Slavic Native Faith
The Slavic Native Faith, Rodnovery[note 1], or Slavic Neopaganism is a modern Pagan religion. Classified as a new religious movement, its practitioners model their faith on the pre-Christian belief systems of the Slavic peoples of central and eastern Europe. "Rodnovery" is a widely accepted self-descriptor within the community, although many Rodnover groups also employ additional terminologies to characterise the religion: Orthodoxy (Pravoslavie) and Vedism. Those who call themselves "Orthodox" (i.e. "believers in the right glory", the universal cosmic order), in perfect homonymy with Orthodox Christianity, hold that the term was usurped by Christians.
Rodnovers regard their religion as an as faithful as possible continuation of the indigenous Slavic religion, which they believe was never completely interrupted after the official adoption of Christianity by Slavic states between the 9th and the 12th centuries, as it was preserved in the so-called "double belief" (dvoeverie), that is the idea that the common people preserved the faith in the original gods behind Christianity. Aitamurto (2016) finds that such concept of "double belief" is embedded in Slavic identity, especially among Russians. It is popular in Russia the saying that "although Russia was baptised, it was never Christianised".
Rodnover theology may be described as pantheism and polytheism—worship of the supreme God of the universe and of the multiple gods and ancestors of nature identified through Slavic culture. For their beliefs and practices, Rodnovers use surviving historical, archaeological, and folkloric evidence as a basis, although approaches to this material vary considerably. Some Rodnover groups also incorporate elements of Hinduism and the historical Vedic religion of India, of which they regard themselves as the heirs (whence the adoption of the term "Vedism"). Slavic Native Faith groups often characterise themselves as "ethnic religions" and emphasise a connection between the religion and Slavic ethnicity that often manifests as nationalism. Some—although not all—groups adopt far-right and ultra-nationalistic perspectives and espouse anti-democracy, anti-Western and anti-Semitic ideas. Attitudes towards sex and gender are typically conservative.
The contemporary organised Rodnovery movement arose from a multiplicity of sources and charismatic leaders just at the brink of the collapse of the Soviet Union, and spread rapidly by the mid-1990s and the 2000s. Antecedants are to be found in late 18th- and 19th-century Slavic Romanticism, which glorified the pre-Christian beliefs of Slavic societies. Active religious practitioners devoted to establishing Slavic Native Faith appeared in Poland and Ukraine already in the 1930s and 1940s. Following the Second World War and the establishment of communist states throughout the Eastern Bloc, new variants were established by Slavic emigrants living in Western countries, being later introduced in Eastern European countries after the collapse of the Soviet Union. In recent times, the movement has been increasingly studied in academic scholarship.
- 1 Overview
- 2 Beliefs
- 3 Politics, ethnic identity and nationalism
- 4 Institutions, rites and practices
- 5 History
- 6 Branches, interwoven movements and influences
- 6.1 Ethnic or doctrinal variations of Rodnovery
- 6.2 Movements belonging to the Vedic spectrum
- 6.3 Movements paralleling Rodnovery and mutual influences
- 7 Demographics
- 8 Rodnover fine arts
- 9 See also
- 10 Notes
- 11 References
Scholars of religion regard Slavic Native Faith as a modern Pagan religion. They also characterise it as a new religious movement. The movement has no over-arching structure, or accepted religious authority, and contains much diversity in terms of belief and practice. The sociologist of religion Kaarina Aitamurto suggests that Rodnovery is sufficiently heterogeneous that it could be regarded itself not as a singular religion but as "an umbrella term that gathers together various forms of religiosity".
The scholar of religion Alexey Gaidukov described "Slavic Neopaganism" as a term pertaining to "all quasi-religious, political, ideological, and philosophical systems which are based on the reconstruction and construction of pre-Christian Slavic traditions". The scholar of religion Adrian Ivakhiv describes the religion as a movement which "harkens back to the pre-Christian beliefs and practices of ancient Slavic peoples", while according to the historian and ethnologist Victor A. Shnirelman, Rodnovers present themselves as "followers of some genuine pre-Christian Slavic, Russian or Slavic-Aryan Paganism".
Shnirelman states that—contrary to the beliefs of Rodnovers themselves—their religion does not actually constitute the "restoration of any pre-Christian religion as such". Rather, he describes the movement as having been "built up artificially by urbanised intellectuals who use fragments of early pre-Christian local beliefs and rites in order to restore national spirituality". In this way, Slavic Native Faith has been understood—at least in part—as an invented tradition. Simpson (2013) notices, studying the specific context of Poland, that unlike the pre-Christian belief systems of Slavic Europe, which were integral to the everyday fabric of their society, modern Slavic Native Faith believers have to develop new forms of social organisation which set them apart from established society. Textual evidence for these pre-Christian belief systems is scant, has been produced by Christian writers hostile to the systems being described, and is usually open to multiple interpretations.
A different perspective is offered by Svetlana Chervonnaya (1998), who sees the return to folk beliefs among Slavs as part of a broader phenomenon that is happening to "the mass religious mind" not merely of Slavic or Eastern European peoples, but to peoples all over Asia, and that expresses itself in new mythologemes endorsed by national elites. According to Shnirelman (2015), it was the Soviet Union's official "scientific" atheism combined with anti-Westernism, which severely weakened the infrastructure of universalist religions, that paved the way for the rise of Rodnovery and other modern Paganisms in Eastern Europe. After the Soviet Union, the pursuit of Rodnovery matured into the spiritual cultivation of organic folk communities (ethnoi) in the face of what Rodnovers consider as the alien cosmopolitan forces which drive global assimilation, chiefly represented by the Abrahamic religions. In the Russian intellectual milieu, Rodnovery also presents itself as the ideology of "nativism" (narodnichestvo), which in Rodnover's own historical analysis is destined to supplant what they call the "mono-ideologies" whose final bankruptcy the world is now witnessing.
Folk "double belief", ethnic religion and syncretism
In developing Slavic Native Faith, practitioners draw upon the primary sources informing on the pre-Christian belief systems of Slavic peoples, as well as elements drawn from later Slavic folklore, official and popular Christian belief, and from non-Slavic societies. Among these foreign influences have been beliefs and practices drawn from Hinduism, Buddhism, Zoroastrianism, Germanic Heathenry, as well as ideas drawn from various forms of esotericism. Other influences include documents like the Book of Veles, which claim to be genuine accounts of pre-Christian Slavic beliefs but which academics recognise as later compositions. According to the folklorist Mariya Lesiv, through this syncretic process, "a new religion is being created on the basis of the synthesis of elements from various traditions". Many practitioners do not acknowledge this practice of syncretism and instead profess an explicitly anti-syncretic attitude, emphasising the need to retain the "purity" of the religion and thus maintain its "authenticity".
Practitioners legitimise the incorporation of elements from folk culture into Slavic Native Faith through the argument that Slavic folk practices have long reflected a "double belief" (dvoeverie) system that retained pre-Christian beliefs and practices alongside Christianity. This is a concept that was especially popular among nineteenth-century ethnographers who were influenced by Romanticism and retains widespread popularity across Eastern Europe, but has come under criticism in more recent times. Although pre-Christian beliefs and practices influenced Christianity as it was established in the Middle Ages, folk practices have changed greatly over the intervening millennia. Nevertheless, many scholars provide sturdy evidences in support of double belief. For instance, scholar Linda J. Ivanits reports ethnographic studies documenting that even in late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Russia there were entire villages maintaining indigenous religious beliefs, whether in pure form or under the cover of a superficial Christianity.
The concept of double belief is especially significant in Russia, and for the identity of the Russian Orthodox Church; it is popular the dictum that "although Russia was baptised, it was never Christianised". Ivanits recognises an exceptionality of Russia compared to other European countries; "the Russian case is extreme", she says, because Russia — especially the vastity of rural Russia — neither lived the intellectual upheavals of the Renaissance, nor the Reformation, nor the Age of Enlightenment, which severely weakened folk spirituality in the rest of Europe. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union there has been a new wave of scholarly debate on the subject within Russia itself. A. E. Musin, an academic and deacon of the Russian Orthodox Church published an article about the "problem of double belief" as recently as 1991. In this article he divides scholars between those who say that Russian Orthodoxy adapted to entrenched indigenous faith, continuing the Soviet idea of an "undefeated paganism", and those who say that Russian Orthodoxy is an out-and-out syncretic religion. Slavic Native Faith adherents, as far as they are concerned, believe that they can take traditional folk culture, remove the obviously Christian elements, and be left with something that authentically reflects the pre-Christian belief systems of the Slavic peoples.
Some involved in the movement avoid calling their belief system either "paganism" or "religion". Many Rodnovers refer to their belief system as an "ethnic religion", and Rodnover groups were involved in establishing the World Congress of Ethnic Religions. The usage of this term suggests that the religion is restricted to a particular ethnic group. Some practitioners regard "ethnic religion" as a term synonymous with "Native Faith", but others perceive there as being a distinction between the two terms.
The most commonly used religious symbol within Rodnovery is the kolovrat, a swastika-like (Sanskrit: "wellbeing", "wellness") symbol. As such, it represents wholeness, the ultimate source of renewal, the cosmic order and the four directions. According to the studies of Boris Rybakov, such whirl and wheel symbols, which also include patterns like the "six-petaled rose inside a circle" and the "thunder mark" (gromovoi znak), represent Rod, the supreme power of birth and reproduction, and its various forms (whether Svetovid, Perun or other gods) and were still carved in folk traditions of north Russia up to the ninteenth century.
"Rodnovery" (Native Faith)
The majority of practitioners of modern Slavic Paganism call their religion "Native Faith". This term appears in slightly different forms depending on the Slavic language in question: in Ukrainian, it is Ridnovirstvo or Ridnovirya, in Russian Rodnoverie, in Polish Rodzimowierstwo, and in Czech Rodnovĕří. The term derives from the Proto-Slavic roots *rod (род), which means anything "indigenous", "ancestral" and "native", also "genus", "generation", "kin", "race" (cf. Russian родная rodnaya or родной rodnoy); and *vera, which means "faith", "religion". Within the community, it has also been used to define an elective community, namely the community of Native Faith practitioners themselves. The term has different histories and associations in each of these languages. The suffix -ism is usually avoided in favour of others that describe the religion as if it were a practice or craft (which is the meaning of the Ukrainian and Russian suffix -stvo, thus translatable with the Western suffix "-ery, -ry"). Sometimes the term "Rodnovery" has also been interpreted as meaning "faith of Rod", a reference to an eponymous concept found in ancient Russian and Ukrainian sources.
The earliest known usage of this term was by the Ukrainian emigree Lev Sylenko, who in 1964 established a mimeographed publication in Canada that was titled Ridna Vira ("Native Faith"). As an endonym, the term Ridnovir was in use among Ukrainians involved in the movement by at least 1995. From Ukraine, the term began to spread throughout other Slavic countries. In 1996, it was adopted by a Polish group, the "Association of Native Faith" (Zrzeszenie Rodzimej Wiary) and in 1997 by the Russian "Union of Slavic Rodnover Communities" (Союз Славянских Общин Славянской Родной Веры). By the early 2000s, the term was widespread across Slavic language countries. In 2002, six Russian Rodnover organisations issued the "Bittsa Agreement" (Bittsevskoe Obraschchenie), in which they expressed the view that "Rodnoverie" should be regarded as the foremost name of the religion. The spread of the term reflected the degree of solidarity in establishing a broader brand and a sense of international movement despite the disagreements and power struggles that permeated the groups. The term also came to be applied to the modern Pagan religions of non-Slavic groups; for instance, in the Polish language Lithuanian Romuva has been referred to as Rodzimowierstwo litewskie ("Lithuanian Native Faith") and Celtic Paganism has been referred to as Rodzimowierstwo celtyckie ("Celtic Native Faith").
As explained by Kaarina Aitamurto (2007), in addition to being the most used term, it is appropriate because of its meanings. Aside from its immediate acceptation, it has deeper senses related to its Slavic etymology that would be lost through translation, expressing the central concepts of the Slavic Native Faith. In some Rodnover groups, Rod is the primordial god, the supreme ancestor of the universe, that begets all the gods and all beings and things, and at the same time the kin (root or genus), the lineage or the ancestral bond that connects to the absolute source. Rodna or rodnaya is itself a concept which can denote the "nearest and dearest", and such impersonal community as one's native home or land.
"Orthodoxy", "Old Belief", "Vedism" and other terms
The appropriate name of the religion is an acute topic of discussion among practitioners active on social media. Many Rodnovers have adopted terms that are already used to refer to other religions, namely the historical Vedic religion and Orthodox Christianity. For instance, the Saint Petersburg-based "Union of the Veneds" (Soyuz Venedov) is one of the major organisations of the branch of Rodnovery known as "Peterburgian Vedism". They explain that "Vedism" derives from the word "to know" and implies that rather than dogmatically believing (verit), Vedists "know" or "see" (vedat) spiritual truths. The term was first employed by Yuri P. Mirolyubov—the writer or discoverer of the Book of Veles—in the mid-twentieth century, and later adopted by the founder of Peterburgian Vedism, Viktor Bezverkhy.
In Ukraine and Russia many important Rodnover groups advocate the designation of "Orthodoxy" (Russian: Православие Pravoslaviye, Ukrainian: Православ'я Pravoslav'ya) for themselves. They claim that the term, which refers to the universal order (Prav, cf. Vedic Ṛta), was usurped by the Christians. Another term employed by Rodnovers, but historically associated to the Orthodox Christian movement of the Old Believers, is "Starovery" (cf. Russian: Старове́ры Starovéry, "Old Faith"). According to Old Believers' publications, in contemporary Russia the definition "Old Faith/Belief" is popularly understood as referring to the Slavic Native Faith rather than to them; this terminological ambiguity has begun to be clarified more recently with the widespread adoption of the definition "Native Faith".
