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Alt text=Orthographic Projection of South America

The history of South America is the study of the past, particularly the written record, oral histories, and traditions, passed down from generation to generation on the continent of South America. South America has a history that has a wide range of human cultural and civilisational forms. While millennia of independent development were interrupted by the Portuguese and Spanish colonisation drive of the late 15th century and the demographic collapse that followed, the continent's mestizo and indigenous cultures remain quite distinct from those of their colonisers.

Through the trans-Atlantic slave trade, South America (especially Brazil) became the home of millions of people in the African diaspora. The mixing of races led to new social structures. The tensions between colonial countries in Europe, indigenous peoples and escaped slaves shaped South America from the 16th through the 19th centuries. With the revolution for independence from the Spanish crown during the 19th century, South America underwent yet more social and political changes among them nation building projects, European immigration waves, increased trade, colonisation of hinterlands, and wars about territory ownership and power balance, the reorganisation of Indian rights and duties, liberal-conservative conflicts among the ruling class, and the subjugation of Indians living in the states' frontiers, that lasted until the early 1900s.

Prehistory to Pre-Columbian Era

In the Paleozoic era, South America and Africa were connected. By the end of the Mesozoic, South America was a massive, biologically rich island. Over millions of years, the type of life living in South America became radically different than that of the rest of the world. South America subsequently connected with North America. This caused several migrations of tougher, North American mammal carnivores. The result was that hundreds of South American species became extinct. However, some species were able to adapt and spread into North America. These species include the giant sloths and the terror birds.

The Amazonian rainforest likely formed during the Eocene era. It appeared following a global reduction of tropical temperatures when the Atlantic Ocean had widened sufficiently to provide a warm, moist climate to the Amazon basin. The rainforest has been in existence for at least 55 million years, and most of the region remained free of savanna-type biomes at least until the current ice age, when the climate was drier and savanna more widespread.^[1]^[2] Following the Cretaceous–Paleogene extinction event, the extinction of the dinosaurs and the wetter climate may have allowed the tropical rainforest to spread out across the continent. From 66–34 Mya, the rainforest extended as far south as 45°. Climate fluctuations during the last 34 million years have allowed savanna regions to expand into the tropics. During the Oligocene, for example, the rainforest spanned a relatively narrow band. It expanded again during the Middle Miocene, then retracted to a mostly inland formation at the last glacial maximum.^[3] However, the rainforest still managed to thrive during these glacial periods, allowing for the survival and evolution of a broad diversity of species.^[4]

During the mid-Eocene, it is believed that the drainage basin of the Amazon was split along the middle of the continent by the Purus Arch. Water on the eastern side flowed toward the Atlantic, while to the west water flowed toward the Pacific across the Amazonas Basin. As the Andes Mountains rose, however, a large basin was created that enclosed a lake; now known as the Solimões Basin.^{[note 1]} Within the last 5–10 million years, this accumulating water broke through the Purus Arch, joining the easterly flow toward the Atlantic.^[5]^[6]

There is evidence that there have been significant changes in Amazon rainforest vegetation over the last 21,000 years through the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM) and subsequent deglaciation. Analyses of sediment deposits from Amazon basin paleolakes and from the Amazon Fan indicate that rainfall in the basin during the LGM was lower than for the present, and this was almost certainly associated with reduced moist tropical vegetation cover in the basin.^[7] There is debate, however, over how extensive this reduction was. Some scientists argue that the rainforest was reduced to small, isolated refugia separated by open forest and grassland;^[8] other scientists argue that the rainforest remained largely intact but extended less far to the north, south, and east than is seen today.^[9]^{[note 2]}

Human activity

Based on archaeological evidence from an excavation at Caverna da Pedra Pintada, human inhabitants first settled in the Amazon region at least 11,200 years ago.^[10] Subsequent development led to late-prehistoric settlements along the periphery of the forest by AD 1250, which induced alterations in the forest cover.^[11]

For a long time, it was thought that the Amazon rainforest was only ever sparsely populated, as it was impossible to sustain a large population through agriculture given the poor soil. Archeologist Betty Meggers was a prominent proponent of this idea, as described in her book Amazonia: Man and Culture in a Counterfeit Paradise. She claimed that a population density of 0.2 inhabitants per square kilometre (0.52/sq mi) is the maximum that can be sustained in the rainforest through hunting, with agriculture needed to host a larger population.^[12] However, recent archeological findings have suggested that the region was actually densely populated. From the 1970s, numerous geoglyphs have been discovered on deforested land dating between 0–1250 AD, leading to claims about Pre-Columbian civilisations.^[13] The BBC's Unnatural Histories claimed that the Amazon rainforest, rather than being a pristine wilderness, has been shaped by man for at least 11,000 years through practices such as forest gardening.^[14] Recent anthropological findings have suggested that the region was actually densely populated. Some 5 million people may have lived in the Amazon region in AD 1500, divided between dense coastal settlements, such as that at Marajó, and inland dwellers.^[15]

The Marajó culture was a pre-Columbian era society that flourished on Marajó island at the mouth of the Amazon River. In a survey, Mann suggests dates between 800 AD and 1400 AD for the culture.^[16] Nevertheless, some human activity was documented at these sites already as early as 1000 BCE. The culture seems to persist into the colonial era.^[17] Sophisticated pottery—large and elaborately painted and incised with representations of plants and animals—is the most impressive finding in the area and provided the first evidence of complex society on Marajó. Evidence of mound building further suggests well-populated and sophisticated settlements emerged on the island.^[18] However, the extent, level of complexity, and resource interactions of the Marajoara culture are disputed. Working in the 1950s, Meggers suggests that the society migrated from the Andes and settled on the island. In the 1980s, Roosevelt led excavations and geophysical surveys of the mound Teso dos Bichos, and concluded that the society that constructed the mounds originated on the island itself.^[19] The pre-Columbian culture of Marajó may have developed social stratification and supported a population of 100,000 people.^[16] The Native Americans of the Amazon rain forest may have used Terra preta to make the land suitable for the large-scale agriculture needed to support large populations and complex social formations such as chiefdoms.^[16]

By 1900 the population had fallen to 1 million and by the early 1980s it was less than 200,000.^[15] The first European to travel the length of the Amazon River was Francisco de Orellana in 1542.^[20] Unnatural Histories presented evidence that Orellana, rather than exaggerating his claims as previously thought, was correct in his observations that a complex civilisation was flourishing along the Amazon in the 1540s. It is believed that the civilization was later devastated by the spread of diseases from Europe, such as smallpox.^[14]^[15]^[21]^[22]

Since the 1970s, numerous geoglyphs have been discovered on deforested land dating between AD 0–1250, furthering claims about Pre-Columbian civilizations.^[23]^[24] Ondemar Dias is accredited with first discovering the geoglyphs in 1977 and Alceu Ranzi with furthering their discovery after flying over Acre.^[21]^[25] The BBC's Unnatural Histories presented evidence that the Amazon rainforest, rather than being a pristine wilderness, has been shaped by man for at least 11,000 years through practices such as forest gardening and terra preta.^[21]

One of the main pieces of evidence is the existence of this fertile Terra preta (black earth), which is distributed over large areas in the Amazon forest.^[26]^{[note 3]} It is now widely accepted that these soils are a product of indigenous soil management. The development of this soil allowed agriculture and silviculture in the previously hostile environment; meaning that large portions of the Amazon rainforest are probably the result of centuries of human management, rather than naturally occurring as has previously been supposed.^[27]^[28] In the region of the Xinguanos tribe, remains of some of these large settlements in the middle of the Amazon forest were found in 2003 by Michael Heckenberger and colleagues of the University of Florida. Among those were evidence of roads, bridges and large plazas.^[29]

Terra preta (black earth), which is distributed over large areas in the Amazon forest, is now widely accepted as a product of indigenous soil management. The development of this fertile soil allowed agriculture and silviculture in the previously hostile environment; meaning that large portions of the Amazon rainforest are probably the result of centuries of human management, rather than naturally occurring as has previously been supposed.^{[note 3]}^[30] In the region of the Xingu tribe, remains of some of these large settlements in the middle of the Amazon forest were found in 2003 by Michael Heckenberger and colleagues of the University of Florida. Among those were evidence of roads, bridges and large plazas.^[31]

File:Cromlech.jpg

Megaliths in the Solstice Archaeological Park, in Amapá, erected between 500 and 2000 years ago, probably to carry out astronomical observations.

