity, likely with roles of responsibility distributed among the workers and hence a social structure.[95][96]

As ritual sites were often marked by the production and display of commemorative items,[97] the suggestion that these sites were sometimes spaces of notable communal gathering is further substantiated by the discoveries of monuments, stone circles, and other non-funerary artifacts.[98] Likewise, that fulachtaí fia are structures made principally to facilitate the indirect cooking of food—methods significantly slower and longer than direct heating applications—provides further reasoning that these mounds were places for special occasions where people chose to spend long periods eating and communing together.[40]

Gaelic Ireland

Customs and equipment

Hospitality was compulsory for all free landowners to welcome kings, bishops, or judges into their homes, with a wider superstitious fear held by the Irish of the consequences of turning away anyone. Much evidence for early Irish food exists in the law texts and poetry which were written down from the 7th and 8th century AD onwards. The arrival of Christianity also brought new influences from the Middle East and Roman culture.[99]

The main meal was eaten in the afternoon or evening. A daytime meal was termed díthat. A meal at night, and especially a celebratory one, was called a feis and was often accompanied by beer.[100] The main cooking utensil was the cauldron (coire) in which a variety of broths and stews were made.[101]

Meals consisted of a staple of bread, fresh milk, or a fermented variety such as bainne clabhair, yogurt or cheese accompanied by an anlann or tarsunn (relish, condiment) usually of vegetables, salted meat or honey, but could be any variety of seasonal foods. At the public guesthouses (bruiden) a person of high rank was entitled to 3 tarsunn, a lesser person only one.

A wooden cup with two or four handles called a mether (meadar in Irish) was used as a communal drinking vessel at gatherings. [102]

Grains

Until the arrival of the potato in the 16th century, grains such as oats, wheat, and barley, cooked either as porridge or bread, formed the staple of the Irish diet. The most common form of bread consisted of flatbread made from ground oats. These flatbreads could be wafer-thin, like chapati, or thicker like the oatcakes still popular in Scotland.

Household equipment included a kneading trough lasat, a kneading slab lecc, a griddle lann, and a griddle turner lainnéne. While oats were the most commonly used grain, bread made from wheat was regarded as a luxury of the aristocratic class. Bread and milk formed the staple of the Irish diet for millennia. From Latin came tortine meaning a small loaf.

Traditional porridge was cooked from oats, barley, or wheat meal mixed with water, buttermilk, or new milk and cooked to a smooth consistency. This was accompanied by either heavily salted butter, fresh butter, or honey.[103]

A fermented mixture of cracked wheat and heated milk was prepared as some form of frumenty or product similar to Turkish tarhana or Middle Eastern kashk.[104] This could have other ingredients added such as egg yolks making highly nutritious food that could also be dried and stored over winter.

Another grain preparation known as menedach was made by kneading grains and butter together into a type of paste and was known for its medicinal qualities, especially for monks on strict penitential diets. It may have been an early form of roux or perhaps a type of polenta. It could be spread on bread. It is described in the 12th century Icelandic saga Landnamabok in which Irish slaves prepare the food claiming that it will cure thirst. "The Irish thralls found the expedient of kneading meal and butter and said it would quench the thirst. They called it minapak".[103]

Meat

File:Crubeens 2008. jpg
Crubeens is an Irish food made of boiled pigs' feet.

The meat was generally cooked fresh and unspiced, or salted and boiled in a cauldron.[101] Sometimes it was flavored with honey, sometimes supplied at the table in a dish for dipping.[105] There are many descriptions of meat boiled in a cauldron in the form of stew. One recipe appears to have used "purple berries" to color the meal. There are also descriptions of meat being parboiled and then roasted over a fire on wooden spits somewhat similar to shish kebab.

Consumption of meat was forbidden twice a week on Wednesday and Friday and during Lent. Céadaoin, the name for Wednesday in Irish, means first fast, and Aoine the name for Friday, means fast. Orthodox Christian churches still maintain this practice.

Deer were hunted for meat, trapped in pits, or hunted with dogs.

Both domestic pigs and wild boar were eaten. The pork was probably the most common meat consumed in Ireland. Pigs were fattened on acorns in the forests. The flitch of bacon suspended on a hook is frequently mentioned in sources. Sausages made of salted pork are mentioned. Two types of sausage known as maróc (from a Norse loanword) and indrechtán (a sausage or pudding) are mentioned.

