Congress of Verona (1943)

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The Congress of Verona in November 1943 was the only congress of the Italian Republican Fascist Party, the successor of the National Fascist Party. At the time, the Republican Fascist Party was nominally in charge of the Italian Social Republic, a fascist state set up in Northern Italy after the Italian government signed an armistice with the Allies and fled to Southern Italy. The Salò Republic was in fact a German puppet state and most of its internal and external policies were dictated by German military commanders. Nevertheless, Italian fascists were allowed to keep the trappings of sovereignty. It was under these conditions that they organized the Congress of Verona, ostensibly for the purpose of charting a new political course and rejuvenating the Italian fascist movement. The attitude of the Italian Fascists towards Italian Jews also drastically changed after the Congress of Verona, when Fascist authorities declared them to be of "enemy nationality" and begun to actively participate in the prosecution and arrest of Jews.

Proposals made at the Congress[edit]

The Congress produced several statements, proposals and decisions, most of which were never implemented due to the ongoing war and the German occupation. According to historian Peter Neville, the fascist delegates at the congress were well aware of their lack of any real political power, so they made intentionally unrealistic or dishonest promises, knowing that they would never have to carry them out.[1] Significantly, Benito Mussolini, the founder and leader of Italian Fascism, was not present at the congress. He only sent a letter to the delegates, which was read as part of the opening ceremony.[1]

Of the decisions made at the Congress of Verona, the most important, which made the greatest practical impact, was the transformation of Italian fascism into a republican movement, after it had supported the monarchy of King Victor Emmanuel III for 21 years. The decision was motivated by the fact that the king had arrested Mussolini and made peace with the Allies just months before the congress; in fact, it was that action that forced the fascists to flee to Northern Italy and try to set up a new state there. The king was, therefore, a traitor in their eyes.

The Congress of Verona also made a series of sweeping promises that represented an almost total departure from previous fascist policy. It promised to introduce a democratic government elected on the basis of popular sovereignty, to convene a Constituent Assembly that would draft a new constitution, to allow freedom of the press, to create an independent judiciary that would investigate corruption and abuses under the previous fascist government, to hand over uncultivated land to poor farmers, to bring some key industries under state ownership and to institute profit sharing in many other private industries.[2] These latter economic policies were meant to represent a "Third Position" between capitalist plutocracy and Marxist socialism.

According to Italian philosopher Julius Evola, the Manifesto of Verona “was strongly socialist and pro-labour in orientation.”[3] One of the planks that was inserted into the Verona Manifesto pressed to "abolish the capitalist system and to struggle against the world plutocracies..."[4]

However, none of these promises was kept. The head of state remained unelected, the Constituent Assembly never met, free speech continued to be restricted as before, and a Special Tribunal was set up to convict enemies of fascism rather than investigate government corruption. The proposed "third way" also failed to materialize. In key industries private shareholders still played a central role, workers' rights were severely limited, and trade unions had no power.[5]

On February 12, 1944, Mussolini’s cabinet gave final approval for the "Socialization" bill of law guided by the Manifesto of Verona, calling for the “Enforcement of Mussolinian conception on subjects such as; much higher Social Justice, a more equitable distribution of wealth and the participation of labor in the state life.”[6] Mussolini claimed that he had never totally abandoned his socialist influences, insisting he had attempted to nationalize property in 1939–1940 but had been forced to delay such action for tactical reasons related to the war.[7] With the removal of the monarchy, Mussolini claimed the full ideology of Fascism could be pursued and ordered the nationalization of all companies with over 100 employees.[8] Mussolini even reached out to ex-communist Nicola Bombacci, a former student of Vladimir Lenin, to help him in spreading the image that Fascism was a progressive movement.[8]

Historians disagree about the purpose of the promises made at Verona. One theory is that the Republican Fascist Party was intentionally trying to show confusion about its policies and objectives; by then, there was a strong backlash in central and southern Italy against anything associated with fascism, and the fascists in the north could try to direct popular anger in the south against an idea or policy merely by associating themselves with that idea or policy.[9]

Manifesto of Verona[edit]

The Manifesto of Verona (Italian: Manifesto di Verona) was an 18-point document that outlined the future policies of the Italian Social Republic, the RSI. The document, a confusing attempt of return to radicalism of the early Fascism and, at the same time, to placate Nazi Germany, who now were in total political control of the RSI. It reaffirmed Italy's commitment to its German and Japanese allies. Apart from promising internal political changes and liberties the manifesto outlined the following key points:[10]

  • Point 1: Abolition of the monarchy and proclamation of the social republic. Denunciation of the last "treasonous and fugitive king".
  • Point 6: Roman Catholicism was declared as state religion but other religions are tolerated.
  • Point 7: The members of the Jewish race are foreigners. During the current war they are considered of enemy nationality.
  • Point 18: Continuation of the war in order to defeat the Allies and defend Italy's territorial gains.

Point seven drastically changed the status of the Jews of Italy. Having enjoyed a status of protection in Italy compare to areas controlled by Nazi Germany they were now actively persecuted, arrested and deported to concentration camps with the help of the Fascist Italian police. This prosecution by Italian authorities was not intended to extend to people who descended of mixed marriages.[11][12]

References[edit]

  1. ^ a b Neville, p. 189.
  2. ^ Neville, p. 188.
  3. ^ Evola, Julius (2013), Fascism Viewed from the Right, United Kingdom: Arktos Media Ltd., p. 83
  4. ^ Gregor, A.J. (1969), The Ideology of Fascism: The Rationale of Totalitarianism, New York: Free Press, p. 388, pp. 356f
  5. ^ Neville, pp. 188-189.
  6. ^ Norling, Erik (2011), Revolutionary Fascism, Lisbon: Finis Mundi Press, p. 103
  7. ^ Smith, Denis Mack (1983), Mussolini: A Biography, New York: Vintage Books, p. 311, ISBN 0-394-71658-2
  8. ^ a b Smith 1983, p. 312.
  9. ^ Neville, p. 190.
  10. ^ Stanislao G. Pugliese. "Italian Fascism and Anti-Fascism: A Critical Anthology". Google books. Retrieved 21 September 2018.
  11. ^ Gentile, p. 15
  12. ^ "Commemorating the Holocaust: The Dilemmas of Remembrance in France and Italy". Google books (in German). Retrieved 19 September 2018.

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