Origins of indigenous peoples of South America

The Pre-Columbian era incorporates all period subdivisions in the history and prehistory of the Americas before the appearance of significant European and African influences on the American continents, spanning the time of the original settlement in the Upper Paleolithic to European colonisation during the Early Modern period.^[32]

While technically referring to the era before Christopher Columbus's voyages of 1492 to 1504, in practice the term usually includes the history of American indigenous cultures until Europeans either conquered or significantly influenced them, even if this happened decades or even centuries after Columbus' initial landing.^[33] "Pre-Columbian" is used especially often in the context of discussing the great indigenous civilizations of the Americas, such as those of Mesoamerica (the Olmec, the Toltec, the Teotihuacano, the Zapotec, the Mixtec, the Aztec, and the Maya) and those of the Andes (Inca, Moche, Chibcha, Cañaris).

Many pre-Columbian civilizations established characteristics and hallmarks which included permanent or urban settlements, agriculture, civic and monumental architecture, and complex societal hierarchies.^[34] Some of these civilizations had long faded by the time of the first significant European and African arrivals (ca. late 15th–early 16th centuries), and are known only through oral history and through archaeological investigations. Others were contemporary with this period, and are also known from historical accounts of the time. A few, such as the Mayan, Olmec, Mixtec, and Nahua peoples, had their own written records. However, the European colonists of the time worked to eliminate non-Christian beliefs, and Christian pyres destroyed many pre-Columbian written records. Only a few documents remained hidden and survived, leaving contemporary historians with glimpses of ancient culture and knowledge.

According to both indigenous American and European accounts and documents, American civilisations at the time of European encounter had achieved many accomplishments.^[35] For instance, the Aztecs built one of the largest cities in the world, Tenochtitlan, the ancient site of Mexico City, with an estimated population of 200,000. American civilizations also displayed impressive accomplishments in astronomy and mathematics. The domestication of maize or corn required thousands of years of selective breeding.

Inuit, Alaskan Native, and American Indian creation myths tell of a variety of origins of their respective peoples. Some were "always there" or were created by gods or animals, some migrated from a specified compass point, and others came from "across the ocean".^[37] Questions about the original settlement of the Americas has produced a number of hypothetical models. The origins of these indigenous people are still a matter of dispute among archaeologists. The traditional view, which traces them to Siberian migration to the Americas at the end of the last ice age, has been increasingly challenged by South American archaeologists. Theories to explain evidence of pre-Columbian trans-oceanic contact with the Americas by Asian, African, or Oceanic people is generally the topic of significant debate. Demonstrations such as Kon-Tiki and the Kantuta Expeditions demonstrated the ability to travel westward with the Humboldt Current from South America to Polynesia.

The Siberian Ice Age hypothesis

Anthropological and genetic evidence indicates that most Amerindian people descended from migrant people from North Asia (Siberia) who entered the Americas across the Bering Strait or along the western coast of North America in at least three separate waves. In Brazil, particularly, most native tribes who were living in the land by 1500 are thought to be descended from the first Siberian wave of migrants, who are believed to have crossed the Bering Land Bridge at the end of the last Ice Age, between 13,000 and 17,000 years before the present. A migrant wave would have taken some time after initial entry to reach present-day Brazil, probably entering the Amazon River basin from the Northwest. (The second and third migratory waves from Siberia, which are thought to have generated the Athabaskan, Aleut, Inuit, and Yupik people, apparently did not reach farther than the southern United States and Canada, respectively).^{[citation needed]}

An analysis of Amerindian Y-chromosome DNA indicates specific clustering of much of the South American population. The micro-satellite diversity and distributions of the Y lineage specific to South America indicates that certain Amerindian populations have been isolated since the initial colonisation of the region.^[38]

The Australian Aborigines hypothesis

The traditional view above has recently been challenged by findings of human remains in South America, which are claimed to be too old to fit this scenario—perhaps even 20,000 years old. Some recent finds (notably the Luzia skeleton in Lagoa Santa, Minas Gerais, Brazil analyzed by University of São Paulo, Professor Walter Neves) are claimed to be morphologically distinct from the Asian phenotype and are more similar to Australian Aborigines. These Americans would have been later displaced or absorbed by the Siberian immigrants. The distinctive natives of Tierra del Fuego, the southernmost tip of the South American continent, may have been the last remains of those Aboriginal populations.

These early immigrants would have either crossed the ocean on rafts or boats, or traveled North along the Asian coast and entered the Americas through the Bering Strait area, well before the Siberian waves. This theory is still resisted by many scientists chiefly because of the apparent difficulty of the trip. Some proposed theories involve a southward migration from or through Australia and Tasmania, hopping Subantarctic islands and then proceeding along the coast of Antarctica and/or southern ice sheets to the tip of South America at the time of the last glacial maximum.

There is no genetic nor linguistic evidence to support this hypothesis, even though it is plausible that aborigine people that inhabited East Asian shores could have crossed Beringia before the first Siberian waves.

Genetic studies

According to an autosomal genetic study from 2012,^[39] Native Americans descend of at least three main migrant waves from East Asia. Most of it is traced back to a single ancestral population, called 'First Americans'. However, those who speak Inuit languages from the Arctic inherited almost half of their ancestry from a second East Asian migrant wave. And those who speak Na-dene, on the other hand, inherited a tenth of their ancestry from a third migrant wave. The initial settling of the Americas was followed by a rapid expansion southwards, by the coast, with little gene flow later, especially in South America. One exception to this are the Chibcha speakers, whose ancestry comes from both North and South America. ^[39]

Another study, focused on the mtDNA (that which is inherited only through the maternal line),^[40] revealed that the indigenous people of the Americas have their maternal ancestry traced back to a few founding lineages from East Asia, which would have arrived via the Bering strait. According to this study, it is probable that the ancestors of the Native Americans would have remained for a time in the region of the Bering Strait, after which there would have been a rapid movement of settling of the Americas, taking the founding lineages to South America.

Linguistic studies have backed up genetic studies, with ancient patterns having been found between the languages spoken in Siberia and those spoken in the Americas.^[40]

Two 2015 autosomal DNA genetic studies confirmed the Siberian origins of the Natives of the Americas. However an ancient signal of shared ancestry with the Natives of Australia and Melanesia was detected among the Natives of the Amazon region. The migration coming out of Siberia would have happened 23000 years ago.^[41]^[42]

Genetics

A language map with colour. Branch lengths are scaled according to genetic distance, but for ease of visualization, a different scale is used on the left and right sides of the middle tick mark at the bottom of the figure. The tree was rooted along the branch connecting the Siberian populations and the Native American populations, and for convenience, the forced bootstrap score of 100% for this rooting is indicated twice. In the neighbour-joining tree, a reasonably well-supported cluster (86%) includes all non-Andean South American populations, together with the Andean-speaking Inga population from southern Colombia. Within this South American cluster, strong support exists for separate clustering of Chibchan–Paezan (97%) and Equatorial–Tucanoan (96%) speakers (except for the inclusion of the Equatorial–Tucanoan Wayuu population with its Chibchan–Paezan geographic neighbours, and the inclusion of Kaingang, the single Ge–Pano–Carib population, with its Equatorial–Tucanoan geographic neighbours). Within the Chibchan–Paezan and Equatorial–Tucanoan subclusters several subgroups have strong support, including Embera and Waunana (96%), Arhuaco and Kogi (100%), Cabecar and Guaymi (100%), and the two Ticuna groups (100%). When the tree-based clustering is repeated with alternate genetic distance measures, despite the high Mantel correlation coefficients between distance matrices (0.98, 0.98, and 0.99 for comparisons of the Nei and Reynolds matrices, the Nei and chord matrices, and the Reynolds and chord matrices, respectively), higher-level groupings tend to differ slightly or to have reduced bootstrap support. — An autosomal genetic tree showing some neighbour-joining relationships within Amerindian peoples