The dominant feature of the rural economy was the herding of cattle. Cows were not generally slaughtered for meat unless old or injured, but male cattle, if not destined to be oxen, were often slaughtered at one or two years.

Salted beef was cooked in a cauldron where different forms of stew were commonly made. The meat was also barbecued on spits (bir) made of either wood or iron. The poem Aislinge Meic Con Glinne describes the roasting of pieces of beef, mutton, and ham on spits of whitebeam. The meat was marinated in salt and honey first.

Offal was used in various dishes, with tripe being mentioned the most.

Fish was also sometimes grilled on a spit or griddle over a fire.

In the Irish religious diet, horse and crane meat were forbidden. Fowl in general does not seem to have featured much in the diet. There is also evidence of taboos related to totem animals amongst certain groups or tribes for whom consumption of these animals was forbidden.

Dairy

Dubliner cheese USA store
Bog butter made in 2012 for the Oxford Symposium on Food and Cookery

Ireland, with grass growth ten months of the year and no need to shelter cattle in extreme winter conditions, has always produced quality dairy products. Dairy was an important part of the ancient Irish diet, and this is backed up by archaeological record.[106]

Dairy products were known as bánbia (white foods) and milk, butter, curds, and cheese were staples of the diet. Táth was a form of pressed curds, perhaps similar to paneer or cottage cheese. Tánach referred to hard cheese, and mulchán was skimmed milk cheese. Milk or soft sweet-curd was heated with butter to make a sweet drink called milseán or millsén.[107] Milk diluted with water was termed angles.

The practice of bleeding cattle and mixing the blood with milk and butter (similar to the practice of the Maasai people) was not uncommon. Black pudding is made from blood, grain (usually barley), and seasoning, and remains a breakfast staple in Ireland.[108]

Honey seems to have been a precious but abundant commodity, with beekeeping particularly associated with the church and much used in medicine.[109]

Bog butter was stored for safety and allowed to ferment by being buried in bogs which provides a stable temperature in an anaerobic environment facilitating the aging process.[110] The end product may have been something similar to smen, a North African ingredient in many dishes.

Fruit and vegetables

Vegetables grown and eaten in Ireland included onions, chives, cabbage, celery, wild garlic, and leeks. Fat-hen (Chenopodium album) is often found on pre-Norman archaeological sites and appears to have been an important part of the diet, as it still is in Northern India. Skirret (Sium sisaram), in Irish cearrachán, appears to have been grown as a root vegetable, but this is no longer used.[citation needed] Watercress, sorrel, parsley, and nettles were picked wild and eaten raw or added to broth.[111]

Apples, pears, cherries, and plums seem to have been the most commonly eaten fruits.[112]

Pulses such as peas, broad beans, and lentils were grown and dried since early medieval times, becoming common with the Normans.[113] Berries and nuts were extensively eaten. Hazelnuts were of great importance. Bilberries,[114] known as fraochán in Irish, were traditionally picked on the festival of Lúghnasa in August.[115] blackberries and other wild fruit were also picked and consumed.[116]

Pepper has been known in Ireland since early Christian times, being an import from the Roman empire.[citation needed]

The fruit of the strawberry tree (Arbutus unedo), known as Caithness in Irish, is associated with religious establishments and may have been used to make or flavor medicine.[citation needed]

Drinks

Fermented milk is an Irish drink.[citation needed]

Beer was a prerequisite of a noble's house and was usually brewed from barley, although a wheat beer was also made. Malting kilns are a common find in archaeological digs in Ireland and appear from early Christian times on.[117]

Uisce Beatha (water of life) or whiskey is an invention of the Gaelic world and was developed after the introduction of distilling in the 12th century.[118]

Religious diets

Vegetarian diets were known among the strict monastic orders, but it was not compulsory. However, those who did eat meat were only permitted to eat wild pigs or deer. Monks lived on a staple gruel made with water or milk and a meal known as brothchán. This, on Sundays and festivals, had seasonal fruits and nuts and honey added, and it has been suggested that brothchán may have been an early form of muesli.[104]

The Pale

The Pale was the small area around Dublin in which English influence was strongest, where a hybrid food culture developed consisting of Norse, English, and Irish influences.[citation needed]

Excavations at the Viking settlement in the Wood Quay area of Dublin have produced a significant amount of information on the diet of the inhabitants of the town. The main meats eaten were beef, mutton, and pork. Domestic poultry and geese as well as fish and shellfish were also common, as was a wide range of native berries and nuts, especially hazelnuts. The seeds of knotgrass and goosefoot were widely present and may have been used to make porridge.[citation needed]

Ovens for baking were used in the towns.[citation needed] Evidence for cherries has been found in 11th-century Dublin. The bread was sometimes flavored with aniseed.[citation needed]

The Normans

The Norman invasion brought new additions to the diet, introducing rabbits, fallow deer and pheasants in the 12th century. They may also have introduced some freshwater fish, notably pike.