Some Slovenian practitioners use the Slovenian language term ajd, which is a loan-word of the Germanic-language heathen. When using English language terms to describe their religion, some Rodnovers favour "Heathen", in part due to a perceived affinity with the contemporary Germanic Heathens who also commonly use that term. Another term employed by some Rodnovers has been "practice of the Slavs", which appears especially in Polish (Słowiaństwo) and in Slovakian (Slovianstvo). Some Russians refer to their religion as "Slavism" and claim that the word "Slav" originally meant "he who praises his gods".
General descriptors: Western "pagan" and Slavic yazich
In Slavic languages the closest equivalent of "paganism" is poganstvo (taking for instance Russian; it itself deriving from Latin paganus), although Rodnovers widely reject this term due to its derogatory connotations. Indeed, many Slavic languages have two terms that are conventionally rendered as "pagan" in Western languages: the aforementioned pogan and языч yazich. The latter, which is a derivation of the near-homophonous язык yazik, "tongue", is prevalent and has a less negative acceptation, literally meaning "pertaining to (our own) language". It is often more accurately (though by no means thoroughly) translated as "Gentile" (i.e. pertaining "to the gens", "to the kin"), which in turn it itself renders in Slavic translations of the Bible. Some Russian and Ukrainian Rodnovers employ, respectively, Yazychestvo and Yazychnytstvo (i.e. "our own language craft", "Gentility"), but it is infrequent. Yazich has been adopted especially among Rodnovers speaking West Slavic languages, where it has not any connotations related to "paganism". Thus, Czech Rodnover groups have coined Jazyčnictví and Slovak Rodnovers have coined Jazyčníctvo.
By the mid-1930s, the term "Neopagan" had been applied to the Polish Zadruga group. It was adopted among Rodnovers in the 1990s—when it appeared in such forms as the Russian Neoyazychestvo and the Polish Neopogaństwo—but had been eclipsed by "Slavic Native Faith" in the 2000s. However, the prefix "neo-" within "Neopaganism" is a divisive issue among Rodnovers. Some practitioners dislike it because it minimises the continuity of indigenous pre-Christian beliefs. They regard themselves as restoring the original belief system rather than creating something new. Others embrace the term as a means of emphasising what they regard as the reformed nature of the religion; the Polish Rodnover Maciej Czarnowski for instance encouraged the term because it distinguished his practices from those of the pre-Christian societies, which he regarded as being hindered by superstition and unnecessary practices like animal sacrifice. Many Rodnovers straightforwardly reject the designator "paganism", whether "neo-", "modern", "contemporary" or without prefixes and further qualificators, asserting that these are "poorly defined" concepts whose use by scholars leads to a situation in which Rodnovery is lumped together with "all kinds of cults and religions" which have nothing to do with it.
Monism and polytheism: Rod and deities
Prior to their Christianisation, the Slavic peoples were polytheists, believing in a range of deities. Belief in these deities varied according to location and through time, with Slavs sometimes adopting the worship of deities from the pantheons of other, neighbouring linguistic groups. Both in Russia and in Ukraine, modern Rodnovers are divided among those who are monotheists and those who are polytheists; in other words, some emphasise a unitary principle of divinity, while others put emphasis on the distinct gods and goddesses. Some Rodnovers even describe themselves as atheists, believing that gods are not real entities but rather ideal symbols.
Monotheism and polytheism are not regarded as mutually exclusive. The shared underpinning is a pantheistic view that is holistic in its understanding of the universe. A rather common theological stance is that of monism, through which the many different gods (polytheism) are seen as manifestations of a single, universal God — generally identified by the concept of Rod, also known as Sud ("Judge") and Prabog ("Pre-God", "First God") among South Slavs. In the Russian and Ukrainian centres of Rodnover theology, the concept of Rod has been emphasised as particularly important. The term rod is attested in sources about pre-Christian religion referring to divinity and ancestrality. Mathieu-Colas defines it as the "primordial God", but the term also literally means the generative power of family and "kin", "birth", "origin" and "fate" as well. Its negative form, urod, means something wrenched, deformed, degenerated, monstruous. Sometimes, the meaning of the word is left deliberately obscure among Rodnovers, allowing for a variety of different interpretations. The Russian priests Veleslav (Ilya Cherkasov) and Dobroslav (Aleksei Dobrovolsky) explain Rod as a life force that comes in nature and is "all-pervasive" or "omnipresent". Cosmologically speaking, Rod is conceived as the spring of universal emanation, which articulates in a cosmic hierarchy of gods.
When emphasising this monism, Rodnovers may define themselves as rodnianin, "believers in God" (or "in nativity", "in genuinity"). Already the pioneering Ukrainian leader Shaian argued that God manifests as a variety of different deities. This theological explanation is called "manifestationism" by some contemporary Rodnovers, and implies the idea of a spirit–matter continuum; the different gods, who proceed from the supreme God, generate differing categories of things not as their external creations (as objects), but embodying themselves as these entities. In their view, beings are the progeny of gods; even phenomena such as the thunder are conceived in this way as embodiments of these gods (in this case, Perun). In the wake of this theology, it is common among Slavic Native Faith practitioners to say that "we are not God's slaves, but God's sons". Some Rodnover groups espouse the idea that specific Slavic populations are the sons of peculiar facets of God; for instance, groups who rely upon the tenth-century manuscript The Lay of Igor's Host may affirm the idea that Russians are the grandchildren of Dazhbog (the "Giving God", "Day God").
Pantheons of deities are not unified among practitioners of Slavic Native Faith. Different Rodnover groups often have a preference for a particular deity over others. The Union of Russian Rodnover Communities founded and led by Vadim Kazakov recognises a pantheon of over thirty deities emanated by the supreme Rod; these include attested deities from Slavic pre-Christian and folk traditions, Slavicised Hindu deities (such as Vyshen, i.e. Vishnu, and Intra, i.e. Indra), Iranian deities (such as Simurgh and Khors, though these are attested as having been part of the Slavic pantheon since ancient times), deities from the Book of Veles (such as Pchelich), and figures from Slavic folk tales such as the wizard Koschei. Another Russian Rodnover leader, Nikolai Speransky (volkhv Velimir), emphasises a dualistic eternal struggle between forces of good and evil; the former represented by Belobog ("White God"), who created the human soul, and the latter by Chernobog ("Black God"), who created the human body. Rodnovers also believe and worship tutelary deities of specific elements, lands and environments, such as waters, forests and the household. Gods may be subject to functional changes among modern Rodnovers; for instance, the traditional god of livestock and poetry Veles is called upon as the god of literature and communication.
In Ukraine, there has been a debate as to whether the religion should be monotheistic or polytheistic. In keeping with the pre-Christian belief systems of the region, the groups who inherit Volodymyr Shaian's tradition, among others, espouse polytheism. Conversely, Sylenko's Native Ukrainian National Faith (RUNVira for short, called "Sylenkoism" in some academic scholarship) regards itself as monotheistic and focuses its worship upon a single God who they identify with the name Dazhbog. For members of this group, Dazhbog is regarded as the life-giving energy of the cosmos.
Sylenko characterised Dazhbog as "light, endlessness, gravitation, eternity, movement, action, the energy of unconscious and conscious Being". Based on this description, Ivakhiv argued that Sylenkoite theology might better be regarded as pantheistic or panentheistic rather than monotheistic. Sylenko acknowledged that the ancient Ukrainian-Rus were polytheists but believed that a monotheistic view reflected an evolution in human spiritual development and thus should be adopted. A similar view is adopted by Russian Ynglism (the "Ancient Russian Ynglist Church of the Orthodox Old Believers—Ynglings"; Древнерусская Инглиистическая Церковь Православных Староверов—Инглингов, Drevnerusskaya Ingliisticheskaya Tserkov' Pravoslavnykh Staroverov—Inglingov). Lesiv recorded one RUNVira member who related that "we cannot believe in various forest, field and water spirits today. Yes, our ancestors believed in these things but we should not any longer". For RUNVira members, polytheism is regarded as backward. Some polytheist Rodnovers have regarded the approach adopted by Sylenko's followers as an inauthentic approach to the religion.
Belobog and Chernobog
According to the Book of Veles, and to the doctrine accepted by many Rodnover organisations, the supreme Rod begets Prav (literally "Right" or "Order"; cf. Greek Orthotes, Sanskrit Ṛta) in primordial undeterminacy (chaos), giving rise to the circular pattern of Svarog ("Heaven", "Sky"; cf. Sanskrit Svarga), which constantly multiplies generating new worlds (world-eggs). Prav works by means of a dual dynamism, represented by Belobog ("White God") and Chernobog ("Black God"); they are two aspects of the same, appearing themselves in reality as the forces of waxing and waning, giving rise to polarities like up and down, light and dark, male and female, singular and plural. Man and woman are further symbolised by father Svarog itself and mother Lada.
This supreme polarity is also represented by the relation between Rod and the Rodzanicy ("Generatrixes"), the three goddesses who interweave destiny, attested in the expression Rod-Rodzanicy ("God and the Goddesses"). Mathieu-Colas says that they may be aspects of a singular mother goddess, Rodzanica, counterpart of the supreme Rod. Among South Slavs, where Rod is known as Sud ("Judge"), the three goddesses of destiny are known as Sudenicy (singular Sudenica, literally "She who Judges").
Triglav and Svetovid
In duality, the supreme Rod's luminous aspect (Belobog) manifests ultimately as threefold, Triglav ("Three-Headed One"). The first of the three persons is the aforementioned Svarog ("Heaven"), and the other two are Svarog's further expressions as Perun ("Thunder") and Svetovid (the "Worldseer", itself four-faced). They correspond to the three dimensions of the cosmos, and to the three qualities of soul, flesh and power. Svarog represents Prav itself and soul, Perun represents Yav and flesh, and Svetovit represents Nav and spiritual power. According to Shnirelman (1998), this triune vision and associations were codified by Yuri P. Mirolyubov and further elaborated by Valery Yemelyanov, both interpreters of the Book of Veles. In olden times, already Ebbo documented that the Triglav was seen as embodying the connection and mediation between Heaven, Earth and the underworld; in turn, the three dimensions were respectively represented by the colours white, green and black as documented by Karel Jaromír Erben. Other names of the two manifestations of Svarog are Dazhbog ("Giving God", "Day God") and Svarozhich (the god of fire, literally meaning "Son of Heaven"). The netherworld, especially in its dark aspect, is also traditionally embodied by Veles, who in this function is the god of waters but also the one who guides athwart them (cf. Sanskrit Varuna).
In his study of Slavic cosmology, Jiří Dynda (2014), compares this axis mundi concept to similar ones found in other Indo-European cultures. He gives weight to the Triglav as a representation of what Georges Dumézil studied as the "Indo-European trifunctional hypothesis" (holy, martial and economic functions reflected by three human types and social classes). The Triglav also represents the interweaving of the three dimensions of time, metaphorically represented as a three-threaded rope. By Ebbo's words, the Triglav is summus deus, the god representing the "sum" of the three dimensions of reality as a mountain or tree (themselves symbols of the axis mundi). In a more abstract theoretical formulation, Dynda says that the three (Triglav) completes the two by springing out as the middle term between the twosome (Belobog and Chernobog), and in turn the threesome implicates the four (Svetovid) as its own middle term of potentiality.
Svetovid ("Worldseer", or more accurately "Lord of Holiness") is the four-faced god of war and light, and "the most complete reflection of the Slavic cosmological conception", the union of the four horizontal directions of space with the three vertical tiers of the cosmos (Heaven, Earth and the underworld), and with the three times. Helmold defined Svetovid as deus deorum ("god of all gods"); Dynda further defines Svetovid, by Jungian words, as a "fourfold (quaternitas) potentiality which comes true in threefoldness (triplicitas)". His four faces are the masculine Svarog ("Heaven", associated to the north direction and the colour white) and Perun ("Thunder", the west and red), and the feminine Mokosh ("Wetness", the east and green) and Lada ("Beauty", the south and black). The four directions and colours also represent the four Slavic lands of original sacred topography.[note 4] They also represent the spinning of the four seasons.
Ultimately, Svetovid embodies in unity the supreme duality (Belobog and Chernobog) through which Rod manifests itself as Prav, and the axial interconnection of the three times with the four dimensions of present space. In other words, he represents Prav spiritualising Yav as Nav; or Svarog manifesting as spirit (Perun) in the material world governed by Veles. Dynda says that this conception reflects a common Indo-European spiritual vision of the cosmos, the same which was also elaborated in early and medieval Christianity as God who is at the same time creator (father), creature (son) and creating activity (spirit).
According to the Book of Veles, reality has three dimensions, namely the aforementioned Prav, Yav and Nav. Prav ("Right") itself is the level of the gods, who generate entities according to the supreme order of Rod; gods and the entities that they beget "make up" the great Rod. Yav ("actuality") is the level of matter and appearance, the here and now in which things appear in light, coalesce, but also dissolve in contingency; Nav ("probability") is the thin world of human ancestors, of spirit, consisting in the memory of the past and the projection of the future, that is to say the continuity of time. Prav, the universal cosmic order otherwise described as the "Law of Heaven", permeates and regulates the other two hypostases.