The haplogroup most commonly associated with Indigenous Amerindian genetics is Haplogroup Q1a3a (Y-DNA).^[45] Y-DNA, like mtDNA, differs from other nuclear chromosomes in that the majority of the Y chromosome is unique and does not recombine during meiosis. This has the effect that the historical pattern of mutations can easily be studied.^[46] The pattern indicates Indigenous Amerindians experienced two very distinctive genetic episodes; first with the initial-peopling of the Americas, and secondly with European colonisation of the Americas.^[47]^[48] The former is the determinant factor for the number of gene lineages and founding haplotypes present in today's Indigenous Amerindian populations.^[48]

Human settlement of the New World occurred in stages from the Bering sea coast line, with an initial 20,000-year layover on Beringia for the founding population.^[49]^[50] The micro-satellite diversity and distributions of the Y lineage specific to South America indicates that certain Amerindian populations have been isolated since the initial colonisation of the region.^[51] The Na-Dené, Inuit and Indigenous Alaskan populations exhibit haplogroup Q-M242 (Y-DNA) mutations, however are distinct from other indigenous Amerindians with various mtDNA mutations.^[52]^[53]^[54] This suggests that the earliest migrants into the northern extremes of North America and Greenland derived from later populations.^[55]

The genetic history of indigenous peoples of the Americas primarily focuses on Human Y-chromosome DNA haplogroups and Human mitochondrial DNA haplogroups.^[56] Autosomal "atDNA" markers are also used, but differ from mtDNA or Y-DNA in that they overlap significantly.^[57] The genetic pattern indicates Indigenous Amerindians experienced two very distinctive genetic episodes; first with the initial peopling of the Americas, and secondly with European colonisation of the Americas.^[48]^[58] The former is the determinant factor for the number of gene lineages, zygosity mutations and founding haplotypes present in today's Indigenous Amerindian populations.^[59]

Analyses of genetics among Native American and Siberian populations have been used to argue for early isolation of founding populations on Beringia^[60] and for later, more rapid migration from Siberia through Beringia into the New World.^[61] The microsatellite diversity and distributions of the Y lineage specific to South America indicates that certain Amerindian populations have been isolated since the initial colonisation of the region.^[62] The Na-Dené, Inuit and Indigenous Alaskan populations exhibit Haplogroup Q-M242; however, they are distinct from other indigenous Amerindians with various mtDNA and atDNA mutations.^[52]^[53]^[63] This suggests that the peoples who first settled the northern extremes of North America and Greenland derived from later migrant populations than those who penetrated further south in the Americas.^[64]^[65] Linguists and biologists have reached a similar conclusion based on analysis of Amerindian language groups and ABO blood group system distributions.^[66]^[67]^[68]

Y-DNA

The Y chromosome consortium has established a system of defining Y-DNA haplogroups by letters A through to T, with further subdivisions using numbers and lower case letters.^[69]

Haplogroup Q

Q-M242 (mutational name) is the defining (SNP) of Haplogroup Q (Y-DNA) (phylogenetic name). Within the Q clade, there are 14 haplogroups marked by 17 SNPs.²⁰⁰⁹^[70]^[71] In Eurasia haplogroup Q is found among indigenous Siberian populations, such as the modern Chukchi and Koryak peoples. In particular, two groups exhibit large concentrations of the Q-M242 mutation, the Ket (93.8%) and the Selkup (66.4%) peoples.^[72] The Ket are thought to be the only survivors of ancient wanderers living in Siberia.^[73] Their population size is very small; there are fewer than 1,500 Ket in Russia.²⁰⁰²^[73] The Selkup have a slightly larger population size than the Ket, with approximately 4,250 individuals.^[74]

Starting the Paleo-Indians period, a migration to the Americas across the Bering Strait (Beringia) by a small population carrying the Q-M242 mutation took place.^[75] A member of this initial population underwent a mutation, which defines its descendant population, known by the Q-M3 (SNP) mutation.^[76] These descendants migrated all over the Americas.^[70]

mtDNA

Mitochondrial Eve is defined as the woman who was the matrilineal most recent common ancestor for all living humans. Mitochondrial Eve is estimated to have lived between 140,000 and 200,000 years ago,^[77]^[78] Mitochondrial Eve is the most recent common matrilineal ancestor, not the most recent common ancestor.^[79]^[80]

When studying human mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) haplogroups, the results indicated until recently that Indigenous Amerindian haplogroups, including haplogroup X, are part of a single founding east Asian population. It also indicates that the distribution of mtDNA haplogroups and the levels of sequence divergence among linguistically similar groups were the result of multiple preceding migrations from Bering Straits populations.^[81] All Indigenous Amerindian mtDNA can be traced back to five haplogroups, A, B, C, D and X.^[82]

More specifically, indigenous Amerindian mtDNA belongs to sub-haplogroups A2, B2, C1, D1, and X2a (with minor groups C4c, D2, D3, and D4h3).^[60]^[81] This suggests that 95% of Indigenous Amerindian mtDNA is descended from a minimal genetic founding female population, comprising sub-haplogroups A2, B2, C1b, C1c, C1d, and D1.^[82] The remaining 5% is composed of the X2a, D2, D3, C4, and D4h3 sub-haplogroups.^[81]^[82] thumb|left|180px|Karajá Indians in Brazil X is one of the five mtDNA haplogroups found in Indigenous Amerindian peoples. Unlike the four main American mtDNA haplogroups (A, B, C and D), X is not at all strongly associated with east Asia.^[73] Haplogroup X genetic sequences diverged about 20,000 to 30,000 years ago to give two sub-groups, X1 and X2. X2's subclade X2a occurs only at a frequency of about 3% for the total current indigenous population of the Americas.^[73] However, X2a is a major mtDNA subclade in North America; among the Algonquian peoples, it comprises up to 25% of mtDNA types.^[83]^[84] It is also present in lower percentages to the west and south of this area — among the Sioux (15%), the Nuu-chah-nulth (11%–13%), the Navajo (7%), and the Yakama (5%).^[85] Haplogroup X is more strongly present in the Near East, the Caucasus, and Mediterranean Europe.^[85] The predominant theory for sub-haplogroup X2a's appearance in North America is migration along with A, B, C, and D mtDNA groups, from a source in the Altai Mountains of central Asia.^[86]^[87]^[88]^[89]

Sequencing of the mitochondrial genome from Paleo-Eskimo remains (3,500 years old) are distinct from modern Amerindians, falling within sub-haplogroup D2a1, a group observed among today's Aleutian Islanders, the Aleut and Siberian Yupik populations.^[90] This suggests that the colonizers of the far north, and subsequently Greenland, originated from later coastal populations.^[90] Then a genetic exchange in the northern extremes introduced by the Thule people (proto-Inuit) approximately 800–1,000 years ago began.^[54]^[91] These final Pre-Columbian migrants introduced haplogroups A2a and A2b to the existing Paleo-Eskimo populations of Canada and Greenland, culminating in the modern Inuit.^[54]^[91]

A 2013 study in Nature reported that DNA found in the 24,000-year-old remains of a young boy from the archaeological Mal'ta-Buret' culture suggest that up to one-third of the indigenous Americans may have ancestry that can be traced back to western Eurasians, who may have "had a more north-easterly distribution 24,000 years ago than commonly thought"^[92] "We estimate that 14 to 38 percent of Native American ancestry may originate through gene flow from this ancient population," the authors wrote. Professor Kelly Graf said,

"Our findings are significant at two levels. First, it shows that Upper Paleolithic Siberians came from a cosmopolitan population of early modern humans that spread out of Africa to Europe and Central and South Asia. Second, Paleoindian skeletons like Buhl Woman with phenotypic traits atypical of modern-day indigenous Americans can be explained as having a direct historical connection to Upper Paleolithic Siberia."^{[citation needed]}