The Norman invasion marked the beginning of both the English and French presence in the country which continued as a unique Hiberno-Norman culture developed in the Norman settled areas and towns. The Norman cuisine characteristically consisted of spicy meat and fowl along with potages and broths, roasts, and sauces. The Normans may also have introduced the making of cider. Oysters and scallops were another favorite of the Normans.

Medieval Ireland (5th-15th century AD)

Distinct from preceding eras, the Middle Ages ushered the development of dense urban centers that dramatically affected preexisting food systems by changing both physical and societal infrastructures.[119][120][121] The spread and increasing normalization of a new type of civilian who did not produce or hunt their food and was thus reliant on foreign market trade and import from rural farms made the need for accessible and consistent sources of food vital.[122]

Uniquely to Ireland, the emergence of Norse towns in the 9th and 10th centuries and their subsequent growth during the arrival of the Anglo-Normans in the 12th and 13th centuries ushered a population boom that brought with it new foods born of foreign trade and new methods of production.[123][122] The Anglo-Normans in particular propagated a commercial economy[123][124] encouraged urban settlement and the steady trade of local and foreign commodities by holding festive market fairs[125] and attracting settlers with offers of burgage plots replete with space for a house and garden.[126]

Documentary data such as medieval law tracts,[121] literature on the lives of saints,[127], as well as early records of land holdings[120], provide insight into how food was grown and distributed among society.[128] As such documents were generally concentrated on the literate upper classes of Ireland, additional archeological data[129][130] offers broader insight into the food consumption habits of peasants, commoners, and Irish Medieval society as a whole.[131] Together, these findings and records play a significant role in interpreting urban food consumption behaviors of Medieval Ireland.[132][133][134]

During the Middle Ages in Ireland, laws were written to allow only certain foods to certain classes of people.[135][136][137] The accommodation of guests and its embedded acts of hospitality including the offering of food was a strong social convention of Ireland during this time,[138] people entertained at the homes of others expected the service of specific foods.[137] Consequently, if a guest was 'entitled' to a certain food and did not receive it during their accommodation, they could justly accuse their host of failing to meet their obligations of hospitality which was a punishable offense.[136]

The law tracts articulating the designation of certain foods to certain classes generally focused on free male landowners with some minor attention to free married women, but they do not describe what foods were entitled to peasants.[135][136][137] This is because peasants were considered only semi-free (accommodated and thus 'owned' by their landlords[139][140][141]) and were therefore not entitled to hospitable offers of food or beverage.[119] There is some description of a 'poor diet' which references what was permitted to criminals and monks.[142]

The specificity of these foods was precise and provided such laws that decided, for example, to whom individual sections of beef were entitled,[143][144] or in what quantities food was expected to be given and to what kind of person.[137] These 7th- and 8th-century law texts describe 7 grades of commoners and 3 grades of semi-free peasants—with these grades often further subdivided—to help guide judges through cases based on customary law.[145][136][135] As it was often difficult to distinguish one's class based on looks alone,[146] Food was used as a social cue so people could distinguish another's social position, and therefore accommodate them with the appropriate reception.

Prescribing class status to certain foods consequently constructed the perspective of certain foods as being luxurious, and others as being common, but also created distinct nutritional staples for different levels of this stratified society.[119] For example, the lowest-class free commoner was liberally entitled to barley, oats, and dairy products,[147][135] whereas then penultimate low-class commoner was allowed this in addition to baked bread,[137][147] though neither were permitted to goods derived of rye or wheat as such cereals were rare in Ireland (and thus privileged only to upper classes of people).[130][148] Venison and other game meats were likewise considered low-class foods as wild animals derived from ungoverned lands were considered accessible to all classes and thus common.[149][137] This was contrary to cattle which belonged to the lands of respective lords and made beef a privatized, restricted, and thus more coveted food.[119] The same was said for wild fish, as any commoner was entitled to a fish net or trap, albeit modestly-sized ones.[119][122]