In her theological commentaries to the Book of Veles, Ukrainian Rodnover leader Halyna Lozko betones the cosmological unity of the three planes of Heaven, Earth and humanity between them. She gives a definition of Rodnover theology and cosmology as "genotheism". God, hierarchically manifesting as different hypostases, a multiplicity of gods emerging from the all-pervading force Svarog, is genetically (rodovid) linked to humanity. On the human plane God is incarnated by the kin or lineage, in the Earth. Ethics and morality ultimately stem from this cosmology, as harmony with nature is possible only in the relationship between an ethnic group and its land. This is also the meaning of the worship of human ancestors, whether the Slavs' general forefather Or or Oryi, or local forefathers such as Dingling worshipped by Vladivostok Rodnovers. Divine ancestors are the spirits who generate and hold together kins, they are the kins themselves. The Russian volkhv Dobroslav emphasises the importance of blood heritage, since, according to him, the violation of kinship purity brings about the loss of the relationship with the kin's divine ancestor. Ukrainian Rodnover and scholar Yuri Shylov has developed a theory of God as a spiral "information field" that expresses itself in self-conscious humanity, which comes to full manifestation in the Indo-European "Saviour" archetype.
Morality and ethics
Rodnovery emphasises the "this-worldliness" of morality and moral thinking, seen as a voluntary and thoughtful responsibility towards the others that sprouts from the awareness of the interconnectedness of all things and of the continuity of spirit–matter, and not as a strict set of rules. Although some Rodnovers believe in an afterlife, Iriy or Vyriy, they argue that retribution is not deferred to such future; since gods manifest themselves as the natural phenomena, and in people as lineage descendants, Rodnovers believe that actions and their outcomes unfold and are to be dealt with in the present world. People are viewed as having unique responsibilities towards their own contexts: for instance, the right of parents is to take care of their children, the right of ancestors is to be honoured, and the land deserves to be recked and cultivated. Rodnovers blame Christianity for transferring personal responsibility into a transcendent future, when actions will be judged by God and people either smitten or forgiven for their sins, in fact exempting people from responsibility. According to Rodnovers, justice and truth have to be realised in this life, so that "turning the other cheek", waiving agency and intervention in the things of this world, is considered immoral and equivalent to welcoming wrongness. In other words, fleeing from the commitment towards the forces at play in the present context is the same as denying the gods; it disrupts morality, impairing the individual, society, and the world itself.
Rodnovers value individual responsibility as the cornerstone for the further maturation of humanity, equating the conversion to Rodnovery with such maturation. This emphasis on individuality is not ad odds with the value of solidarity, since collective responsibility is seen as arising from the union of the right free decisions of reflexive individuals. By using terms of Émile Durkheim, Aitamurto (2016) says that what Rodnovers reject is "egoistic individualism", not "moral individualism". Immediately related to the morality of a responsible community is the respect for the umbegoing context and the natural world in general, or what Aitamurto defines "ecological responsibility".
Rodnover ethics have been dealing with a wide range of contemporary social issues. Through the categories of contemporary sociology, Rodnover views are generally defined conservative. Aitamurto (2008) summarised these views as: patriarchy, solidarity and homogeneity, with the latter two seen as intrinsically related. Shnirelman (2013) observed that Rodnovers' calls for social justice tend to apply only to their own perceived ethnic community. There have been difficulties with Rodnover involvement in the wider environmentalist movement as a result of many environmentalists' unease with the racial and anti-Christian themes that are prominent in the religion.
Within Rodnovery, gender roles are generally conservative as well. Rodnovers often subscribe to the view that men and women are fundamentally different and thus their tasks also differ. Men are seen as innately disposed towards "public" life and the abstract thought that is needed for it, while women are seen as better realising themselves in the "private" administration of the family and the resources of the house. It may therefore be said that Rodnovers are not countercultural, but rather reinforce established traditional values. In this, they seek to present themselves as a stabilising and responsible social force.
Ideas and practices perceived as coming from Western liberal society—which Rodnovers perceive as degenerate—are denounced as threats to Slavic culture; for instance, alcohol and drug consumption, perverted sexual behaviours and miscegenation are commonly rejected by Rodnovers, while they emphasise healthy family life in harmonious environments. Aitamurto and Gaidukov noted that "hardly any women" in Russian Rodnovery would call themselves feminists, partly due to Rodnover beliefs on gender and partly due to the negative associations that the word "feminism" has in Russian culture. In adopting such a conservative stance to sexual ethics, practitioners of Rodnovery can adopt misognyistic and homophobic attitudes. Aitamurto and Gaidukov noted that it would be "difficult to imagine that any Rodnover community would accept members who are openly homosexual". Many groups in both Russia and Ukraine critique mixed-race unions; for instance, the Ynglist Church's doctrine articulates a condemnation of race mixing as unhealthy.
The Russian-based Circle of Pagan Tradition distinguishes itself for its more accommodating positions—compared to those of other organisations—about the coexistence of different lifestyles, holding that tolerance should be a key value. They reflect their stance in the slogan "unity in diversity". This organisation has also placed greater emphasis on environmentalist issues over nationalist ones, and has called on its members to vote for the Green Russia party.
Politics, ethnic identity and nationalism
The notion that modern Rodnovery is closely tied to the pre-Christian belief systems of Slavic peoples is a very strong one among practitioners. There is no evidence that the early Slavs ever conceived of themselves as a unified ethno-cultural group. There is an academic consensus that the Proto-Slavic language developed from about the second half of the first millennium BCE in an area of Central and Eastern Europe bordered by the Dnieper basin to the east, the Vistula basin to the west, the Carpathian Mountains to the south, and the forests beyond the Pripet basin to the north. Over the course of several centuries, Slavic populations migrated in northern, eastern, and south-western directions. In doing so, they branched out into three sub-linguistic families: the Eastern Slavs (Ukrainians, Belarussians, Russians), the Western Slavs (Poles, Czechs, Slovaks), and the Southern Slavs (Slovenes, Serbs, Croats, Macedonians, and Bulgarians). The belief systems of these Slavic communities had many affinities with those of neighbouring linguistic populations, such as the Balts, Thracians, and Indo-Iranians. Slavic Native Faith practitioners also adopt elements from later folk culture, including from the ethnographic record of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
The scholar of religion Scott Simpson states that Slavic Native Faith is "fundamentally concerned with questions of community and ethnic identity". Shnirelman notes that the movement is "obsessed with the idea of origin". Rodnovery typically displays greater concern for collective rights than individual rights. Most Rodnover groups will permit only Slavs as members, although there are a few exceptions.
Many Russian Rodnover groups are strongly critical of democracy, modern liberal democracy, which they see as a degenerate form of government that leads to "cosmopolitan chaos". According to Shnirelman (2012) they favour instead political models of a centralised state led by a strong leader. Aitamurto (2008), otherwise, characterises the political models proposed by Rodnovers as based on their interpretation of the ancient Slavic community model of the veche (assembly), similar to the ancient Germanic "thing". Nineteenth- and twentieth-century intellectuals often intepreted the veche as a anti-hierarchic and democratic model, while later Soviet Marxist tended to identify it as "pre-capitalist democracy". The term already had ethnic and national connotations, which were underlined by nineteenth-century Slavophiles, and nationalist circles in the last decades of the Soviet Union and from the 1990s onwards.
Many Rodnover groups call their organisation structure veche. Aitamurto finds that it proves to be useful in what she terms as Rodnvery's "democratic criticism of democracy" (of liberal democracy). According to her, the veche as interpreted by Rodnovers represents a vernacular form of governance similar to ancient Greek democracy. According to the view shared by many Rodnovers, while liberal democracy ends up in chaos because it is driven by the decisions of the masses, who are not wise; the veche represents a form of "consensual decision-making" of assemblies of wise elders, and power is exercised by wise rulers. Ynglists call this model samoderzhavie, "people ruling themselves". Western liberal ideas of freedom and democracy are traditionally perceived by Russian eyes as "outer" freedom, contrasting with Slavic "inner" freedom of the mind; in Rodnovers' view, Western liberal democracy is "destined to execute the primitive desires of the masses or to work as a tool in the hands of a ruthless elite", being therefore a mean-spirited "rule of demons". Aitamurto also describes many Rodnovers' political philosophy as elitism, in which not everyone is reputed as having the same decision ability; the most conservative Rodnovers espouse the ideal that "the opinion of a prostitute cannot have the same weight as the opinion of a professor".
In these ideas of grassroots democracy which comes to fruition in a wise governance, Aitamurto sees an incarnation of the traditional Russian challenge of religious structures and alienated governance—such as autocratic monarchy and totalitarian communism—for achieving a personal relationship with the sacred, which is at the same time a demand of social solidarity and responsibility. She presents the interpretation of the myth of Perun who slashes the snake guilty of theft, provided by Russian volkhv Velimir, as symbolising the ideal relationship and collaboration between the ruler and the people, with the ruler serving the people who have chosen him by acting as an authority who provides them with order, and in turn is respected by the people with loyalty for his service. Some Rodnovers interpret the veche in ethnic terms, thus as a form of "ethnic democracy", in the wake of similar concepts found in the French Nouvelle Droite of Alain de Benoist (European New Right).
The ethnic dimension emphasised by Rodnovers easily becomes a form of nationalism, and has usually been characterised as a form of ethnic nationalism. As aforesaid, many within Rodnovery espouse ideas which match those promoted by the French Nouvelle Droite. In its founding statement from 1998, the "Federation of Ukrainian Rodnovers" led by Halyna Lozko declared that many of the world's problems stem from the "mixing of ethnic cultures", something which it claims has resulted in the "ruination of the ethnosphere", which they regard as an integral part of the Earth's biosphere. For instance, volkhv Dobroslav—who holds a position of high respect within Russia's Rodnover community—calls for a "Russian national socialism" and "Pagan socialism", entailing "harmony with Nature, a national sovereignty and a just social order". Lev Sylenko taught that humanity was naturally divided up into distinct ethno-cultural groups, each with its own life cycle, religiosity, language, and customs, all of which had to spiritually progress in their own way. Many Ukrainian Rodnovers emphasise a need for ethnic purity and oppose what they regard as "culturally destructive" phenomena such as cosmopolitanism, liberalism, and globalisation, as well as Americanisation and consumerism. Ethnic purity is a central emphasis of groups like the Ynglist Church, which promotes racial segregation. Various Rodnovers have demanded a prohibition on mixed-race marriages.
Aitamurto suggested that Russian Rodnovers' conceptions of nationalism encompass three main themes: that "the Russian or Slavic people are a distinct group", that they "have—or their heritage has—some superior qualities", and that "this unique heritage or the existence of this ethnic group is now threatened, and, therefore, it is of vital importance to fight for it". There are Russian Rodnovers who promote both of the common views in Russian nationalism: some seek an imperialist policy that expands Russia's territory across Europe and Asia, while others seek to reduce the area controlled by the Russian Federation to only those areas with an ethnic Russian majority. The place of nationalism, and of ethnic Russians' relationship to other ethnic groups inhabiting the Russian Federation, has been a key issue of discussion among Russian Rodnovers. Some express xenophobic views and encourage the removal of those regarded as "aliens" from Russia, namely those who are Jewish or have ethnic origins in the Caucasus. For these practitioners, ethnic minorities are viewed as the cause of social justice in Russia. According to Shnirelman (2013), given that around 20% of the Russian Federation is not ethnically Russian, the ideas of ethnic homogeneity embraced by many Russian Rodnovers could only be achieved through ethnic cleansing. Shnirelman fails to consider that the territorial release of several of the majority non-Russian republics of Russia and autonomous okrugs of Russia would result in the same reduction of ethnic minorities in Russia without any need for violence whatsoever, which is the approach called for by peaceful Russian Rodnovers.
Various Russian practitioners are openly anti-Semitic, and express anti-Semitic conspiracy theories claiming that Jews control Russia's economic and political elite. For example, the Ukrainian leader Halyna Lozko produced a prayer manual titled Pravoslav in which "Don't get involved with Jews!" was listed as the last of ten "Pagan commandments". Extreme right-wing nationalists are also present within the Polish Native Faith community.
Shnirelman observed that Russian practitioners usually deny or downplay the racist and Nazi elements within their community. There are various Rodnover groups in Russia which are openly inspired by Nazi Germany. Among those groups that are ideologically akin to Neo-Nazism, the term "Nazi" is rarely embraced, in part due to the prominent role that the Soviet Union played in the defeat of Nazi Germany. Some Rodnovers claim that those who adopt such extreme right-wing perspectives are not true Rodnovers because their interests in the movement are primarily political rather than religious. As noted by Shnirelman, there remains a loose boundary between the explicitly politicised nationalists and the less politicised wing of the Russian Rodnovery movement. He added that ethnic nationalist and racist views were present even in those Rodnovers who did not identify as explicitly political. According to Pilkington and Popov (2009), Cossack Native Faith believers generally eschew Nazism and racial interpretations of the Aryan theory.
Trends of de-politicisation of the Russian Native Faith community have been influenced by the introduction of anti-extremist legislation, and the lack of any significant political opposition to the United Russia government of Vladimir Putin. Simpson noted that in Poland, there has been an increasing trend to separate the religion from explicitly political activities and ideas during the 2010s. The Russian Circle of Pagan Tradition (Круг Языческой Традиции; CPT for short) recognises Russia as a multi-ethnic and multi-cultural state, and has developed links with other religious communities in the country, such as practitioners of Mari Native Faith. Members of the CPT prefer to characterise themselves as "patriots" rather than "nationalists" and seek to avoid any association with the idea of "Russia for the Russians". Aitarmurto suggested that the different wings of the Rodnover movement "attract different kinds of people approaching Paganism from quite diverging points of departure". She and Shizhenskii suggested that expressions of ultra-nationalism were considered socially unacceptable at one of the largest Rodnover event in Russia, the Kupala festival outside Maloyaroslavets.