A route through Beringia is seen as more likely than the Solutrean hypothesis.^[93] An abstract in a 2012 issue of the "American Journal of Physical Anthropology" states that "The similarities in ages and geographical distributions for C4c and the previously analyzed X2a lineage provide support to the scenario of a dual origin for Paleo-Indians. Taking into account that C4c is deeply rooted in the Asian portion of the mtDNA phylogeny and is indubitably of Asian origin, the finding that C4c and X2a are characterised by parallel genetic histories definitively dismisses the controversial hypothesis of an Atlantic glacial entry route into North America."^[94]

Archaeology

One of the earliest human remains found in the Americas, Luzia Woman, were found in the area of Pedro Leopoldo, Minas Gerais and provide evidence of human habitation going back at least 11,000 years.^[95]^[96] The earliest pottery ever found in the Western Hemisphere was excavated in the Amazon basin of Brazil and radiocarbon dated to 8,000 years ago (6000 BC). The pottery was found near Santarém and provides evidence that the tropical forest region supported a complex prehistoric culture.^[97]

Asian nomads are thought to have entered the Americas via the Bering Land Bridge (Beringia), now the Bering Strait and possibly along the coast. Genetic evidence found in Amerindians' maternally inherited mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) supports the theory of multiple genetic populations migrating from Asia.^[98]^[99] Over the course of millennia, Paleo-Indians spread throughout North and South America. Exactly when the first group of people migrated into the Americas is the subject of much debate. One of the earliest identifiable cultures was the Clovis culture, with sites dating from some 13,000 years ago. However, older sites dating back to 20,000 years ago have been claimed. Some genetic studies estimate the colonisation of the Americas dates from between 40,000 to 13,000 years ago.^[73]

The chronology of migration models is currently divided into two general approaches. The first is the short chronology theory with the first movement beyond Alaska into the New World occurring no earlier than 14,000–17,000 years ago, followed by successive waves of immigrants.^[100]^[101]^[102]^[103] The second belief is the long chronology theory, which proposes that the first group of people entered the hemisphere at a much earlier date, possibly 50,000–40,000 years ago or earlier.^[104]^[105]^[106]^[107]

Wiraquchapampa (Quechua) is an archaeological site with the remains of a building complex of ancient Peru of pre-Inca times. It was one of the administrative centers of the Wari culture. Wiraquchapampa lies about 3.5 kilometres (2.2 miles) north of Huamachuco in Sánchez Carrión Province of the La Libertad Region at an elevation of 3,070 metres (10,072 feet). The site was occupied from the late Middle Horizon 1B time to the first decades of period 2A, according to the chronology established by Dorothy Menzel, taking as reference the classic division of Horizons and Intermediate by John Rowe. These correspond to the 7th and 8th centuries of our era.

Artifacts have been found in both North and South America which have been dated to 14,000 BP,^[108] and humans are thought to have reached Cape Horn at the southern tip of South America by this time. The Inuit and related peoples arrived separately and at a much later date, probably during the first millennium CE, moving across the ice from Siberia into Alaska.

Kotosh is an archaeological site near Huánuco (Peru) containing a temple of the Late Archaic period. The site gave name to the Kotosh Religious Tradition, which existed in Peru in 2300—1200 BCE, i.e. in the Late Archaic period.^{[note 5]}

By the first millennium, South America's vast rainforests, mountains, plains, and coasts were the home of millions of people. Estimates vary, but 30-50 million are often given and 100 million by some estimates. Some groups formed permanent settlements. Among those groups were the Chibchas (or "Muiscas" or "Muyscas"), Valdivia and the Tairona. The Chibchas of Colombia, Valdivia of Ecuador, the Quechuas and the Aymara of Peru and Bolivia were the four most important sedentary Amerindian groups in South America. From the 1970s, numerous geoglyphs have been discovered on deforested land in the Amazon rainforest, Brazil, supporting Spanish accounts of a complex, possibly ancient Amazonian civilisation.^[23]^[112]

A 2007 paper published in PNAS put forward DNA and archaeological evidence that domesticated chickens had been introduced into South America via Polynesia by late pre-Columbian times.^[113] These findings were challenged by a later study published in the same journal, that cast doubt on the dating calibration used and presented alternative mtDNA analyses that disagreed with a Polynesian genetic origin.^[114] The origin and dating remains an open issue. Whether or not early Polynesian–American exchanges occurred, no compelling human-genetic, archaeological, cultural or linguistic legacy of such contact has turned up. Terra preta (black earth), which is distributed over large areas in the Amazon forest, is now widely accepted as a product of indigenous soil management. The development of this fertile soil allowed agriculture and silviculture in the previously hostile environment; meaning that large portions of the Amazon rainforest are probably the result of centuries of human management, rather than naturally occurring as has previously been supposed.^{[note 3]} In the region of the Xingu tribe, remains of some of these large settlements in the middle of the Amazon forest were found in 2003 by Michael Heckenberger and colleagues of the University of Florida. Among those were evidence of roads, bridges and large plazas.^[31]

Agricultural development & domestication of animals

Early inhabitants of the Americas developed agriculture, developing and breeding maize (corn) from ears 2 to 5 cm (0.8–2.0 inches) in length to the current size are familiar today. Potatoes, tomatoes, tomatillos (a husked green tomato), pumpkins, chili peppers, squash, beans, pineapple, sweet potatoes, the grains quinoa and amaranth, cocoa beans, vanilla, onion, peanuts, strawberries, raspberries, blueberries, blackberries, papaya, and avocados were among other plants grown by natives. Over two-thirds of all types of food crops grown worldwide are native to the Americas.

The natives began using fire in a widespread manner. Intentional burning of vegetation was taken up to mimic the effects of natural fires that tended to clear forest understories, thereby making travel easier and facilitating the growth of herbs and berry-producing plants that were important for both food and medicines. This created the Pre-Columbian savannas of North America.^[115]

While not as widespread as in other areas of the world (Asia, Africa, Europe), indigenous Americans did have livestock. In Mexico as well as Central America, natives had domesticated deer which was used for meat and possibly even milk. Domesticated turkeys were common in Mesoamerica and in some regions of North America; they were valued for their meat, feathers, and, possibly, eggs. There is documentation of Mesoamericans utilising hairless dogs, especially the Xoloitzcuintle breed, for their meat. Andean societies had llamas and alpacas for meat and wool, as well as for beasts of burden. Guinea pigs were raised for meat in the Andes. Iguanas were another source of meat in Mexico, Central, and northern South America. The first evidence for the existence of agricultural practices in South America dates back to circa 6500 BCE, when potatoes, chilies and beans began to be cultivated for food in the Amazon Basin. Pottery evidence further suggests that manioc, which remains a staple foodstuff today, was being cultivated as early as 2000 BCE.^[116]

South American cultures began domesticating llamas and alpacas in the highlands of the Andes circa 3500 BCE. These animals were used for both transportation and meat.^[116] Guinea pigs were also domesticated as a food source at this time.^[117]

By 2000 BCE, many agrarian village communities had been settled throughout the Andes and the surrounding regions. Fishing became a widespread practice along the coast which helped to establish fish as a primary source of food. Irrigation systems were also developed at this time, which aided in the rise of an agrarian society.^[116] The food crops were quinoa, corn, lima beans, common beans, peanuts, manioc, sweet potatoes, potatoes, oca and squashes.^[118] Cotton was also grown and was particularly important as the only major fiber crop.^[116]

The earliest permanent settlement as proved by ceramic dating dates to 3500 BC by the Valdivia on the coast of Ecuador. Other groups also formed permanent settlements. Among those groups were the Chibchas (or "Muiscas" or "Muyscas") and the Tairona, of Colombia, the cañari of Ecuador, the Quechuas of Peru, and the Aymaras of Bolivia were the 3 most important sedentary Indian groups in South America. In the last two thousand years there may have been contact with Polynesians across the South Pacific Ocean, as shown by the spread of the sweet potato through some areas of the Pacific, but there is no genetic legacy of human contact.^[119]

By the 15th century, maize had been transmitted from Mexico and was being farmed in the Mississippi embayment, as far as the East Coast of the United States, and as far north as southern Canada. Potatoes were utilised by the Inca, and chocolate was used by the Aztecs.