Based on the dietetic rationale, certain foods could travel between ranks under special conditions, such as during injury, pregnancy, menstruation,[150][151] and illness,[152] when individuals were understood to require more substantial nutrition. All free people during sickness were, for example, permitted garden herbs and small amounts of butter.[119] Free married women were generally entitled to half of what their husbands were entitled to,[152][151] but it was considered a punishable offense to deny a pregnant woman of any food she craved.[149] This was thought to have been designed in part to protect women from miscarriage.[153] Further dietetic rationale within these laws deemed only soft foods permissible to feed children,[154][153] including soft eggs, porridge, curds and whey,[151] and garnished only with ingredients (such as honey or butter) that their father's class was permitted to eat.[153]

As religious doctrine heavily influenced these law tracts, Sundays were observed with greater leniency[155][151] and some foods typically reserved for higher classes were shared with those of lower status.[119] Cow, goat, and sheep milk were staple foods in all classes, from the lowest free commoner to the highest-ranking nobleman,[119][67][68] though cow and goat milk were considered higher-ranking milks than sheep's.[137] Common and small birds were afforded to be eaten by commoners, whereas larger or rarer birds such as swans were reserved for royalty (queens, particularly, in the case of swans[156]). Larger eggs of larger bird species were also permitted only to high-class individuals for the basic reason that things of greater quantity or volume were given first to people of higher class status.[157][158]

As written records generally focused on storehouse inventories and staple commodities, archeobotanical remnants recovered from urban cesspits[159] offer further insight into less-common foods such as wild forage, imports, and garden-grown goods that supplemented the diets of upper-class people, and substantiated those who could not afford food from the market.[160][161][122]

Both written record and archeological data indicate that sheep, cow, and goat milk made for the staple source of protein for most people, while oat, barley, and rye cereals comprised the typical source of carbohydrate,[122] consumed usually as ale,[162] in pot-based dishes, and breads.[163][164][128]

As beer-making would only surface later in Ireland during the 14th century,[165] and because ale had a short shelf-life that did not import or export well, ale-brewing was a significant industry in urban centers for providing what was then valued as a nutritious dietary staple.[122] Cheap and widely available, oat was the preferred grain for this industry up until the 14th century[163] until it was replaced by barley which was considered superior,[166] though not as good as wheat.[167]

Wheat was difficult to grow in Ireland's wet, acidic soils, but the Anglo-Normans nonetheless worked to intensify its production[168] as it was a coveted grain to the upper classes,[169] and vital in the creation of the Catholic sacramental Host; a thin, white wafer. This monastic bread was typically made from barley, oat, and pulse flours baked on ashes or dried into biscuits, but the making of a special wheat-based wafer was reserved for Sundays.[162] As a sacred and rare food, wheat production was a heavily monitored and controlled operation, and wheat products were sometimes used as currency.[170]

Contrarily, while highly-accessible oats[171] were considered 'poor' food,[162] they were also valued as nutritious and easily digestible and thus made a staple for children,[169] as well as cheap fuel for horses.[172] Oat gruel, however, was considered inferior in quality and was thus unacceptable to share with travelers.[173] Likewise, pulses, legumes, and flours made from them were generally reserved for animal feed[172] and for times of food scarcity.[163] Beans, typically a food of the poorer classes, were often eaten in sweet puddings, according to recipe books of the 13th and 14th centuries.[174] Pulses and legumes also did not grow well in wet, acidic soil,[13][14][15] and were generally avoided as a crop, but the arrival of the Anglo-Normans, their new method of crop-rotation,[122][123] and the coinciding increase of pulse production in Ireland at the time signals the growing of pulses as a means to improve conditions for wheat crops (a crop which thrives in the nitrogen-rich soils left over by a previous crop of pulses or legumes).[175]

Quickly-perishable foods, and those not grown at a commercial scale, such as fruits, nuts, and vegetables are underrepresented in historical records,[161][163] but archeological evidence suggests such foods were nonetheless important seasonal supplements to the Irish diet. As evidence suggests most urban dwellings were furnished with gardens,[169] the growth and harvest of a variety of fresh fruits, herbs, and vegetables would have provided a variety of the diets of urban dwellers.[122]