Rodnover ideas and symbols have also been adopted by many Russian nationalists—including in the Russian skinhead movement—not all of whom embrace Rodnovery as a religion. Some of these far-right groups merge Rodnover elements with others adopted from Germanic Heathenry and from Russian Orthodox Christianity. A number of young practitioners of Slavic Native Faith have been detained on terrorism charges in Russia; in 2008-09, teenaged Rodnovers forming a group called the Slavic Separatists conducted at least ten murders and planted bombs across Moscow targeting Muslims and non-ethnic Russians.
Views on Slavic and Indo-European history
Many practitioners of Slavic Native Faith legitimise their practices by highlighting and magnifying their Slavic ancestors by according them great cultural achievements. Aitamurto stated that one of Rodnovery's "most characteristic features" was its "extremely imaginative and exaggerated descriptions of Russia's history". Similarly, Dulov noted that the "interpretations of history" articulated by Bulgarian practitioners are "rather fantastic". However, Aitamurto and Gaidukov later noted that the "wildly imaginative" ideas typical of the 1980s were in decline, and that—within Russia at least—"a more realistic attitude" to the past was "gaining ground" in the 21st century. Some Rodnovers openly combat documents like the Vseyasvetnaya gramota, pejoratively referring to them as "New Age" and claiming that they serve to discredit the movement. In Ukraine, Slavic Native Faith groups and RUNVira express different views of the past. The latter consciously seek to modify ancient beliefs and update them, while the former emphasise the need for direct emulation of the pre-Christian peoples, regarding this as a source of authenticity.
Many practitioners of Slavic Native Faith regard the Book of Veles as a holy text, and as a genuine pre-Christian document. Its composition is attributed by Rodnovers to ninth- or early tenth-century Slavic priests who wrote it in Polesia or the Volyn region of modern north-west Ukraine. Russian interpreters, however, locate this event much further east and north. The Book contains hymns and prayers, sermons, mythological, theological and political tracts, and historical narrative. It tells the wandering, over about one thousand and five hundred years of the ancestors of the Rus', identified as the Oryans (the book's version of the word "Aryan"), between the Indian subcontinent and the Carpathian Mountains, with modern Ukraine ultimately becoming their main homeland. Ivakhiv (2005) says that this territorial expansiveness is the main issue that makes historians wary of the Book. Aitamurto described the work as a "Romantic description" of a "Pagan Golden Age".
The fact that many scholars outspokenly reject the Book as a modern, twentieth-century composition has added to the allure that the text has for many Slavic Native Faith practitioners. According to them, such criticism is an attempt to "suppress knowledge" carried forward either by Soviet-style scientism or by "Judaic cosmopolitan" forces. A number of Ukrainian scholars defend the truthfulness of the Book, including literary historian Borys Yatsenko, archaeologist Yuri Shylov, and writers Valery Shevchuk, Serhy Plachynda, Ivan Bilyk, and Yuri Kanyhin. These scholars claim that criticism of the Book primarily comes from Russians interested in promoting a Russocentric view of history which sets the origin of all East Slavs in the north, while the Book shows that southern Rus' civilisation is much older, and nearer to Ukrainians themselves, West Slavs, South Slavs and the eastern Indo-European composers of the Vedas, than to Russians. For many Ukrainian Rodnovers, the Book provides them with a cosmology, ethical system, and ritual practices that they can follow, and confirms their belief that the ancient Ukrainians had a literate and advanced civilisation prior to the arrival of Christianity. Other modern literary works that have influenced the movement, albeit on a smaller scale, include The Songs of the Bird Gamayon, Koliada's Book of Stars, The Song of the Victory on the Jewish Khazaria of Sviatoslav the Brave or The Rigveda of Kiev.
Some Rodnovers believe that Slavic people constitute a race whose origin is distinct from that of other ethnic groups. According to them, Slavs are the directest descendants of ancient Aryans, who they equate with the Proto-Indo-Europeans. Some Rodnovers espouse esoteric teachings which hold that these Aryans have spiritual origins linked to astral patterns of the north celestial pole (cf. circumpolar stars), around the pole star, such as the Great Bear, or otherwise to the Orion constellation. According to further teachings the Aryans originally dwelt at the geographic North Pole, where they lived until the weather became too cold and they moved southwards. Other Rodnovers emphasise that the Aryans germinated in Russia's southern steppes. In claiming an Aryan ancestry, Slavic Native Faith practitioners can legitimise their cultural borrowing from other ethno-cultural groups who they claim are also Aryan descendants, such as the Germanic peoples or those of the Indian subcontinent. Another belief held by some Rodnovers is that many ancient societies—including those of the Egyptians, Hittites, Sumerians, and Etruscans—were created by Slavs, but that this has been concealed by Western scholars eager to deny the Slavic peoples knowledge of their true history.
Some Russian Rodnovers believe that Russia has a messianic role to play in human history and eschatology; Russia would be destined to be the final battleground between good and evil or the centre of post-apocalyptic civilisation which will survive the demise of the Western world. At this point—they believe—the entire Russian nation will embrace the Slavic Native Faith. Russian Rodnover leader Aleksandr Asov believes that the Book of Veles will be the "geopolitical weapon of the next millennium" through which an imperial, Eurasianist Russia will take over the spiritual and political leadership of the world from the degenerated West. Others believe that the new spiritual geopolitical centre will be Ukraine. In 2006, a conference of the European New Right was held in Moscow under the title "The Future of the White World", with participants including Rodnover leaders such as Ukraine's Halyna Lozko and Russia's Pavel Tulaev. The conference focused on ideas for the establishment in Russia of a political entity that would function as a new epicentre of white race and civilisation, enshrining the "religion, philosophy, science and art" that emanate from the "Aryan soul",:90-91 either taking the form of Guillaume Faye's "Euro-Siberia", Aleksandr Dugin's "Eurasia", or Pavel Tulaev's "Euro-Russia".:84-85 According to Tulaev, Russia enshrines in its own name the essence of the Aryans, one of the etymologies of Rus being from a root that means "bright", whence "white" in mind and body.:86 Such eschatological and racial beliefs are explicitly rejected by other Rodnovers, like the Russian Circle of Pagan Tradition.
Although their understanding of the past is typically rooted in spiritual conviction rather than in arguments that would be acceptable within contemporary Western scientific paradigms, many Rodnovers seek to promote their beliefs about the past within the academia. In Poland, archaeologists and historians have been hesitant about any contribution that Slavic Native Faith practitioners can make to understandings of the past. Similarly, in Russia, many of the larger and more notable universities refuse to give a platform to Rodnover views, but smaller, provincial institutions have sometimes done so. Within Russia, there are academic circles in which a "very vivid trend of alternative history" is promoted; these circles share many of the views of Slavic Native Faith practitioners, particularly regarding the existence of an advanced, ancient Aryan race from whom ethnic Russians are descended. For instance, Gennady Zdanovich, the discoverer of Arkaim (an ancient Indo-European site) and leading scholar about it and broader Sintashta culture, is a supporter of the views of the history of the Aryans that are popular within Rodnovery and is noted for his spiritual teachings about how sites like Arkaim were ingenious "models of the universe". For this, Zdanovich has been criticised by publications of the Russian Orthodox diocese of Chelyabinsk, especially in the person of colleague archaeologist Fedor Petrov, who "begs the Lord to forgive" for the corroboration that archaeology has provided to the Rodnover movement.
Views on Christianity
Many Slavic Native Faith practitioners consciously reject Christianity or adopt anti-Christian views. Some also take a hostile stance toward Judaism, which they regard as having spawned Christianity. In general, Judaism is considered the first thought system to have demonised the Earth, identifying it with hell, due to the fact of Jews being people without land of their own; Christianity is considered as a system that destroys morality by casting human responsibility away from the present world and in a transcendent future. Abrahamic religions in general are considered as forces which lead to the destruction of organic peoples. For many Rodnovers, Christianity has to be regarded as a foreign force that is destroying Slavic culture, or as a force that has left Russia under the control of Jews. Christianity is also criticised as being anthropocentric, and thus responsible for ecological disruption. In Russia, Rodnovers often criticise Christianity for its claim to have a monopoly on truth; they regard it as an example of "mono-ideology", and compare it to Soviet Marxism. Even capitalism is considered a product of Abrahamic religions; Russian Rodnover leader Dobroslav declared that "nature-swallowing capitalism is an ugly child of the Judeo-Christian civilisation", and that "the only way out is to go back ... from the cult of profit to the cult of life", back to indigenous religions.
The folklorist Mariya Lesiv observed Rodnovers marching in Kiev in 2006 chanting "Out with Jehovah! Glory to Dazhboh!" Simpson noted that in Poland, several practitioners launched a poster campaign against Valentines Day, which they regarded as not being an authentically Polish celebration. In Russia, Slavic Native Faith practitioners have been responsible for the vandalism and arson attacks carried out on various churches.
Slavic Native Faith practitioners often reject Christian ideas of humility, regarding them as antithetical to a Rodnover emphasis on courage and fighting spirit. In general, Christianity is regarded as a religion of servility (rab) and obligation, and obedience to the priests, while Rodnovery is regarded as freedom of choice and faith in Rod, the principle from whom everything emanates. Pilkington and Popov (2009) report the definition given by Koldun—a Rodnover priest from Krasnodar—of Rodnovery not as "religion" at all, but as "faith". In his view, "religion", in the sense of universalist mass-religions, is a reduction of individuals to amorphous throngs, in which individual identity is lost. Contrariwise, "faith", like in Rodnovery, is true knowledge (znat' pravdu), which has to be acquired by individuals through conscious effort.
Christians have also been responsible for opposition to Slavic Native Faith, for instance through the establishment of social media groups against the movement. The Russian Orthodox Church has expressed opposition to the growth and spread of Slavic Native Faith across Russia on various occasions. In the 2000 edition of his book Sektovedeniye, Russian Orthodox theologian Alexander Dvorkin recognised that "in today's Russia, neopagan nativistic sects are mushrooming" and that "altogether they represent a notable phenomenon of post-Soviet Russian religious life". In 2009 there was a well-known public debate between Orthodox Christians and Rodnovers in Kaluga; the former were led by priest Daniel Sysoev and the latter by Vadim Kazakov, head of the Union of Slavic Rodnover Communities. More recently, in November 2014 Patriarch Kirill himself expressed concerns about "attempts to construct a pseudo-Russian neopagan belief" and the well-known priest Vsevolod Chaplin called for Rodnovery's outright ban "on the level of law". In early 2015, the official journal of the Ascension Cathedral of Astrakhan published a polemical piece entitled Adversus paganos in which church authorities complained about the growth of Rodnovery and the fact that "representatives of government and public organisations" spoke of a need to revive "Orthodoxy and the religion of ancient Slavs", leading many young people to join the movement.
In early 2016, at the "International Educational Christmas Readings" in Moscow, Merya ethnofuturistic religious revivals and the spread of Rodnovery among the Russian Armed Forces were discussed as issues of particular concern. A conference explicitly dedicated to counteract the spread of Rodnovery was held in March 2016 at the Magnitogorsk State Technical University; on this occasion, bishop Innokenty of Magnitogorsk and Vekrhneuralsk said that Slavic Native Faith constitutes "a greater threat to the Church than atheism". Vladimir Legoyda, succeeding Vsevolod Chaplin as president of the Synodal Department for Church Charity and Social Ministry, said that the spread of Slavic Native Faith among the military constitutes "a direct challenge to the Church".
According to Pavel Skrylnikov of the Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology of the Russian Academy of Sciences, the Russian Orthodox Church is uneasy about the growth of Slavic Native Faith because Rodnover communities "are far better consolidated than parishioners of Orthodox churches" because their activities are not reduced to one routine rite, but what they offer is a whole community lifestyle that goes from game and sports competitions to workshops and festivals, all complemented by worship services to the gods. Moreover, Slavic Native Faith "offers an alternative version of national and religious identity" that is not perceived as having originated abroad, and therefore fulfils "patriotic religious needs" better than Christianity.
Some Russian Rodnovers have however attempted to improve relations with the Orthodox Church, arguing that Russian Orthodoxy had adopted many elements of pre-Christian belief and rites. In this way they argue that Russian Orthodoxy is distinct from other forms of Christianity, and seek to portray it as the "younger brother" of Slavic Native Faith. The Orthodox Christian Old Believers, a movement that split out from the Russian Orthodox Church during the reform of Patriarch Nikon of Moscow in the seventeenth century, is seen by Rodnovers in a more positive light than the mainstream Russian Orthodox Church, as Old Believers are considered to have elements similar to those of the Slavic Native Faith. Indeed, scholars have studied how the Old Believers have preserved Indo-European and early Slavic ideas and practices such as the veneration of fire as a channel to the divine world, the symbolism of the colour red, the search for a "glorious death", and in general the holistic vision of a divine cosmos.
Outgang from Christianity
Many Rodnover groups organise formal ceremonies of renunciation of Christianity (raskrestitsia, literally "de-Christianisation") and initiation into the community of Slavic Native Faith. Central to the conversion is the "renaming", that is to say the adoption of a new Slavic name. Generally speaking, raskrestitsia ceremonies symbolise the death and rebirth of the convert into the new community. Some groups, especially male brotherhoods, practise the cutting of a second "life line" on the palm of the hand of converts, symbolising the new "blood bond" that is formed with other members.
Institutions, rites and practices
Rodnovery is essentially a religion of the community, with most adherents actively joining organisations; only a minority of believers choose solitary practice. Sometimes, Slavic Native Faith groups send guests to the religious meetings of other groups, including those in other countries. Most Slavic Native Faith groups strongly emphasise the commemoration of ancestors in their religious practices. For many practitioners, greater importance is given to creating what they perceive as "genuine" Slavic rituals rather than those which will be psychologically empowering.