Native South American Peoples

Argentina

Argentina has 35 indigenous groups or Argentine Amerindians or Native Argentines, according to the Complementary Survey of the Indigenous Peoples of 2004,^[120] in the first attempt in more than a 100 years that the government tried to recognize and classify the population according to ethnicity. In the survey, based on self-identification or self-ascription, around 600,000 Argentines declared to be Amerindian or first-generation descendants of Amerindians, that is, 1.49% of the population.^[120] The most populous of these were the Tehuelche, Kolla, Toba, Wichí, Diaguita, Mocoví, Huarpe peoples, Mapuche and Guarani^[120] In the 2010 census [INDEC], 955,032 Argentines declared to be Amerindian or first-generation descendants of Amerindians, that is, 2.38% of the population.^[121] Many Argentines also claim at least one indigenous ancestor: in a recent genetic study conducted by the University of Buenos Aires, more than 56% of the 320 Argentines sampled were shown to have at least one indigenous ancestor in one parental lineage and about 11% had indigenous ancestors in both parental lineages.^[122]

Jujuy Province, in the Argentine Northwest, is home to the highest percentage of households (15%) with at least one indigenous person or a direct descendant of an indigenous people; Chubut and Neuquén Provinces, in Patagonia, have upwards of 12%.^[123]

The indigenous population of Argentina have a complex history, from being the majority in what is now the Argentine territory to being outnumbered by a Black majority in the Argentine colonial era and the first decades after the Independence of Argentina, to participating in the great Immigration to Argentina (1850-1955), to almost being completely overwhelmed in proportion to the Argentine total population (after all, Argentina received 6.6 million immigrants, second only to the United States with 27 million, and ahead of countries such as Canada, Brazil, Australia, etc.)^[124]^[125]

In 2005, Argentina's indigenous population (known as pueblos originarios) numbered about 600,329 (1.6% of total population); this figure includes 457,363 people who self-identified as belonging to an indigenous ethnic group and 142,966 who identified themselves as first-generation descendants of an indigenous people.^[126]^[127] The ten most populous indigenous peoples are the Mapuche (113,680 people), the Kolla (70,505), the Toba (69,452), the Guaraní (68,454), the Wichi (40,036), the Diaguita-Calchaquí (31,753), the Mocoví (15,837), the Huarpe (14,633), the Comechingón (10,863) and the Tehuelche (10,590). Minor but important peoples are the Quechua (6,739), the Charrúa (4,511), the Pilagá (4,465), the Chané (4,376), and the Chorote (2,613). The Selknam (Ona) people are now virtually extinct in its pure form. The languages of the Diaguita, Tehuelche, and Selknam nations have become extinct or virtually extinct: the Cacán language (spoken by Diaguitas) in the 18th century and the Selknam language in the 20th century; one Tehuelche language (Southern Tehuelche) is still spoken by a handful of elderly people.

Belize

Mestizos (European with indigenous peoples) number about 34 percent of the population; unmixed Maya make up another 10.6 percent (Ketchi, Mopan, and Yucatec). The Garifuna, who came to Belize in the 19th century, originating from Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, with a mixed African, Carib, and Arawak ancestry make up another 6% of the population.^[128]

The Q'eqchi'

Q'eqchi' in the former orthography, or simply Kekchi in many English-language contexts, such as in Belize) are one of the Maya peoples in Guatemala and Belize, whose indigenous language is also called Q'eqchi'.

Before the beginning of the Spanish conquest of Guatemala in the 1520s, Q'eqchi' settlements were concentrated in what are now the departments of Alta Verapaz and Baja Verapaz. Over the course of the succeeding centuries a series of land displacements, resettlements, persecutions and migrations resulted in a wider dispersal of Q'eqchi' communities into other regions of Guatemala (Izabal, Petén, El Quiché), southern Belize (Toledo District), and smaller numbers in southern Mexico (Chiapas, Campeche).^[129] While most notably present in northern Alta Verapaz and southern Petén,^[130] contemporary Q'eqchi' language-speakers are the most widely spread geographically of all Maya peoples in Guatemala.^[131]

The Mopan

The Mopan are one of the Maya peoples in Belize and Guatemala. Their indigenous language is also called Mopan and is one of the Yucatec Maya languages.

In the 18th and 19th centuries, the British forced the Mopan out of Belize and into Guatemala.^[132] There they endured forced labour and high taxation.^[132] In the late 19th century, many Guatemalan Mopan fled back into Belize, settling in the Toledo District in the southern part of the country.^[132]^[133]

In the 2010 Census, 10,557 Belizeans reported their ethnicity as Mopan Maya. This constituted approximately 3% of the population.^[134]

The Garifuna

The Garifuna are mixed-race descendants of West African, Central African, Island Carib, and Arawak people. The British colonial administration used the term Black Carib and Garifuna to distinguish them from Yellow and Red Carib, the Amerindian population who did not intermarry with Africans. Caribs who had not intermarried with Africans are still living in the islands of the Lesser Antilles. The Island Caribs lived throughout the southern Lesser Antilles, such as present Dominica, St Vincent and Trinidad. Their ancestors are believed to have conquered them from their previous inhabitants, the Igneri.

Since April 12, 1797, the Garifuna people have been living in Central America, where they speak the Garifuna language. The Garifuna people mostly live along the Caribbean Coast of Honduras, but there are also smaller populations in Belize, Guatemala, and Nicaragua. There are also many Garinagu in the United States, particularly in New York City, Los Angeles, Miami, New Orleans, Houston, Seattle, and other major cities.

The Carib people had migrated from the mainland to the islands about 1200, according to carbon dating of artifacts. They largely displaced, exterminated and assimilated the Taino who were resident on the island at the time.^[135]

The French missionary Raymond Breton arrived in the Lesser Antilles in 1635, and lived on Guadeloupe and Dominica until 1653. He took ethnographic and linguistic notes on the native peoples of these islands, including St Vincent, which he visited briefly. According to oral history noted by the English governor William Young in 1795, Carib-speaking people of the Orinoco River area on the mainland came to St. Vincent long before the arrival of Europeans to the New World. They subdued the local inhabitants called Galibeis, and unions took place between the peoples.

Bolivia

In Bolivia, a 62% majority of residents over the age of 15 self-identify as belonging to an indigenous people, while another 3.7% grew up with an indigenous mother tongue yet do not self-identify as indigenous.^[136] Including both of these categories, and children under 15, some 66.4% of Bolivia's population was registered as indigenous in the 2001 Census.^[137] The largest indigenous ethnic groups are: Quechua, about 2.5 million people; Aymara, 2.0 million; Chiquitano, 181,000; Guaraní, 126,000; and Mojeño, 69,000. Some 124,000 belong to smaller indigenous groups.^[138] The Constitution of Bolivia, enacted in 2009, recognizes 36 cultures, each with its own language, as part of a plurinational state. Some groups, including CONAMAQ (the National Council of Ayllus and Markas of Qullasuyu) draw ethnic boundaries within the Quechua- and Aymara-speaking population, resulting in a total of fifty indigenous peoples native to Bolivia.

Large numbers of Bolivian highland peasants retained indigenous language, culture, customs, and communal organization throughout the Spanish conquest and the post-independence period. They mobilised to resist various attempts at the dissolution of communal landholdings and used legal recognition of "empowered caciques" to further communal organization. Indigenous revolts took place frequently until 1953.^[139] While the National Revolutionary Movement government begun in 1952 discouraged self-identification as indigenous (reclassifying rural people as campesinos, or peasants), renewed ethnic and class militancy re-emerged in the Katarista movement beginning in the 1970s.^[140] Lowland indigenous peoples, mostly in the east, entered national politics through the 1990 March for Territory and Dignity organised by the CIDOB confederation. That march successfully pressured the national government to sign the ILO Convention 169 and to begin the still-ongoing process of recognising and titling indigenous territories. The 1994 Law of Popular Participation granted "grassroots territorial organizations" that are recognised by the state certain rights to govern local areas.