Fragile plant life erodes and disappears quickly compared to grain chaff that fossilizes easily, what evidence is recovered may present a distorted assessment of what ratio of cereals to plant life was consumed[122] at the time only because there is no empirical data of such eroded materials.[176] The presence of vegetables, in particular, is therefore minimal in archeological assemblages, but fruit—via fossilized seeds and pits—consequently features more frequently,[177] with evidence of cherry, strawberry, sloe, rowan, blackberry, bilberry, apple, and haws as present in Medieval cesspits.[131][159] Apples are frequently mentioned in Medieval texts of various kinds,[163][137][169] particularly about sweet varieties as valuable and rare offerings to nobles and lords,[155][173] and sour breeds as used to make cider, verjus, vinegar, and medicine.[178][179][119] That theological and dietetic discourse affected these texts also affected the corresponding behaviors by which certain foods were consumed[169]—to eat apples raw, for example, was frowned upon by medieval physicians[178] and so apples were generally cooked into puddings, or fermented into drinks.[169][119][163]

Fruit and herb consumption in the medieval period was particularly encapsulated in a medicinal fervor as unique fruits were prescribed and avoided for reasons concerning health.[122]

The perishable nature of fruits and vegetables also changed how they were consumed by challenging consumers to develop methods of preserving them.[180] Cooking and fermenting are already examples, but fruits were also commonly dried, pickled, or made into relishes using brine and honey.[181] Their omnipresence consequently precipitated the convention of eating many sweet and savory foods with jams, jellies, chutneys, and relishes.[169][119]

An herbal broth called brothchán, made with oatmeal and herbs served to the sick was one such dish accompanied by a fruit relish, notably on Sundays.[169] The recovery of several fruit presses also suggests that fruits were pressed into juices, though only on a domestic scale.[182][183]

Hazelnuts, having been an important Irish food from prehistory,[169][9][14][13] were still common in the medieval era, and ground into a meal called martial.[184]

There is also documentation of a wine trade between Ireland and Biscay from the 7th century,[185] as well as early Irish texts that reference a wine imported from Bordeaux specifically for church feasts,[169] bolstering substantial evidence of wine trade between Ireland, France, and England between the 12th and 15th centuries.[186]

Post-Medieval Ireland

The situation changed for the poor, who made up 75 percent of the population of around nine million by 1840. Potatoes formed the basis of many Irish dishes and were eaten both by the Anglo-Irish gentry and the mass of the people.

This was unusual as the potato was shunned in most of Europe for centuries after its introduction, particularly by the elites.

The potato was first introduced into Ireland in the second half of the 16th century, initially as a garden crop. It eventually came to be the main food crop of the poor. As a food source, the potato is extremely valuable in terms of the amount of energy produced per unit area of crop. The potato is also a good source of many vitamins and minerals, particularly vitamin C when fresh. Potatoes were widely cultivated, but in particular by those at a subsistence level. The diet of this group in this period consisted mainly of potatoes supplemented with buttermilk.

At this time Ireland produced large quantities of salted (corned) beef, almost all of it for export [citation needed]. The beef was packed into barrels to provision the navy, army, and merchant fleet. Corned beef became associated with the Irish in America where it was plentiful and used as a replacement for the bacon in bacon and cabbage. However, it was not traditional fare in Ireland.

Fresh meat was generally considered a luxury except for the most affluent until the late-19th century. A pig was often kept for bacon and was known as the "gentleman that pays the rent". Potatoes were also fed to pigs, to fatten them before their slaughter at the approach of the cold winter months. Much of the slaughtered pork would have been cured to provide ham and bacon that could be stored over the winter.

Chickens were not raised on a large scale until the emergence of town grocers in the 1880s allowed people to exchange surplus goods, like eggs, and for the first time purchase a variety of food items to diversify their diet.

The over-reliance on potatoes as a staple crop meant that the people of Ireland were vulnerable to poor potato harvests. The first Great Famine of 1739 was the result of extremely cold weather, but the famine of 1845–1849 (see Great Irish Famine) was caused by potato blight which spread throughout the Irish crop which consisted largely of a single variety, the Lumper. During the famine approximately one million people died and a million more emigrated.[187]

Tea was introduced during Ireland's time as part of the United Kingdom and became increasingly popular, especially during the 19th century. Irish people are now amongst the highest per capita tea drinkers in the world. Tea is drunk hot and with milk at all times of the day[citation needed]. Slightly stronger varieties are preferred than in England.[citation needed]

Great Famine

In 1845, the Great Famine began when many potato crops in Ireland had been infected with the mold that causes potato blight. This had turned their potatoes diseased and useless, putting many who were already in poverty into deeper poverty.[citation needed] The crop had failed due to potato blight in 1845–46, had little success in 1847, and failed once again in 1848.