There is much variation in the patterns of organisation and practice between different groups, and depending on the level such groups intend to represent, whether national or local. For instance, the "Association of Sons and Daughters of Ukraine of the Native Ukrainian National Faith" (OSIDU RUNVira), one of the churches of the Ukrainian Sylenkoite branch of Rodnovery, holds unique weekly "Holy Hour of Self-Realisation", in which practitioners read from Sylenko's Maha Vira, sermons are given, the ancestors are commemorated, and prayers and hymns are given. The meeting ends with the singing of Shche ne vmerla Ukraina, the national anthem of Ukraine. The rival and near homonymous "Association of Sons and Daughters of the Native Ukrainian National Faith" (OSID RUNVira), also conducts weekly Holy Hours, but incorporates a wider selection of sources—such as readings from the pan-Rodnover Book of Veles or the poetry of Taras Shevchenko—into the proceedings. The structure of these Syenkoite rites is modelled on those of the Eastern Orthodox Church.
Adherents of Slavic Native Faith often adopt elements from recorded folk culture. Lesiv (2013) described this process as one of "Paganisation", whereby Christian or otherwise non-Pagan elements are deliberately given a new meaning and purpose. In turn, some of these "Paganised" folk practices have been transmitted through the wider population, who has regarded them as authentic traditional practices. Some Rodnover groups also incorporate non-Slavic practices. For instance, a group of Polish Rodnovers has been documented to use the fire poi at their Midsummer festivities, a practice that originally developed in Pacific regions during the mid-20th century. The Ukrainian organisation Ancestral Fire of the Native Orthodox Faith promotes a healing technique called Zhyva that has close similarities to the Japanese practice of reiki. In another instance, Lesiv observed a Ukrainian Rodnover who legitimised the practice of yoga by claiming that this spiritual tradition had originally been developed by the ancestors of modern-day Ukrainians. Another example are groups within Peterburgian Vedism which incorporate Ivanovite healing techniques.
Rituals take place at secluded, consecrated spaces, and generally include the invocation of gods, sacrifices and the pouring of libations, circle-dances (horovod or simply kolo, "circle"), and usually end with a communal meal. Some Rodnover organisations require that participants wear traditional Slavic clothes for such gatherings, although there is much freedom in interpreting what constitutes "traditional clothes", this definition generally referring to folkloric needlecraft open to a wide range of artistic patterns.
Communities, citadels and temples
Rodnover organisations have inherited ideas of commonality and social governance from Slavic and Russian history. They recover the pre-Christian social institution of the veche (assembly), which they also see as reflecting the concept of sobornost formulated in 20th-century Russian philosophy. Veche is used as the name of many Rodnover overarching organisations, including the international "Veche of Slavic Native Faith", an assembly held each summer, to which adherents from Slavic countries take part. Aitamurto (2008) characterises the veche as a model of organisation "from below and to the top", following descriptions given by Rodnovers themselves—that is to say a grassroots form of governance which matures into a consensual authority and/or decision-making. Local Rodnover groups usually call themselves obshchina (the term for traditional peasant communities), while skhod, sobor and mir are used for informal meetings or to refer to traditional Russian ideas of commonality. Another term for a community, though not frequently used, is artel.
A form of organisation of Rodnover communities consists in the establishment of places for common living, such as fortresses (kremlin) or citadels (gorodok), in which temples are umbegone by buildings for various social uses. The Slavic Kremlin "Sundakova" (Славянский Кремль Сундакова) is one of such centres, located in the Podolsky District of Moscow Oblast and belonging to the "Yarga" Rodnover network. Another project of this type is the Centre of the "Rodunitsa" Rodnover Communities of Krasnoyarsk (Общины Родноверов Красноярья "Родуница"), known by the acronym ORKholl (ОРКхолл, i.e. "ORK-centre"), a citadel expected to be complete in coming years. It will include a temple, a longhouse for common activities, a wedding hall, living quarters for the clergy, and other facilities. Some Rodnover networks have established thorough villages all over Russia; this is the case, among other examples, of those Rodnovers who are part of the Ringing Cedars' movement.
Rituals and religious meetings are often performed in rural settings, such as clearings in woodland. The basic structure of a temple of the Slavic Native Faith (капище, kapishche; or храм, khram) is constituted by a sacred precinct at the centre of which are placed poles with carved images of the gods enshrined. These poles, or statues, are called rodovoi, stolb, chur, but also kapy ("poles"). There are many such basic temples throughout Russia, Belarus and Ukraine. A large, elaborate temple of this type is projected to be built in Khabarovsk. In 2015, the Temple of the Fire of Svarozich (Храм Огня Сварожича), in the form of a simple wooden architecture, was opened by the Union of Slavic Rodnover Communities in Krasotynka, Kaluga. Gaidukov (2013) documented that in the 2000s Rodnovers erected a statue of Perun in a park near Kupchino in Saint Petersburg, although they did not obtain official permission first. The statue remained in place for some time until being removed by the authorities in 2007 when a decision was made to construct a church nearby.
Slavic priests, called volkhv or mages (which are synonyms in Slavic languages; volkhv is also translatable as "wizard" or "wiseman"), or zhrets (literally "priests", i.e. "elders"), are those responsible for holding rites for worshipping the gods and leading religious festivals. In 2012, a number of Rodnover organisations in Russia made an agreement for the mutual recognition of their priesthood and for the uniformisation of ordination policies. Pilkington and Popov (2009) document that in modern Rodnovery volkhv and zhrets represent two levels of the sacerdotal hierarchy, with the former having the higher position. Though the majority of Rodnover priests are males, Rodnover groups do not exclude women from the priesthood, so that a parallel female priesthood is constituted by the two ranks of zhritsa ("priestesses") and vedunya ("witches", more literally "seeresses"). Prestige is not limited to male priests; a priestess, Halyna Lozko from Ukraine, is an acknowledged authority within the Rodnover movement.
Calendar and holidays
According to Aitamurto (2016) rituals play "a central role in defining, learning and transmitting the religion", and thus they constitute an important complement to theology within Rodnovery. Ceremonial accuracy is often considered essential for the efficacy of a ritual. Nevertheless, Rodnover rituals may be regarded as flexible frameworks, wherein there is room for elaboration and experimentation. The sources that Rodnovers rely upon are valued scholars like Vladimir Dal and Boris Rybakov.
The common Rodnover ritual calendar is based on the Slavic folk tradition, whose crucial events are the four solstices and equinoxes set in the four phases of the year. Slavic Native Faith has been described as following "the cycles of nature". A festival that is believed to be the most important by many Rodnovers is that of the summer solstice, the Kupala Night (June 23–24), although also important are the winter solstice festival Karachun and Koliada (December 24–25), and the spring equinox festival Shrovetide—called Komoeditsa or Maslenitsa (March 24). Festivals celebrated in spring include the Day of Yarilo and the Krasnaya Gorka (literally "Red Hill", celebrated between April 30–May 1), the latter dedicated to ancestor worship; while in autumn Rodnovers celebrate the Day of Marzanna and that of Mokosh (November 10). Other festivals include the Days of Veles (multiple, in January and February) and the Day of Perun (August 2), the latter considered to be the most important holiday of the year by some Rodnover organisations.
Usually, the organisation of festivals involves three layers of society: there is a patronising "core" of practitioners, who are often professionally-affirmed people, usually belonging to the intellectual class; then there is the population of committed adherents; and then there is a loose "periphery" constituted by sympathisers, generally relatives and friends of the committed followers. Aitmurto (2016) notes that festivals are usually set in the evenings, the weekends and on public holidays, in order to allow everyone's participation. Shizhenskii and Aitamurto (2017) described one Kupala festival, held over the course of three days outside Maloyaroslavets in Russia; at this event, weddings, purification rituals, and name-giving ceremonies took place, accompanied by musical performances, martial arts, and folkloric plays, while a market sold traditional handicrafts. The interplay with the gods and the cycle of nature which they represent is displayed through large-scale ceremonies which Aitamurto defines as "aesthetically lavish", vectors of a great deal of creativity. For instance, the end of winter is marked by burning straw images of Marzanna, the goddes of winter, while celebrating the victory of Yarilo, the god of the full swing of natural forces; the end of summer, instead, is marked by the burial of an image of Yarilo.
Some Slavic Native Faith organisations have appropriated or reappropriated Christian festivals. The same Kupala Night is a reappropriation, being the day of the year when Christian churches set the Nativity of Saint John the Baptist. The calendar of one of the organisations of the Native Ukrainian National Faith includes holidays that have been de-Christianised, such as a "Christmas of Dazhboh's Light" and an "Easter of the Eternal Resurrection". The common Rodnover calendar leaves room for national and regional variations; for instance, the same Native Ukrainian National Faith's organisation observes holidays devoted to Ukrainian national heroes such as Shevchenko, Ivan Franko, Bohdan Khmelnytsky, and Hryhory Skovoroda, as well as those devoted to more abstract concepts such as "Ukrainian Ancient Literature" and "New Ukrainian Literature".
Slavic martial arts
Various styles of Slavic martial arts are directly linked to Rodnovery. The movement known as "Slavic-hill wrestling" (Славяно-горицкая борьба, Slavyano-goritskaya bor'ba), present almost exclusively in Russia, was first organised in 1990 when Rodnover believer Aleksandr Belov founded a federation unifying more than fifty centres located in various Russian cities, the "National Club of Ancient Russian Martial Art". The aim of the organisation is to restore Russia's militaristic traditions. In 2009, Roman Zentsov founded "Resistance", another martial arts organisation aligned with the right-wing political scene. Other martial arts styles that are popular among Rodnovers are "bench wrestling" (lavochki) and "wall against wall" (stenka na stenku).
Rodnover festivals and rituals often include various martial arts displays. They may be symbolic of seasonal change, for example the victory of spring over winter, but they are also considered as magical means of worship and physical and mental discipline, exhibiting bravery, strength and honesty, qualities that reevoke ancestral kings and gods.
The origins of Slavic Native Faith have been traced to the Romantic movement of late eighteenth and nineteenth-century Europe, which was a reaction against rationalism and the Age of Enlightenment. This was accompanied by a growth in nationalism across Europe, as intellectuals began to assert their own national heritage. Whereas calls to re-establish pre-Christian belief systems existed within the German and Austrian far-right nationalist movements during the early twentieth century, the same did not happen in its Russian counterpart.
In 1818, the Polish ethnographer Zorian Dołęga-Chodakowski (Adam Czarnocki) in the work O Sławiańszczyźnie przed chrześcijaństwem ("About Slavs before Christianity") declared himself a "pagan" and stated that the Christianisation of the Slavic peoples had been a mistake. Thus he became a precursor of return to Slavic religion in Poland and all Slavic countries.
Similarly, the Polish philosopher Bronisław Trentowski saw the ancient pre-Christian beliefs of the Slavic peoples as a true path to understanding the divine creator, arguing that Christianity failed to do so. It was this Romantic rediscovery and revaluing of pre-Christian belief systems that prepared the way for the later emergence of Slavic Native Faith.
1930s–1940s: Early developments
In Ukraine, the first practitioners of Slavic Native Faith appeared in the 1930s. One of the most influential Ukrainian Rodnover ideologues was Volodymyr Shayan, a linguist and philologist who worked at Lviv University. He claimed that in 1934 he underwent a spiritual revelation atop Mount Grekhit in the Carpathian Mountains. Particularly interested in the ideas of an ancient Aryan race that were popular at the time, he subsequently began promoting what he called a "pan-Aryan renaissance". He turned to recorded Ukrainian folklore to find what he regarded as the survivals of ancient pre-Christian belief. In 1944, he fled the Soviet government and travelled to refugee camps in Germany and Austria. There, he established the "Order of the Knights of the Solar God" (Orden Lytsariv Boha Sontsia), a religio-political group that he hoped would affiliate itself to the Ukrainian Insurgent Army.
In Poland, Jan Stachniuk established the Zadruga magazine in 1937; the term "Zadruga" itself was a reference to a South Slavic tribal unit. Continuing on from Dołęga-Chodakowski, Stachniuk's own work criticised Catholicism in Poland, arguing that it had had a negative effect on the country's national character. He did not develop his ideas into a religion, and those who shared his views remained "a very loose and diverse intellectual clique". The magazine and its associated group embraced members with a wide variety of viewpoints, ranging from secularly humanistic to religiously Slavic Native Faith stances. He was nevertheless labelled a neopoganin ("Neopagan") by the Polish popular press, a term that he embraced as a self-descriptor in later life.
Władysław Kołodziej later claimed to have established a pre-war "Holy Circle of the Worshippers of Svetovid" (Święte Koło Czcicieli Światowida), although there is no evidence that they conducted regular meetings until many years later. During the Second World War, Stefan Potrzuski led a unit in the Peasant Battalion which battled the Nazi German occupation forces. His unit had a shrine to the god Svetovid in their secret forest base and held group rites in which they toasted a wooden image of the deity with mead. Stachniuk fought against the Nazi occupation during the Warsaw Uprising. Following the end of the war and the incorporation of Poland under a Stalinist regime, both Stachniuk and Kołodziej were arrested, preventing the establishment of a Slavic Native Faith community. In 1954, a student group known as Klan Ausran was established at the University of Łódź; officially dedicated to a study of Indo-European society, its members provided hymns and prayers.
A key influence on the movement was the circulation of the Book of Veles among Russian and Ukrainian emigrees. This text was brought to the public by Yuri Mirolyubov, who claimed that it had been discovered by a friend of his, Fodor Arturovich Isenbek, while serving as a White Army officer during the Russian Civil War. Mirolyubov alleged that the original text had been etched on wooden boards, but that these had been lost during the Second World War, leaving only his own copies. It is probable that the Book of Veles was a literary composition produced by Mirolyubov himself. In following decades the work would have caused a sensation, with many emigrees regarding it as a genuine tenth century text.