Some radio and television programs in Quechua and Aymara are produced. The constitutional reform in 1997 recognised Bolivia as a multilingual, pluri-ethnic society and introduced education reform. In 2005, for the first time in the country's history, an indigenous Aymara, Evo Morales, was elected as President.

Morales began work on his "indigenous autonomy" policy, which he launched in the eastern lowlands department on August 3, 2009, making Bolivia the first country in the history of South America to affirm the right of indigenous people to govern themselves.^[141] Speaking in Santa Cruz Department, the President called it "a historic day for the peasant and indigenous movement", saying that, though he might make errors, he would "never betray the fight started by our ancestors and the fight of the Bolivian people".^[141] A vote on further autonomy will take place in referendums which are expected to be held in December 2009.^[141] The issue has divided the country.^[142]

Brazil

File:149657.jpeg

Brasília - Líder da Nação Kayapó, Akyboro Kayapó, da Aldeia Moicaraku (PA)

Indigenous peoples of Brazil make up 0.4% of Brazil's population, or about 700,000 people, even though millions of Brazilians have some indigenous ancestry.^[143]^[144] Indigenous peoples are found in the entire territory of Brazil, although the majority of them live in Indian reservations in the North and Center-Western part of the country. On January 18, 2007, FUNAI reported that it had confirmed the presence of 67 different uncontacted tribes in Brazil, up from 40 in 2005. With this addition Brazil has now overtaken the island of New Guinea as the country having the largest number of uncontacted tribes.^[144]

In a 2007 news story, The Washington Post reported, "As has been proved in the past when uncontacted tribes are introduced to other populations and the microbes they carry, maladies as simple as the common cold can be deadly. In the 1970s, 185 members of the Panara tribe died within two years of discovery after contracting such diseases as flu and chickenpox, leaving only 69 survivors."^[145]

Indigenous people's rights

The 1988 Brazilian Constitution recognises the inalienable right of indigenous peoples to lands they "traditionally occupy",^{[note 6]}^[146]^[147] which are demarcated as Indigenous Territories,^[146] and automatically confers them permanent possession of these lands. In practice, however, a formal process of demarcation is required for a TI to gain full protection,^[147] and this has often entailed protracted legal battles.^[148]^[149]^[150] Even after demarcation, they are frequently subject to illegal invasions by settlers and mining and logging companies.^[147]

There are 672 Indigenous Territories in Brazil, covering about 13% of the country's land area.^[151] Critics of the system say that this is out of proportion with the number of indigenous people in Brazil, about 0.41%^[152] of the population; they argue that amount of land reserved as TIs undermines the country's economic development and national security.^[150]^[153]^[154]^[155] In practice, however, Brazil's indigenous people still face a number of external threats and challenges to their continued existence and cultural heritage.^[156] The process of demarcation is slow—often involving protracted legal battles—and FUNAI do not have sufficient resources to enforce the legal protection on indigenous land.^[157]^[148]^[156]^[149]^[150] Since the 1980s there has been a boom in the exploitation of the Amazon Rainforest for mining, logging and cattle ranching, posing a severe threat to the region's indigenous population. Settlers illegally encroaching on indigenous land continue to destroy the environment necessary for indigenous people' traditional ways of life, provoke violent confrontations and spread disease.^[156] people such as the Akuntsu and Kanoê have been brought to the brink of extinction within the last three decades.^[158]^[159] 13 November 2012, the national indigenous people association from Brazil APIB submitted to the United Nation a human rights document that complaints about new proposed laws in Brazil that would further undermine their rights if approved.^[160]

Chile

According to the 2002 Census, 4.6% of the Chilean population, including the Rapanui of Easter Island, was indigenous, although most show varying degrees of mixed heritage.^[161] Many are descendants of the Mapuche, and live in Santiago, Araucanía and the lake district. The Mapuche successfully fought off defeat in the first 300–350 years of Spanish rule during the Arauco War. Relations with the new Chilean Republic were good until the Chilean state decided to occupy their lands. During the Occupation of Araucanía the Mapuche surrendered to the country's army in the 1880s. Their land was opened to settlement by Chileans and Europeans. Conflict over Mapuche land rights continues to the present.

Other groups include the Aymara, the majority of whom live in Bolivia and Peru, with smaller numbers in the Arica-Parinacota and Tarapacá Regions, and the Atacama people (Atacameños), who reside mainly in El Loa.

File:Grupos Mapuches.JPG

Mapuche groups in Araucanía around 1850. De facto Chilean territory in blue.

Beginning in the second half of the 18th century Mapuche-Spanish and later Mapuche-Chilean trade increased and hostilities decreased.^[162] Mapuches obtained goods from Chile and some dressed in "Spanish" clothing.^[163] Despite close contacts Chileans and Mapuches remained socially, politically and economically distinct.^[163] During Chile's first fifty years of independence (1810-1860) the governments relation to the Araucanía territory was not a priority and the Chilean government prioritized the development of Central Chile over its relations with indigenous groups.^[164]^[165]

Between two Chilean provinces (Concepción and Valdivia) there is a piece of land that is not a province, its language is different, it is inhabited by other people and it can still be said that it is not part of Chile. Yes, Chile is the name of the country over where its flag waves and its laws are obeyed
— Domingo Faustino Sarmiento^[166]

Colombia

Some theories claim the earliest human habitation of South America to be as early as 43,000 BC, although present archaeological understanding places this around 15,000 BC at the earliest. Anthropologist Tom Dillehay dates the earliest hunter-gatherer cultures on the continent at almost 10,000 BC, during the late Pleistocene and early Holocene periods.^[167] According to his evidence based on rock shelters, Colombia's first human inhabitants were probably concentrated along the Caribbean coast and on the Andean highland slopes.^[167] By that time, these regions were forested and had a climate resembling today's.^[167] Dillehay has noted that Tibitó, located just north of Bogotá, is one of the oldest known and most widely accepted sites of early human occupation in Colombia, dating from about 9,790 BC. There is evidence that the highlands of Colombia were occupied by significant numbers of human foragers by 9,000 B.C., with permanent village settlement in northern Colombia by 2,000 B.C.^[167]

Colombia's indigenous culture evolved from three main groups—the Quimbayas, who inhabited the western slopes of the Cordillera Central; the Chibchas; and the Kalina (Caribs).^[167] When the Spanish arrived in 1509, they found a flourishing and heterogeneous Amerindian population that numbered between 1.5 million and 2 million, belonged to several hundred tribes, and largely spoke mutually unintelligible dialects.^[167] The two most advanced cultures of Amerindian peoples at the time were the Muiscas and Taironas, who belonged to the Chibcha group and were skilled in farming, mining, and metalcraft.^[167] The Muiscas lived mainly in the present departments of Cundinamarca and Boyacá, where they had fled centuries earlier after raids by the warlike Caribs, some of whom eventually migrated to Caribbean islands near the end of the first millennium A.D.^[167] The Taironas, who were divided into two subgroups, lived in the Caribbean lowlands and the highlands of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta.^[167] The Muisca civilization was well organized into distinct provinces governed by communal land laws and powerful caciques, who reported to one of the two supreme leaders.^[167]

A minority today within Colombia's overwhelmingly Mestizo and White Colombian population, Colombia's indigenous peoples consist of around 85 distinct cultures and more than 1,378,884 people.^[169]^[170] A variety of collective rights for indigenous peoples are recognised in the 1991 Constitution.

One of the influences is the Muisca culture, a subset of the larger Chibcha ethnic group, famous for their use of gold, which led to the legend of El Dorado. At the time of the Spanish conquest, the Chibchas were the largest native civilization geographically between the Incas and the Aztecs empires.

The Muisca are the Chibcha-speaking people that formed the Muiscan Confederation of the central highlands of present-day Colombia's Eastern Range. They were encountered by the Spanish Empire in 1537, at the time of the conquest. Subgroupings of the Muisca were mostly identified by their allegiances to three great rulers: the Zaque, centered in Chunza, ruling a territory roughly covering modern southern and northeastern Boyacá and southern Santander; the Zipa, centered in Bacatá, and encompassing most of modern Cundinamarca, the western Llanos and northeastern Tolima; and the Iraca, ruler of Suamox and modern northeastern Boyacá and southwestern Santander.