The starving people tried eating the potatoes, and became extremely sick from eating them.[citation needed] They began eating a diet of eggs, birds, and plants like nettles and chickweed.[188] Many farmers bled their cattle out and fried the blood rather than eat their meat. With the cattle as malnourished as the people, the meat was not fit for consumption, so they resorted to using the blood mixed with herbs, garlic, oats, and butter, to use as a subsistence meal.[189] The extremely desperate and malnourished ate rats and worms found off the street.[citation needed]

Post-Famine migration

After the famine, many Irish women migrated to America to escape poverty, and were exposed to new ingredients and foods not common in Ireland, such as a greater variety of meats and produce.[190] Entering domestic service in America, they had to adapt their cooking to please the upper-class in America.

This was problematic at first due to Irish women clinging to foods and ingredients common in Ireland. This caused much prejudice towards Irish women and many would mock the Irish's lack of cooking skills without considering the famine and poverty Irish women grew up with.[clarification needed]

Newspapers, including the Women's Journal, published articles that contained prejudice towards Irish women for seemingly being unable to know how to cook.[191]

Irish women in domestic service later gained experience with ingredients abundant in America and altered Irish cuisine to be foods for pleasure. In Ireland, food was designed based on caloric intake, instead of for pleasure, such as foods in America.[192] Traditional Irish dishes started to include more meat and fruit and allowed for Irish food to stray from the stigma of being bland.[citation needed]

Modern era

Traditional Irish ingredients can be arranged by chefs to create a beautiful contemporary meal.

In the 21st century, the modern selection of foods familiar in the West has been adopted in Ireland. Common meals include pizza, curry, Chinese food, Thai food, and lately some Central European-Eastern European (especially Polish) dishes have been making an appearance, as ingredients for these and other cuisines have become more widely available.

In tandem with these developments, the last quarter of the 20th century saw the emergence of a new Irish cuisine based on traditional ingredients handled in new ways. This cuisine is based on fresh vegetables, fish (especially salmon and trout), oysters, mussels and other shellfish, traditional soda bread, the wide range of cheeses that are now being made across the country, and, of course, the potato.

Traditional dishes, such as Irish stew, coddle, the Irish breakfast, and potato bread have enjoyed a resurgence in popularity. Chef and food writer Myrtle Allen—an early protagonist of such attitudes and methods—went on to play a crucial role in their development and promotion.[193] Schools like the Ballymaloe Cookery School have emerged to cater for to associated increased interest in cooking.

Fish and chips take-away is popular. A fish and chip in Ireland is most commonly referred to as a chipper. The first fish and chips were sold in Dublin in the 1880s by an Italian immigrant from San Donato Val di Comino, Giuseppe Cervi. His wife Palma would ask customers "Uno di questa, uno di quella?" This phrase (meaning "one of this, one of the other") entered the vernacular in Dublin as "one and one", which is still a common way of referring to fish and chips in the city.[194]

In much of Ulster (especially Northern Ireland and County Donegal), fish and chips are usually known as a "fish supper". The restaurant from which the food is purchased and the food itself is often referred to as a "chippy" throughout many northern regions of the country.

The proliferation of fast food has led to increasing public health problems, including obesity, and it was reported in 2012 that as many as 327,000 Irish children had become obese or overweight, in response to the Irish government considered introducing a fast-food tax.[195] Government efforts to combat obesity have also included television advertising campaigns and educational programs in schools.[196]

Common foods

  • Dairy: butter, milk, buttermilk, cheese[197]
  • Grains: barley, oats, wheat
  • Freshwater fish: pollen, trout, salmon, smoked salmon, smoked trout
  • Seafood: mackerel, cod, hake, haddock, smoked haddock, mussels, oysters, lobster, crab, sea vegetables (seaweeds), dillisk
  • Meat: beef, chicken, duck, lamb, pork, turkey, goose, offal
  • Vegetables: curly kale, potatoes, carrots, onions, cabbage, rhubarb
  • Fruits: apple, pear, plum, blackberry, strawberry, raspberry, tomatoes
  • Herbs: parsley, thyme, rosemary, chives.
  • Spices: cinnamon, nutmeg, mixed spice, black pepper.