1960s–1980s: Soviet Union and Slavic diaspora in the West
One of those who joined Shayan's group was Lev Sylenko. He subsequently left Europe and moved first to Canada and then the United States. It was in Chicago that he established the earliest groups of the Native Ukrainian National Faith (RUNVira) in 1966. Sylenko presented himself as a prophet of Dazhbog who had been sent to the Ukrainian people. In his view, the Ukrainians were the superior manifestation of the European peoples, and Kyiv the oldest city of the white race. Sylenko was a charismatic leader, whose followers praised his talents and oratorical skills. In 1979 he published Maha Vira, a book which he claimed chronicled the ancient history of the Ukrainian people. The system of Slavic Native Faith that he developed was influenced by deism and Theosophy. A RUNVira centre, the Temple of Mother Ukraine, was established in Spring Glen, New York. RUNVira congregations were established among Ukrainian emigree communities in other parts of the United States, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, the United Kingdom, and Germany.
During the Stalin era in the Soviet Union, research into prehistoric societies was encouraged, with some scholars arguing that pre-Christian society reflected a form of communitarianism that was damaged by Christianity's promotion of entrenched class divisions. In doing so, pre-Christian belief systems underwent a rehabilitation. Russian Native Faith originated in the Soviet dissidents' circles of the 1970s. An intellectual circle that cultivated themes of Slavic Paganism formed as a wing of the predominantly Orthodox Christian samizdat nationalist journal Veche (1971–1974). Such group included Anatoly Ivanov, the artist Konstantin Vasilyev (1942–1974), and Nikolai Bogdanov, among others. Vasilyev's art is widely celebrated within the Rodnover community. Ivanov, who declared himself a Zoroastrian and subscribed to "Arism" or "Slavism", published a fervently anti-Christian pamphlet entitled "The Christian Plague" (Khristianskaya chuma). Throughout the 1970s, the nationalist dissident movement split into two branches, an Orthodox Christian one and another one that developed National Bolshevism, which eventually continued to harbour Pagan traditionalists. Other influential texts in this perios were Valery Yemelyanov's Desionizatsiya ("De-Sionisation") and later Istarkhov's Udar russkikh bogov ("The Strike of Russian Gods").
In the Soviet Union, Slavic Native Faith groups had to operate in secret, although a few small groups were known to exist in Moscow and Leningrad. These groups were closely linked to the nationalistic circles operating during the 1980s. In Moscow, an occult circle was established by Yevgeny Golovin and Yuri Mamleyev; although not explicitly Pagan, they were influenced by occult Pagan thinkers like Guido von List and sought a return to a pre-Christian Aryan world. In the early 1980s, the "Pamyat" movement was established by figures active at the Metropolitan Moscow Palace of Culture, which similarly looked with fondness on ancient Aryan culture. Several Russian nationalists also began to state that pre-Christian belief systems were the true religion of the Russian people; Apollon Kuzmin did so in his 1988 book Padenie Peruna ("The Fall of Perun"). In 1986, Viktor Bezverkhy established the Leningrad (Saint Petersburg)-based "Society of the Mages" (Obshchestvo Volkhvov), an explicitly white supremacist and anti-Semitic organisation; it was followed by the Union of the Veneds, founded in 1990. These organisations gave rise to the stream of Rodnovery known as "Peterburgian Vedism".
1990s–2000s: Post-Soviet growth
After Mikhail Gorbachev's Soviet government introduced the policy of perestroika in the 1980s, Slavic Native Faith groups established themselves in Ukraine. The collapse of the Soviet Union and its official policy of state atheism resulted in a resurgence of open religious adherence across the region. Many individuals arrived at Slavic Native Faith after exploring a range of different alternative spiritualities, with Asian religious influences being particularly apparent within Slavic Native Faith at that time.
After the fall of the Soviet Union, Ukraine became an independent republic, with many Ukrainians turning to strongly nationalistic agendas; among those to have done so are pseudo-archaeologists like Yuri Shylov, who posits Ukraine as the "cradle of civilisation". It is within this broader milieu of cultural nationalism and interest in alternative spiritualities that Slavic Native Faith re-emerged in Ukraine. The United States-based group RUNVira established itself in Ukraine soon after independence, with the first RUNVira congregation in Ukraine gaining official recognition in Kiev in 1991. There had been schisms in the international RUNVira organisation. A number of senior followers broke with Sylenko during the 1980s, rejecting the idea that he should be the ultimate authority in the religion; they formed the "Association of Sons and Daughters of the Native Ukrainian National Faith" (Об'єднання Синів і Дочок—РУНВіра; OSID RUNVira) and secured legal control of the temple in Spring Glen. A second group, the "Association of Sons and Daughters of Ukraine of the Native Ukrainian National Faith" (Об'єднання Синів і Дочок України—РУНВіра; OSIDU RUNVira), maintained links with Sylenko himself, whom it regards as a prophet, and adopted his Maha Vira as a sacred text. Despite the animosity that existed between these rival Ukrainian groups, there was some collaboration between them. In 2003, the First Forum of Rodnovers was held in the country, resulting in two public proclamations: the first urged the country's government to protect what the Rodnovers regarded as sacred sites and objects, and the second called on the government not to go ahead with the proposed privatisation of agricultural land. That same year, a group called "Ancestral Fire of the Native Orthodox Faith" (Родового Вогнища Рідної Православної Віри) was established; in contrast to the anti-Russian slant taken by Sylenko, it embraced a Pan-Slavic perspective.
The social context of Slavic Native Faith's growth in Russia differed from that in other parts of Central and Eastern Europe. Russian nationalists had welcomed the collapse of the Soviet system but were disappointed with the arrival of capitalism and the dramatic economic downturn that Russia faced in that decade. Large numbers became unemployed, and many turned to the past, including in ethnic terms. In this context, the growth of Rodnovery can be seen as a nationalistic project to regain national pride. Many leaders of early post-Soviet Rodnovery were intellectuals that were already practising members of the movement in late Soviet times, for instance, Grigory Yakutovsky (Vseslav Svyatozar), Aleksei Dobrovolsky (Dobroslav), and Viktor Bezverkhy. Other leaders that emerged in this period were Aleksandr Asov, publisher of numerous versions of the Book of Veles, and Aleksei Belov, founder of the martial arts style known as "Slavic-hill wrestling".
Russian Rodnovers started to organise by the mid-1990s; in 1994 the "Moscow Slavic Community" was the first Rodnover group to be registered by the government. Concerted efforts by the communities of Moscow and Kaluga led to the establishment of the Union of Slavic Rodnover Communities in 1997. The communities of Moscow and Obninsk later left the organisation for ideological differences. Another organisation, the "Circle of Veles", which is one of the largest and administers communities also located in the territory of Ukraine, was founded in 1999. The Ynglist Church too was formally established in the early 1990s. In 2002, the same year of the "Bittsa Agreement", the Circle of Pagan Tradition was established in Moscow. Its purpose was to bring together Russian Rodnovers who did not share the extreme right-wing views then dominant in much of the community. In 2009, the Union of Slavic Rodnover Communities and the Circle of Pagan Tradition issued a joint statement against Ynglism, disapproving what they reck as Ynglists' "pseudo-pagan teachings, pseudo-linguistics, pseudo-science and outright fiction".
In Poland, the Wrocław-based publishing house Toporzeł has reissued Stachniuk's works and those of his disciple Antoni Wacyk. Zadruga also inspired the registered religious "Association of Native Faith" (Zrzeszenie Rodzimej Wiary; now called "Rodzima Wiara" [RW], or "Native Faith"), whose founder Stanisław Potrzebowski wrote his doctoral thesis on pre-war Zadruga in German (Zadruga - eine völkische Bewegung in Polen). Another Slavic Native Faith group registered with the Polish authorities in 1995 is the Native Polish Church (Rodzimy Kościół Polski), which represents a tradition that goes back to Władysław Kołodziej's Holy Circle of the Worshippers of Svetovid. In 1998, a Czech Native Faith group called Rahoŝť was founded by an Italian-born academic specialist in Slavic studies, Giuseppe Maiello. In 2000 this group merged with the extreme-right nationalist "National Front of the Pures" (Národní Fronta Kastitů) to form the Rodná Víra group. This organisation subsequently nurtured strong links with Rodnover groups in Slovakia, Poland, and Russia. The group broke apart following a schism in 2005.
In Slovenia, a group called the "Svetovid Parish of the Old Belief" (Staroverska Župa Svetovid) was established around 2005 through a union of an older group, Ajda, with the followers of military historian Matjaž Vratislav Anžur. As of 2013, it had between ten and fifteen members. The group organised an "All-Slavic Council" for August 2009, which was held at Struga Castle. During the 1990s and 2000s, a number of groups were established in Bulgaria, namely the "Dulo Alliance", the "Warriors of Tangra", and the "Bulgarian Horde 1938". These groups had strong political motivations, being extremely nationalistic, anti-Western, and anti-Semitic. Rodnover figures and groups played a prominent role in the 2002 establishment of Ongal, a Bulgarian far-right umbrella organisation.
The Internet helped to bring about the growing uniformisation of ritual practices across the Slavic Native Faith movement. The first Rodnover website on Runet—the Russian language Internet—was established by a Moscow-based believer in 1996. Many Rodnovers made use of Russian Wikipedia to promote their religion, although many found the process difficult and switched focus to promulgating Slavic Native Faith through LiveJournal and mail.ru, through which they could express their own views more directly. From the mid-2000s, Slavic Native Faith practitioners made increasing use of social media to communicate with other members of their community. Russian Rodnovery also attracted the attention of academics, many of whom focused on the political dimensions of the movement, thus neglecting other aspects of the community. Aitamurto later criticised some of this Russian-language material for reflecting scholars' own religious biases against Rodnovery, over-reliance on the published texts of prominent figure, or for sensationalising the subject to shock or impress their audience. This generated some mutual hostility between academics and practitioners, rendering subsequent scholarly fieldwork more difficult.
Rodnover themes have also been employed in the heavy metal subculture, particularly in bands like Sokyra Perun ("Perun's Axe"), "Whites Load", and Komu Vnyz ("Who Will Go Down"). In Poland, Rodnovery has influenced various forms of folk and popular music.
2010s: Consolidation, militarisation and War in Donbass
The early 2010s saw a strengthening of relations between Rodnover groups. In 2012, in Russia, representatives of the Union of Slavic Rodnover Communities, the Circle of Pagan Tradition and the Circle of Veles, signed an "Agreement on Mutual Recognition of Priests" that defined the criteria for the ordination of those wishing to become Slavic priests. On the same occasion, they once again expressed disapproval for some authors and movements, including the large "Skhoron Ezh Slaven", which is also present in Belarus and Ukraine. In 2014, the Russian government officially registered the Union of Slavic Rodnover Communities as an interregional public organisation for the promotion of Slavic culture.
In late 2011, in Bosnia and Herzegovina a Rodnover association named "Circle of Svarog" (Svaroži Krug) formed, as a part of the Pan-Slavic Praskozorje movement. In 2011, in the Serbian village of Mokra, a group of enthusiasts, led by journalist Dragan Jovanović, erected a wooden statue of Svetovid.
Rodnovery has a significant role in the War in Donbass, with many Rodnovers forming or joining armed forces. Some of them—for example those of the Svarozich Battalion—have been fighting in favour of Russia; other Rodnovers—such as those of the Azov Battalion—have taken the side of Ukraine. Other Russian Rodnover military formations in Donbass include the Svarog, Varyag and Rusich formations, and Rodnovers within the Russian Orthodox Army. Observers have highlighted that Russian Rodnovers have been proselytising in the region, with the endorsement of Russia, under the name "Orthodoxy" and preaching the concept of a new "Russian World", and that their beliefs have even permeated the Orthodox Christian church. The war has stirred different reactions among Ukrainian practitioners; many adherents of the Native Ukrainian National Faith viewed Russia as the aggressor, while adherents of other Rodnover organisations like the Ancestral Fire of the Native Orthodox Faith more commonly saw Russians and Ukrainians as brothers and believed that the conflict was caused by the machinations of the United States.
Since the outbreak of the war, though not necessarily in connection with it, Rodnover and Orthodox Christian military groups have also sprung up in the Russian capital Moscow, reportedly dividing the capital into respective zones of influence, "cities within the city" with their own armed forces, with support from local security officials. Rodnover soldiers often help the local population in its opposition to the Orthodox Christian hierarchy's plans to build new churches around the city.
In August 2015, during the III Polish Nationwide Rodnover Congress, the "Rodnover Confederation" (Konfederacja Rodzimowiercza) was formally established. Among the members are eleven organisations including "Gontyna" Association, "Żertwa" Association, "Pomeranian Rodnovers" (Rodzimowiercy Pomorscy), "Drzewo Przodków Association", "Circle of Radegast" (Krąg Radogost), "Kałdus" Association, "Swarga" Group (Gromada "Swarga"), "WiD Group", "ZW Rodzima Wiara" and the "Watra" Rodnover Community (Wspólnota Rodzimowierców "Watra"). In June 2017, during the celebrations of the nationwide holiday called Stado, a new religious organisation was created: the Religious Organisation of Polish Rodnovers "Kin" (Związek Wyznaniowy Rodzimowierców Polskich "Ród").