The territory of the Muisca spanned an area of around 47,000 square kilometres (18,147 square miles) - a region slightly larger than Switzerland - from the north of Boyacá to the Sumapaz Páramo and from the summits of the Eastern Range to the Magdalena Valley. It bordered the territories of the Panches and Pijaos tribes.

At the time of the conquest, the area had a large population, although the precise number of inhabitants is not known. The languages of the Muisca were dialects of Chibcha, also called Muysca and Mosca, which belong to the Chibchan language family. The economy was based on agriculture, metalworking and manufacturing.

Costa Rica

There are over 60,000 inhabitants of Native American origins, representing 1.5% of the population. Most of them live in secluded reservations, distributed among eight ethnic groups: Quitirrisí (In the Central Valley), Matambú or Chorotega (Guanacaste), Maleku (Northern Alajuela), Bribri (Southern Atlantic), Cabécar (Cordillera de Talamanca), Guaymí (Southern Costa Rica, along the Panamá border), Boruca (Southern Costa Rica) and Ngäbe (Southern Costa Rica).

These native groups are characterised for their work in wood, like masks, drums and other artistic figures, as well as fabrics made of cotton. Their subsistence is based on agriculture, having corn, beans and plantains as the main crops.

Costa Rican Indigenous Tribes

Boruca, southern Costa Rica

The Boruca (also known as the 'Brunca or the Brunka) are an indigenous people living in Costa Rica. The tribe has about 2,660 members, most of whom live on a reservation in the Puntarenas Province in southwestern Costa Rica, a few miles away from the Pan-American Highway where it follows the Rio Terraba. The ancestors of the modern Boruca made up a group of chiefdoms that ruled most of Costa Rica's Pacific coast, from Quepos to what is now the Panamanian border, including the Osa Peninsula. Boruca traditionally spoke the Boruca language, which is now nearly extinct. Like their ancestors the Boruca are known for their art and craftwork, especially weaving and their distinctive painted balsa wood masks, which have become popular decorative items among Costa Ricans and tourists. These masks are important elements in the Borucas' annual Danza de los Diablitos ceremony, celebrated every winter since at least early colonial times. The Danza depicts the resistance of the "Diablito", representing the Boruca people, against the Spanish conquistadors.

The Boruca are a tribe of Southern Pacific Costa Rica, close to the Panama border. The tribe is a composite group, made up of the group that identified as Boruca before the Spanish colonization, as well as many neighbors and former enemies, including the Coto people, Turrucaca, Borucac, Quepos, and the Abubaes.

About 2,660 people are in the Boruca tribe. They live in the Puntarenas area of Costa Rica on one of the first reservations that was established for indigenous Costa Ricans. They are popular for their crafts, particularly masks made for the "Fiesta de los Diablos" which is a three-day festival that stages fights between the Boruca Indians (depicted as devils) and the Spanish conquistadors (portrayed as Bulls).

Bribri, southern Atlantic coast

The Bribri are an indigenous tribe that lives in Salitre, Cabagra, Talamanca Bribri and Kekoldi; Cabécar in Alto Chirripó, Tayni, Talamanca Cabécar, Telire and China Kichá, Bajo Chirripó, Nairi Awari and Ujarrás.^[171] They are a voting majority in the Puerto Viejo de Talamanca area. The range of the population stretches from 11,000 to 35,000. The Bribri have a specific social structure that is organised in clans. Each clan is composed of an extended family. Women have a higher status in this society, because their children's clans are determined by whichever clan they come from. Women in the Bribri society are the only ones that can inherit land and prepare the sacred cacao drink used during the rituals. Men's roles are defined by their clan, and often are exclusive for men. The spiritual leader, or "awa" is very important to the Bribis, which men may have the opportunity to become. Just as it is important to many other indigenous groups in Costa Rica, Cacao holds a particular significance for the Bribi. They believe that the cacao tree used to be a woman and God turned it into a tree. Only women may prepare the drink, there are many associations that produce hand made chocolate which help these women.^[172]

Cabécar, Cordillera de Talamanca

The Cabécar are an indigenous group of the remote Talamanca region of eastern Costa Rica. They speak Cabécar, a language belonging to the Chibchan language family of the Isthmo-Colombian Area of lower Central America and northwestern Colombia. According to census data from the National Institute of Statistics and Census of Costa Rica (Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Censos, INEC), the Cabécar are the largest indigenous group in Costa Rica with a population of nearly 17,000.^[173]

Cabécar territory extends northwest from the Río Coen to the Río Reventazón.^[174] Many Cabécar settlements today are located inside reserves established by Costa Rican law in 1976 to protect indigenous ancestral homelands.^[175] These reserves exhibit ecological diversity, including vast swaths of tropical rainforest covering steep escarpments and large river valleys where many Cabécar still employ traditional subsistence livelihoods and cultural practices.

The Cabécar Indians is the largest Indigenous group in Costa Rica and is considered to be the most isolated. They have been pushed up to the Chirripo Mountains, which requires a few hours long hike to reach. Therefore, the Cabécar Indians have not been exposed to many basic items, and few of them have been exposed to education. They are very traditional and have preserved their culture. They speak the most of their own language rather than Spanish.

Christopher Columbus and his men contacted the Ngäbes in 1502, in what is now the Bocas del Toro province in northwestern Panama. He was eventually repelled by Ngäbe leader with either the name or title of Quibían. Since that contact, Spanish conquistadors, Latino cattle ranchers and large banana plantations successively forced the Ngäbes into the less desirable mountainous regions in the west. Many Ngäbe were never defeated, including the famous cacique Urracá who united nearby communities in a more than seven-year struggle against the Conquistadors. Those Ngäbe that remained on the outskirts of this region began to slowly blend with the Latinos and formed what are now termed campesinos, or rural Panamanians with indigenous roots.^[176]

In the early 1970s^[177] the Torrijos administration incentivized the Ngäbes to form denser communities by building roads, schools, clinics, and other infrastructure in designated points in what is now the Comarca Ngäbe-Buglé. This marked a social change in lifestyle, as formerly dispersed villages and family units converged and formed larger communities.

In 1997, after years of struggle with the Panamanian government, the Ngäbes were granted a Comarca, or semi-autonomous area, in which the majority now live.

Huetar, Quitirrisí

The Quitirrisi are located in Ciudad Colon and Puriscal in the Central Valley. They are known for handwoven baskets and straw hats.

Maleku, northern Alajuela

Traditional grass hut in a Maleku outpost near La Fortuna, Costa RicaLa Fortuna, Costa Rica

The Maleku are an indigenous group of about 600 people located in the San Rafael de Guatuso Indigenous Reserve. Before the Spanish colonization, their territory extended as far west as Rincon de la Vieja, and included the volcano Arenal to the south and Rio Celeste as sacred sites. Today their reserve is located about an hour north of La Fortuna. Although their land was much larger prior to colonization, they are now working on buying their own land back from the government. Their economy is based on indigenous art and many tourists are welcome to watch them perform musical pieces in nearby La Fortuna. This reservation is in great danger and the Maleku no longer live in their traditional houses as the trees are also endangered. They are working hard to protect their language, as there are only about 300 speakers of it.^[178]

Matambú, Chorotega

The Matambú, also known as the Chorotega are located in Guanacaste. The Chorotegas translating to "The Fleeing People" fled to Costa Rica in AD 500 to escape slavery from Southern Mexico, particularly being related to Maya people. Parts of their Mexican culture is evident in regards to their language and rituals, including human sacrifices. They are known as being the most powerful group of peoples during the conquest of the Spanish, as they were an organised military group and fought against the Spanish. There is evidence that they were a democracy and elected Caciques, or priests to be the leaders, and also that they were a hierarchical group. They are known for their agriculture, producing primarily corn and their ceramics/pottery today.^[179]

Ngäbe, southern Costa Rica, along the Panamá border

File:Joven Ngäbe durante una presentación.jpg

Young Ngäbe woman during a presentation

The Ngäbe or Guaymí people are an indigenous group living mainly within the Ngäbe-Buglé comarca in the Western Panamanian provinces of Veraguas, Chiriquí and Bocas del Toro. The Ngäbe also have five indigenous territories in southwestern Costa Rica encompassing 23,600 hectares: Coto Brus, Abrojos Montezuma, Conte Burica, Altos de San Antonio and Guaymi de Osa.^[180] There are approximately 200,000-250,000 speakers of Ngäbere today.