Traditional foods

Two loaves of barmbrack

Breads

Pork dishes

Traditional Irish glazed ham honey or whiskey sometimes eaten at Christmas.[clarification needed]
Boiled bacon and cabbage in Ireland is a traditional Irish dish, normally served with mashed potatoes and shredded cabbage.

Potato dishes

A bowl of colcannon, an Irish potato and kale dish

Seafood

The consumption of seafood, despite Ireland's enormous coastline, is not as common as in other maritime countries.[198] Irish people eat seafood well below the European average.[198] It may have been more common in the past but declined markedly in the last few centuries.

Irish-owned shipping was severely restricted under English governance from the late 16th century on. Ireland was traditionally a cattle-based economy and fish was associated with religious fasting. It was the traditional food of fast on Fridays, in common with other Catholic countries. Also, seafood—particularly shellfish—became associated with the poor and the shame of colonization.[199] However, seafood has remained an important part of the diet in coastal communities, and the consumption of fresh fish and seafood is now undergoing a resurgence all over Ireland.

In Dublin, the fish seller is celebrated in the traditional folk song Molly Malone, and in Galway the international Galway Oyster Festival is held every September.[200] An example of a modern Irish shellfish dish is Dublin Lawyer (lobster cooked in whiskey and cream).[201] Salmon and cod are perhaps the two most common types of fish eaten. Carrageen moss and dulse (both types of red algae) are commonly used in Irish seafood dishes.

Seaweed, by contrast, has always been an important part of the Irish diet and remains popular today. Two popular forms are dillisk (known in Ulster as dulse; Palmaria palmata) and Irish moss (carageen moss, Chondrus crispus, Mastocarpus stellatus).

Others

Meals

In modern times, most Irish people eat breakfast or bricfeasta (However, most people eat dinner around five o'clock today due to work) and tea or tae in the evening which is also called supper or suipéar.

Traditional beverages

Alcoholic

Non-alcoholic

Irish breakfast tea

Irish chefs

See also

References

Notes

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Further reading

  • Broadway, Michael. "Implementing the Slow Life in Southwest Ireland: A Case Study of Clonakilty and Local Food." Geographical Review 105.2 (2015): 216–234.
  • Danaher, Pauline. "From Escoffier to Adria: Tracking Culinary Textbooks at the Dublin Institute of Technology 1941–2013." M/C Journal 16.3 (2013).
  • Lucas, Anthony T. "Irish food before the potato." Gwerin: A Half-Yearly Journal of Folk Life 3.2 (1960): 8-43.
  • Mac Con Iomaire, M. (2004) "The history of seafood in Irish cuisine and culture,'" History Studies, Vol. 5, University of Limerick pp. 61–76. (http://arrow.dit.ie/tfschafart/106)
  • Mac Con Iomaire, M. (2008) "Searching for Chefs, Waiters, and Restaurateurs in Edwardian Dublin: A Culinary Historian's Experience of the 1911 Dublin Census Online" in Petits Propos Culinaires 86. pp. 92–126. (http://arrow.dit.ie/tfschafart/1/)
  • Mac Con Iomaire, M. and P. Gallagher (2009) "The Potato in Irish Cuisine and Culture" in Journal of Culinary Science and Technology Vol. 7, Issues 2–3, pp. 1–16 (http://arrow.dit.ie/tfschafart/3/)
  • Mac Con Iomaire, M. (2010) "The Pig in Irish Cuisine and Culture" in MC Journal – the Journal of Media and Culture, Vol. 13, No. 5. (http://arrow.dit.ie/tfschafart/2/)
  • Mac Con Iomaire, M. (2010) "Irish Corned Beef: A Culinary History" in Journal of Culinary Science and Technology, Vol. 9, No. 2. (http://arrow.dit.ie/tfschafart/23/)
  • Mac Con Iomaire, M. (2011) "The Changing Geography and Fortunes of Dublin's Haute Cuisine Restaurants 1958-2008," in Food, Culture & Society: An International Journal of Multidisciplinary Research, Vol. 14, No. 4. pp. 525–545. (http://arrow.dit.ie/tfschafart/112/)
  • Mac Con Iomaire, Máirtín (2 May 2012). "Coffee Culture in Dublin: A Brief History". M/C Journal. 15 (2).
  • Mac Con Iomaire, Máirtín. (2013) "Public dining in Dublin: The history and evolution of gastronomy and commercial dining 1700-1900." International Journal of Contemporary Hospitality Management 25.2 (2013): 227–246.

External links