Branches, interwoven movements and influences
There are Rodnover groups who develop theories and practices which differ significantly from those of common Rodnovery, represented by the theology and cosmology contained in the Book of Veles and Slavic folklore. Some of them have developed into religions that may or may not be regarded as Rodnovery (this is the case of Ynglism, which is not recognised as true Slavic Native Faith by the major Rodnover organisations of Russia, and of Yagnovery, Ladovery and Sylenkoism, which some Rodnovers opine not to be classifiable as branches of Slavic Native Faith). Other Rodnover movements represent distinct ethnic groups within the broader Slavic family or space (thisis the case of Scythian Assians and Meryan Rodovers). There are, otherwise, Rodnover groups that intertwine with forms of religion and spirituality that are not immediately related to the Slavic Native Faith (this is the case of Ivanovism, Rerikhism, the Ringing Cedars, and especially those Rodnovers who are influenced by Zoroastrianism and Tengrism).
Other documented movements include the devotees of Berehynia in Ukraine, the Pan-Slavic "Khara-Khors" Slavic Vedic movement, "Koliada Viatichei", the "Russian Religious Church" of Viktor Kandyba, the "Satya-Veda" Aryan Gentile Community of Ilya Cherkasov (volkhv Veleslav), the "Tezaurus" Spiritual Union, amongst others.:1186–1187
Ethnic or doctrinal variations of Rodnovery
Assianism (Russian: Ассианство) is essentially Scythian Rodnovery. It is present in Russia and Ukraine, especially, but not exclusively, among Cossacks who claim a Scythian identity to distinguish themselves from Slavs. An organised renewal of Scythian religion started in the 1980s building upon the folk religious beliefs of the Ossetians, who are modern linguistic descendants of the Scythians. They endonymously call the religion Uatsdin (Ossetian Cyrillic: Уацдин, literally "True Faith"), and have embraced it in large numbers. The "North Caucasian Scythian Regional Fire" is a Scythian Rodnover organisation in the North Caucasus region of Russia and eastern Ukraine that operates under the aegis of the Ancestral Fire of the Native Orthodox Faith. Assianism has a distinctive theology and cosmology centred on Xwytsau ("Heaven") and its Uas (the "good-spell") that incarnates among humanity as Uastyrdzhi.
The major organisation among Ossetians is the Atsætæ Church (Ossetian: Ацæтæ; Russian: Асата, Asata) led by Daurbek Makeyev, based in North Ossetia–Alania. Some Russians have embraced Assianism by virtue of the fact that most of the ancient Scythians were assimilated by the East Slavs, and therefore modern Russians may reclaim Scythian culture. Such idea that Russians may derive, at least in part, from Scythians is popular in many Rodnover circles. Makeyev himself, in a 2007 publication entitled "Assianism and world culture" (Assianstvo i mirovaya kul'tura), presented the religion as a worldwide spiritual heritage. In 2009, on the occasion of a conference specifically dedicated to the subject held at the Moscow State University, philosopher Alexander Dugin praised the renewal of Scythian culture among Ossetians as an inspiration that will be beneficial to all Indo-Europeans and to the whole world.
Meryan Rodnovery or Meryan Native Faith is an ethnoreligious movement present in the regions of Ivanovo, Kostroma, Moscow, Vladimir, Vologda, Tver, and Yaroslavl. It consists in the establishment of an ethnoreligious identity among those Russians who have Meryan ancestry; Merya are Volga Finns fully assimilated by East Slavs in the historical process of formation of the Russian ethnicity. It is primarily a urban phenomenon and its adherents are Russian-speakers.
Various organisations have been established in the late 2000s and 2010s, including "Merjamaa" and "Merya mir" (Меря мир). In 2012 they presented their official flag. Skrylnikov notes that a salient feature of the movement is what he defines "ethnofuturism", that is to say, conscious adaptation of Merya heritage to the forms of modernity, in a process of distinction and interaction with Russian Native Faith. He says that Meryan Native Faith is mostly Slavic Native Faith whose concepts, names and iconoraphy are Finnicised. Meryan Rodnovers also rely upon the uninterrupted traditions of Mari Native Faith; on 27 September 2015, they organised a joint Mari-Merya prayer in the Moscow region. The cult of a Meryan mother goddess is being built upon the festival of the female saint Paraskevi of Iconium, on November 10. Also, Saint Leontius of Rostov is appropriated as a native god.
Sylenkoism is the branch of Rodnovery represented by the churches of the Native Ukrainian National Faith established by Lev Sylenko in the 1960s in the Ukrainian diaspora, and introduced in Ukraine only after the fall of the Soviet Union. There are at least four such churches: the Association of Sons and Daughters of Ukraine of the Native Ukrainian National Faith (OSIDU RUNVira), the Association of Sons and Daughters of the Native Ukrainian National Faith (OSID RUNVira), the fellowship established by Volodymyr Chornyi centred in Lviv, and the more independent Union of the Native Ukrainian Faith (Sobor Ridnoy Ukrainskoy Viry, SRUV for short). According to the definition of Sylenko himself, his doctrine is that of a solar "absolute monotheism", in which the single God is Dazhbog, that is to say the sky, the Sun, and the self-giving of the world itself.
Sylenko proclaimed himself a prophet, bringing to the Slavs a new understanding of God that, according to him, corresponds to their own and original understanding of God. By his own words: "God's grace came upon me, and following the will of God I have proclaimed a new understanding of God". According to believers, he acquired this knowledge through "breath of his ancestors" being united with them "by divine holiness". The Federation of Ukrainian Rodnovers (Объединение Родноверов Украины), which directly inherits Volodymyr Shaian's Orthodoxy, in the person of its leader Halyna Lozko has advanced vehement critiques of Sylenkoism, calling Lev Sylenko a "false prophet" and accusing him of trying to lead Ukrainians in the "quagmire of cosmopolitan monotheism", the "fruit of Judaic religions which aim for global world domination".
Yagnovery, Ladovery and Orantism
Yagnovery (Ukrainian: Ягновіра), Ladovery (Ладовіра) and Orantism (Орантизм) are branches of Rodnovery that are present in Ukraine. Ladovery is a doctrine articulated by Oleksander Shokalo and other personalities in the magazine Ukrainsky svit ("Ukrainian World"). Orantism is a movement centred around the cult of Berehynia, linked to Ukrainian national identity, non-violence and resistance to global assimilation.
Ynglism, institutionally the "Ancient Russian Ynglist Church of the Orthodox Old Believers—Ynglings", was established in the early 1990s by the charismatic leader Aleksandr Khinevich from Omsk, in Siberia. According to the movement, which presents itself as the true, Orthodox, olden religion of the Russians, Yngly is the fiery order of reality through which the supreme God — called by the name "Ramha" in Ynglist theology — ongoingly generates the universe. They believe that "Yngling", a name that identifies the earliest royal dynasties of Scandinavia, means "offspring of Yngly", and that the historical Ynglings migrated to Scandinavia from the region of Omsk, which was a spiritual centre of the early Indo-Europeans. They hold that the Ynglinga saga of the Edda (itself composed by Snorri Sturluson on the basis of an older Ynglingatal), proves their ideas about the origins of the Ynglings in Omsk and is ultimately a more recent version of texts contained in their own sacred books, the Slavo-Aryan Vedas.
The spiritual academy of the Ynglist Church teaches their Vedas, "Aryan mathematics" and grammar, and health techniques. The church is known for its intensive proselytism, carried out through a "massive selling" of books, journals and other media. Ynglists organise yearly gatherings (veche) in summer.
The Ynglist Church was prosecuted in the early 2000s for ethnic hatred according to Russian laws, and its headquarters in Omsk were liquidated. Despite this, it continues to operate as an unregistered religious phenomenon represented by a multiplicity of communities. Ynglism meets widespread disapproval within mainstream Rodnovery, and the international veche has declared it a false religion. Nevertheless, according to Aitamurto (2016), on the basis of the amount of literature that Ynglists publish and the presence of their representatives at various Rodnover conferences, is clear that Ynglism has a "substantial number of followers".
Movements belonging to the Vedic spectrum
Ivanovism, Rerikhism, Peterburgian Vedism
Ivanovism (Russian: Ивановизм) and Rerikhism (Рерихиа́нство) are spiritual movements linked with Russian cosmism, a holistic philosophy emphasising the centrality of the human being within a living environment and the idea of "God-building". It originated in the early 20th century and experienced a revival after the collapse of the Soviet Union, relying upon the Russian philosophical tradition, especially that represented by Vladimir Vernadsky and Pavel Florensky.
Rerikhism originates from the teachings of Helena and Nicholas Roerich, it inherits elements of Theosophy and revolves around the practice of Agni Yoga, the union with Agni, the fire enliving the universe. Ivakhiv (2005) classifies Rerikhians and others movements of Theosophical imprint, such as the "Ukrainian Spiritual Republic" (Ukrainska Dukhovna Respublika), together with the broader "Vedic" movement.
Ivanovism is a spiritual discipline based on the teachings of the mystic Porfiry Ivanov, based on the Detka healing system and religious hymns. The movement has its headquarters in eastern Ukraine, the region of origin of Ivanov himself, and it is widespread in Russia. Ivanovite teachings are incorporated by Peterburgian Vedism, the Rodnover movement started by Viktor Bezverkhy and primarily represented by the Society of the Mages founded in 1986 and the Union of the Veneds founded in 1990, and their offshoots.
Ringing Cedars of Russia
The "Ringing Cedars of Russia" or Anastasianism is a spiritual movement that overlaps with Rodnovery, but is not thoroughly part of it. Many Anastasians are Rodnovers, whilst others are not. The Ringing Cedars' movement arises from the writings of Vladimir Megre (Puzakov), related to a Siberian wise woman known as Anastasiya, who teaches techniques of natural and healthy living.
Anastasians have established rural villages all over Russia, "kinship homesteads" (родовое поместье, rodovoye pomest'ye), where they conduct a harmonious life in at least a hectare of land. Anastasians believe that the Siberian cedar tree has various spiritual qualities. In his writings, Megre uses the word "Vedic" referring to the ideal society that the Ringing Cedars' movement aims at establishing, and many of his teachings are identical to those of Rodnovers.
Movements paralleling Rodnovery and mutual influences
Zoroastrianism emerged as a public entity in Russia in the 1990s, created by Russians themselves despite the normally endogamic essence of the traditional Zoroastrian communities existing in Iran and India. The first Zoroastrian organisation, the "Avestan School of Astrology" (shortened "Asha", which, in the oldest texts known as Arta, is the Persian word defining the agency of cosmic harmony), was established by Pavel Globa (1953–) in the early 1990s, and opened dozens of branches in and outside of Russia. Globa had been teaching Avestan astrology since the 1970s, and in the 1990s he had become a nationally-acknowledged expert on the subject. Globa presents himself as the heir of a lineage of Zurvanism (the type of Zoroastrianism that regards Zurvan, i.e. "Time" and "Whole", as the supreme God) from north-west Iran, allegedly transmitted through his great grandmother and his maternal grandfather Ivan N. Gantimurov.:449–450 Some of Globa's pupils were initiated by he himself into a priesthood (khorbad).:451
In 1994 the "Zoroastrian Community of Saint Petersburg" was established by Globa's followers and officially registered. The organisation publishes the magazine Mitra and the newsletter Tiri. The Zoroastrianism that they propose is a consciously mimetic appropriation of the religion as it is practised among traditional Zoroastrian communities. This recreation involves significant changes; for instance the cords that are worn by initiates around their waist are not white woollen cords as in the original tradition, but are three-coloured cords—yellow, red and blue—symbolising, according to Globa, the three colours of Zurvan.:452 Since 2001, the priest of Iranian origins Kamran Jamshidi initiated new Avestan astrologers in Minsk, and Russia became a mission field for them. Tensions arose as Jamshidi's initiates challenged the authority of Globa. Under the influence of these new missionaries, another organisation was founded in Moscow in the year 2005, the "Russian Anjoman" (Русский Анджоман; anjoman is a Persian word meaning "assembly"). They use the term of Russian origin "Blagovery" (Благоверие Blagoverie, literally "Good Faith") to define their Zoroastrianism.:453
Russian Zoroastrian communities, whether belonging to the Peterburger or Muscovite movements, emphasise that Zoroastrianism has Russian origins, and traces of it have been preserved in Slavic folklore. This parallels the discourse of Rodnovery, and one of the early Rodnover ideologues, Anatoly Ivanov, defined his views as "Zoroastrian" and "Avestan". In 1981, Ivanov even published the anti-Christian text entitled Zarathustra Did Not Speak Thus: The Basics of the Aryan Worldview, inspired by Nietzsche's Thus Spoke Zarathustra, wherein Ivanov says that Zoroastrianism should be adopted as a new paradigm for humanity and discusses the eschatology of the Saoshyant.:454–455 Zoroastrianism has been described by Stausberg and Tessmann (2013) as a "permanent discussion topic" within the Rodnover community.:455 As it is the case for Rodnovers, the site of Arkaim has great importance for Russian Zoroastrians/Blagovers, since it is believed that the "Aryan prophet" Zoroaster lived there.:453 In 2007, during an interview with Iranian state media, Russian president Vladimir Putin himself declared that Zoroastrianism originated in the southern part of the Ural region of Russia, and it is the base of all major world religious systems.
Many Rodnovers are influenced by Central Asian or Siberian shamanism and its modern organised form, Tengrism, which has become widespread in easternmost regions of Russia. One of the earliest exponents of Rodnovery, Moscow State University-graduated psychologist Grigory Yakutovsky (1955–, known as a shaman by the name Vseslav Svyatozar; his surname reveals a possible Yakut ancestry), asserted that ancient Slavic religion was fundamentally shamanic, and Siberian shamanism plays a central role in his formulations. In Yakutovsky's Rodnovery, Slavic gods are secondary in importance compared to goddesses, and he claims that this was typical of ancient Slavic religion. Yakutovsky's form of Rodnovery has been defined as "tolerant, pluralistic and pacifistic"; his teachings are also representative of the minority of Rodnovers who identify as communists. Yakutovsky is critical of the Soviet type of communism, and rather proposes "social communism" as the ideal form of government for the future. He also espouses a form of elitism, by recognising shamans (poets and mystics) as a minority of people characterised by greater intelligence and power devoted to the realisation of a better future for humanity.
According to the scholar of religion Mircea Eliade, original Proto-Indo-European religion is closer to Central Asian shamanism than to the later Near Eastern and Mediterranean religions, as proven by their shared crucial concepts: the supreme God of Heaven (cf. Indo-European Dyeus, Siberian Tengri, and Mesopotamian Dingir) and the three-layered structure of cosmology (cf. Sanskrit Trailokya).
Eastern Slavic nations
Writing in 2000, Shnirelman noted that modern Paganism was "growing rapidly" within the Russian Federation. In 2016, Aitamurto noted that there was "no reliable information" on the number of Rodnovers in Russia, but that it was "plausible" that there were "several tens of thousands" of practitioners active in the country. This was partly because there were several Rodnover groups active on the social network VK which had over 10,000 members. She observed that a "substantial number" of adherents—and in particular those who had been among the earliest—belonged to the "technical intelligentsia". Similarly, Shnirelman noted that the founders of Russian Rodnovery were "well-educated urbanized intellectuals" who had become frustrated with "cosmopolitan urban culture". Physicists were particularly well represented; in this Aitamurto drew comparisons to the high number of computer professionals who were present in the Pagan communities of Western countries. The movement also involved a significant number of people who had a background in the Soviet or Russian Army, or in policing and security. The "vast majority" of Russian Rodnovers were young and there were a greater proportion of men than women. A questionnaire distributed at the Kupala festival in Maloyaroslavets suggested that Native Faith practitioners typically had above-average levels of education, with a substantial portion working as business owners or managers. A high proportion were also involved in specialist professions such as engineering, academia, or information technology, and the majority lived in cities.
A 2012 survey of religion in Russia estimated that there were 1,700,000 practitioners of "traditional religions of gods and ancestors" in the federation as of that year. Of them, 44% were ethnic Russians and Roman Lunkin, senior researcher at the Russian Academy of Sciences (IERAS)' Institute of Europe, who was among the surveyors, recognised the growing presence of Native Faiths among them. The historian Marlene Laruelle (2008) suggested that Rodnovery was likely to remain a marginalised religion in comparison to Russian Orthodoxy, but that its main significance for Russian society had been by diffusing "historical themes"—particularly regarding an ancient Aryan race—to a far wider audience, including many who were Orthodox or non-religious. Rodnovery has been spreading rapidly in the North Caucasus region of Russia, especially among communities of Cossacks and in the Stavropol region, where in some areas it already has a dominant position. It has been reported that even former priests of the Russian Orthodox Church have joined their ranks.
Shnirelman (2013) informs that Rodnovery in Russia is embraced by many politically engaged philosophers, both of the right- and the left-wing. The former group is represented by Vladimir Andeyev, Anatoly Ivanov, Pavel Tulaev (members of the Moscow Slavic Community and founders of the New Right journal Ateney), Aleksei Trekhlebov from Krasnodar, Valery Demin from Omsk, and the Saint Petersburg journalists Oleg Gusev and Roman Perin, among others. Ivakhiv (2005) reports that they have a "surprisingly extensive" influence. The well-known Rodnover leader Velimir (Nikolai Speransky), who is the founder of the politically neutral federation Circle of Pagan Tradition, classifies Valery Yemelyanov, volkhv Dobroslav (Aleksei Dobrovolsky), Vladimir Istarkhov and Igor Sinyavin as representatives of right-wing Rodnovery; according to him, the Union of Slavic Rodnover Communities founded by Vadim Kazakov and the "Church of Nav" (Це́рковь На́ви, Tsérkov' Návi) generally lean towards the right-wing. The left-wing of the spectrum would be represented, instead, by Anton Platov, Aleksandr Asov and Aleksandr Khinevich (founder of Ynglism), though they keep most of their religious activities outside of politics. Since the 1990s, Traditionalist School thinkers—chiefly René Guénon and the Italian Pagan philosopher Julius Evola—have been translated and introduced in the very mainstream of Russian thought by the philosopher Aleksandr Dugin, who has an influential position at the heart of contemporary Russian academic and political life.
In its polemical piece Adversus paganos, the journal of the Ascension Cathedral of Astrakhan cites sociological data saying that Native Faiths are already formally embraced by "more than 2 million Russians", while the number of people affected by Rodnover ideas is several times larger. This is based on data provided in 2012 by Igor Zadorin, the director of the research institute "Tsirkon", who said that in Russia the proportions of atheists, Orthodox Christians and "pagans" are of comparable sizes and their populations overlap: Orthodox Christians are 30% of the total population; people who have some sort of "pagan", non-Christian spirituality, are 40% of the population, while the remaining population is composed of a 20% who are atheists, and a 10% who are believers of other religions (4-7% ethnic minorities professing Islam).
A number of youth subcultures have been identified as introducing people to Rodnovery, among them heavy metal, historical re-enactment, and the admirers of J. R. R. Tolkien. Rodnovery is also spread through a variety of newspapers and journals. Also popular with Russian Rodnovers has been the martial arts movement known as Slavyano-goritskaya bor'ba. A number of popular celebrities, including singer Maria Arkhipova and professional boxer Aleksandr Povetkin, have publicly embraced Rodnovery.
In 2005, Ivakhiv noted that there were likely between 5000 and 10,000 practitioners in Ukraine. He also observed that it had undergone dramatic growth in the country since the early and mid 1990s. Other sociologists estimated that in the same years Ukrainian Rodnovers were more than 90,000 (0.2% of the total population).:1189 Ivakhiv noted that the average age of Ukrainian practitioners was older than the average age in the Western Pagan community, and also noted that the religion's "main base" was "nationally oriented ethnic Ukrainians of higher-than-average educational levels". He observed that there was overlap between the Rodnover communities and other sectors of Ukrainian society, such as the folk and traditional music revival groups, Cossack associations, traditional martial arts groups, and nationalist and ultra-nationalist organisations. He added that Rodnovery remains "a relatively small niche in Ukrainian religious culture", and that it faces a mixed reception in the country. Established Ukrainian Orthodox and Roman Catholic groups have viewed Slavic Native Faith with alarm and hostility, while the country's educated and intellectual classes tend to view it as a fringe part of the ultra-conservative movement which was tinged with anti-Semitism and xenophobia.
In the global Ukrainian diaspora, there has been a "great decline" in the numbers practising the Sylenkoite branch of Rodnovery. This has been due to RUNVira's inability to attract sufficient numbers of youth in this community. Alternately, the Ukrainian group Ancestral Fire of the Native Orthodox Faith has established groups in both Moldova and Germany. In Ukraine, much like in Russia, Rodnovery is very popular among Cossacks, and the variety that they embrace is linked to a rediscovery of Scythian identity. Pilkington and Popov report one Russian Cossack saying that in Ukraine it is easier to meet Rodnover Cossacks than Christian Cossacks.
Belarus and Baltic states' Slavic minorities
Slavic Native Faith groups are also active in Belarus, the most numerous being the "Commonweath of Rodoviches (Rodnovers)", who fully align with Slavic traditions, and the organisation "Radzimas", aligning with Baltic traditions instead. Rodnovery in Belarus is popular among some intellectuals active in the pro-Russian political scene, for instance Rodnover leader Uladzimir Sacevič.
There are also practising Rodnovers among Lithuania's and Estonia's ethnically Russian minorities. Russians in Estonia have established their own religious organisation, the "Fellowship of the Russian People's Faith in Estonia" (Содруга Русской Народной Веры в Эстонии, Sodruga Russkoy Narodnoy Very v Estonii; Estonian: Vene Rahvausu Kogudus Eestis), registered in Tartu in 2010.
Southern and Western Slavic nations
As of 2013, Pagan groups in Bulgaria were described as having few members and little influence. That same year, Simpson noted that Slavic Native Faith remains a "very small religion" in Poland, which is otherwise dominated by Roman Catholicism. He suggested that there were under 900 regularly active members of the main four registered Polish Native Faith organisations, and around as many adherents belonging to smaller, unregistered groups. In 2017, he stated that between 2000 and 2500 "actively engaged and regular participants" were likely active in the country. He observed that in the country, Slavic Native Faith's adherents were "still relatively young", and saw an overlap with the community of historical re-enactors. In Poland, the practitioners of Slavic Native Faith outnumber other Pagan groups, although both are represented in the Pagan Federation International's Polish branch.
Anna-Marie Dostálová stated that the entire Pagan community in the Czech Republic—which includes Heathens, Wiccans, and Druids as well as Slavic Rodnovers—was of a "small size".
Rodnover fine arts
The rise of Rodnovery, and its rapid growth as a multidimensional phenomenon, has brought to the establishment of an artistic scene as part of such multidimensionality. Many professional artists, many of whom are outspokenly Rodnover themselves—some even priests, have emerged with works discussing themes of history, mythology and everyday life. Their works are highly appreciated and celebrated within the Rodnover community. Studies on Rodnover art have found that Svyatoslav I of Kiev is one of the preferred subjects among other historical themes, epic heroes and other human prototypes (even including the appropriation of saints of the Russian Orthodox Church).
Russian artists of Rodnover themes include Aleksandr Borisovich Uglanov, Andrey Alekseyevich Shishkin, Andrey Guselnikov, Andrey Klimenko, Boris Olshansky, Igor Ozhiganov, Leo Khao, Maksim Kuleshov, Maksim Sukharev, Maximilian Presnyakov, Nella Genkina, Nikolay Speransky, Radomir Semochkin, Viktor Korolkov, Vladimir Pingachov, Vsevolod Ivanov. Other artists include Russian Konstantin Vasilyev (1942–1976) and Serbian Dragoš Kalajić (1943–2005), known for his "Hyperborean realism".
|Wikimedia Commons has media related to Slavic neopaganism.|
- The term derives from the Proto-Slavic roots *rod (род), which means anything "indigenous", "ancestral" and "native", also "genus", "generation", "kin", "race" (cf. Russian родная rodnaya or родной rodnoy), and is also the name of the universe's supreme God according to Slavic knowledge; and *vera, which means "faith", "religion". The term has many emic variations, all compounds, in different Slavic languages, including:
- Belarusian: Раднавер'е Radnaverje
- Bulgarian: Родноверие Rоdnoverie
- Bosnian: Rodnovjerje
- Macedonian: Родноверие Rodnoverie
- Czech: Rodnověří
- Croatian: Rodnovjerje
- Polish: Rodzimowierstwo; Rodzima Wiara
- Russian: Родноверие Rodnoverie
- Slovak: Rodnoverie
- Slovene: Rodnoverstvo
- Serbian: Родноверје Rodnoverje
- Ukrainian: Рідновірство Ridnovirstvo; Рідновір'я Ridnovirya
- Though not a "pagan", Czech artist Alphonse Mucha was influenced by his Pan-Slavism. The theme of a non-Christian Slavic religiosity is identifiable in The Celebration of Svantovit, which represents Slavs in war (preparing for war with Germans, who are depicted on the far left of the painting) and peace, worshipping Svetovid. Anna Dvořák, in the upper right section of The Celebration of Svantovit, identifies a group of priests. The figure of a priest with his arms stretched out prays for the future of the Slavs, both in times of peace (represented by the young man to his left) and in times of war (the man with a sword to the priest's right).
- The Seven Gods, by Russian Rodnover artist Maxim Sukharev, represents the seven major deities of Slavic theo-cosmology, together constituting the hierarchy emanating from the supreme God (Rod). The elements of the drawing are the following ones:
① The central axis is Svarog ("Heaven"), comprising his three forms: the four-faced Svetovid ("Worldseer"), Perun ("Thunder") at the very centre, and Svarozhich ("Son of Heaven") below. Further below Svarozhich there is another form of he himself contained in a squared receptacle, Ognebog ("Fire God").
② On the right and left hand of Svetovid there are, respectively, Belobog ("White God") and Chernobog ("Black God"), themselves in the guise of Dazhbog ("Day God") and Juthrbog ("Moon God"). They are the supreme polarity upon which all the alternating ways of divine manifestation rely.
③ To the left and to the right of the white figure of Perun, there are, respectively, the black figure of the great goddess Mokosh/Mat Syra Zemlya ("Wetness/Damp Mother Earth") and the red figure of Veles (the male god belonging to the Earth and god of tamed animals).
④ The three forms of Svarog and the three gods Perun, Veles and Mokosh constitute intersecting trinities (Triglav, Tribog), which correspond to the three dimensions: Prav, Yav and Nav. Prav, literally "Right", is ultimately the central axis of Heaven itself, functioning as the medium of all dimensions of space-time. In the guise of thunder (Perun) it impregnates matter (Mokosh), which retains its rhythmic squaring regulations (thus constituting Nav, which is the continuity of time); in the guise of the Son of Heaven it comes to light in present reality (Yav), and is fostered by humanity (Veles), and preserved as the hearth (Ognebog).
- The four faces of Svetovid, the four colours and four directions, also correspond to the four Russias of folk cosmology: White Russia, Red Ruthenia, the Black Sea regions and Green Ukraine. See: Svetovid in the Ukrainian Soviet Encyclopedic Dictionary, 1987.
- Already Gerald Massey, one of the early proponents of the interpretation that Christ is a mythological theme — the synthesis of pre-Christian mythological themes — representing the unfolding of life, especially in the guise of the cycle of the Sun, in his 1883 work The Natural Genesis (p. 459), highlighted the parallel between Saint Christopher who bears the baby Christ on his back thwartwise the Jordan River, and Anubis who carries the baby Horus thwartwise the waters of the "world below".
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