The Guaymís, also known as the Ngäbe are the group of the most people in Costa Rica. They emigrated from Panama to Costa Rica in the 1960s. Their main source of income is based on agriculture where they grow bananas, rice, corn, beans and more. The majority of them live in poverty because they live in secluded areas. Guaymí is an outdated name derived from the Buglere term for them (guaymiri). Local newspapers and other media often alternatively spell the name Ngäbe as Ngobe or Ngöbe because Spanish does not contain the sound represented by ä, a low-back rounded a, slightly higher than the English aw in the word saw and Spanish speakers hear ä as either an o or an a. Ngäbe means people in their native language- Ngäbere. A sizable number of Ngäbe have migrated to Costa Rica in search of work on the coffee fincas. Ngäbere and Buglere are distinct languages in the Chibchan language family. They are mutually unintelligible.

Ngäbe territory originally extended from the Pacific Ocean to the Caribbean Sea, though there was never an empire or a distinctive “Ngäbe territory”. Most Ngäbe lived in dispersed villages, which were run by chiefs and influential families. Few, if any, Ngäbes occupied the mountainous region in which they now live.^[176]

Térraba, southern Costa Rica

There are about 750 Térraba Indians. As of 2007^[update], the regional poverty rate was 19.3% while for the whole country it was about 3.3%. It is so high, because their forest land has been cleared over the years, which was used for their agriculture and predominant economy. They have not preserved their language as much, as mainly only the elders speak it.

Dominica

Dominica is home to the Carib Territory, one of the last indigenous communities in the Caribbean. The Carib Territory is home to an estimated 3,000 Kalinago or Carib people.

Ecuador

Ecuador was the site of many indigenous cultures, and civilizations of different proportions. An early sedentary culture, known as the Valdivia culture, developed in the coastal region, while the Caras and the Quitus unified to form an elaborate civilization that ended at the birth of the Capital Quito. The Cañaris near Cuenca were the most advanced, and most feared by the Inca, due to their fierce resistance to the Incan expansion. Their architecture remains were later destroyed by Spaniards and the Incas.

Approximately 96.4% of Ecuador's Indigenous population are Highland Quichuas living in the valleys of the Sierra region. Primarily consisting of the descendants of Incas, they are Kichwa speakers and include the Caranqui, the Otavalos, the Cayambi, the Quitu-Caras, the Panzaleo, the Chimuelo, the Salasaca, the Tugua, the Puruhá, the Cañari, and the Saraguro. Linguistic evidence suggests that the Salascan and the Saraguro may have been the descendants of Bolivian ethnic groups transplanted to Ecuador as mitimaes.

Coastal groups, including the Awá, Chachi, and the Tsáchila, make up 0.24% percent of the indigenous population, while the remaining 3.35 percent live in the Oriente and consist of the Oriente Kichwa (the Canelo and the Quijos), the Shuar, the Huaorani, the Siona-Secoya, the Cofán, and the Achuar.

In 1986, indigenous people formed the first "truly" national political organization. The Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador (CONAIE) has been the primary political institution of the Indigenous since then and is now the second largest political party in the nation. It has been influential in national politics, contributing to the ouster of presidents Abdalá Bucaram in 1997 and Jamil Mahuad in 2000.

El Salvador

Much of El Salvador was home to the Pipil, the Lenca, Xinca, and Kakawira. The Pipil lived in western El Salvador, spoke Nawat, and had many settlements there, most noticeably Cuzcatlan. The Pipil had no precious mineral resources, but they did have rich and fertile land that was good for farming. The Spaniards were disappointed not to find gold or jewels in El Salvador as they had in other lands like Guatemala or Mexico, but upon learning of the fertile land in El Salvador, they attempted to conquer it. Noted Meso-American indigenous warriors to rise militarily against the Spanish included Princes Atonal and Atlacatl of the Pipil people in central El Salvador and Princess Antu Silan Ulap of the Lenca people in eastern El Salvador, who saw the Spanish not as gods but as barbaric invaders. After fierce battles, the Pipil successfully fought off the Spanish army led by Pedro de Alvarado along with their Mexican Indian allies (the Tlaxcalans), sending them back to Guatemala. After many other attacks with an army reinforced with Guatemalan Indian allies, the Spanish were able to conquer Cuzcatlan. After further attacks, the Spanish also conquered the Lenca people. Eventually, the Spaniards intermarried with Pipil and Lenca women, resulting in the Mestizo population which would become the majority of the Salvadoran people. Today many Pipil and other indigenous populations live in the many small towns of El Salvador like Izalco, Panchimalco, Sacacoyo, and Nahuizalco.

Guatemala

Most of the indigenous peoples of Guatemala are of Maya heritage. The Xinca people are a non-Maya indigenous people.

Pure Maya account for some forty percent of the population; although around forty percent of the population speaks an indigenous language, those tongues (of which there are more than twenty) enjoy no official status. Guatemala's majority population holds a percentage of 59.4% in White or Mestizo (of mixed European and indigenous ancestry) people. The area of Livingston, Guatemala is highly influenced by the Caribbean and its population includes a combination of Mestizos and Garifuna people.

Honduras

About five percent of the population are of full-blooded indigenous descent, but upwards to eighty percent more or the majority of Hondurans are mestizo or part-indigenous with European admixture, and about ten percent are of indigenous or African descent.^[181] The main concentration of indigenous in Honduras are in the rural westernmost areas facing Guatemala and to the Caribbean Sea coastline, as well on the Nicaraguan border.^[181] The majority of indigenous people are Lencas, Miskitos to the east, Mayans, Pech, Sumos, and Tolupan.^[181]

Nicaragua

About 5% of the Nicaraguan population are indigenous. The largest indigenous group in Nicaragua is the Miskito people. Their territory extended from Cape Camarón, Honduras, to Rio Grande, Nicaragua along the Mosquito Coast. There is a native Miskito language, but large groups speak Miskito Coast Creole, Spanish, Rama and other languages. The Creole English came about through frequent contact with the British who colonised the area. Many are Christians. Traditional Miskito society was highly structured with a defined political structure. There was a king, but he did not have total power. Instead, the power was split between himself, a governor, a general, and by the 1750s, an admiral. Historical information on kings is often obscured by the fact that many of the kings were semi-mythical. Another major group is the Mayangna (or Sumu) people, counting some 10,000 people.^[182]

Other indigenous groups in Nicaragua are located in the Central and Northern Pacific area and they are self-identified as follows: Chorotega, Cacaopera, Xiu-Subtiaba and Nahoa^[127]

Peru

Indigenous peoples in Peru, or Native Peruvians, comprise a large number of distinct ethnic groups who have inhabited the country of Peru's territory since before its discovery by Europeans around 1500. The first Spanish explorers called the indigenous peoples índios ("Indians"), a name that is still used today although sometimes with a derogatory connotation.

Indigenous peoples in Peru are about 45% of the total population of Peru of 13,248,943 (2014).^[183]

Indigenous population in Peru make up around 45%.^[183] Native Peruvian traditions and customs have shaped the way Peruvians live and see themselves today. Cultural citizenship—or what Renato Rosaldo has called, "the right to be different and to belong, in a democratic, participatory sense" (1996:243)—is not yet very well developed in Peru. This is perhaps no more apparent than in the country's Amazonian regions where indigenous societies continue to struggle against state-sponsored economic abuses, cultural discrimination, and pervasive violence.^[184]

Early Chimú (Moche Civilization)

The oldest civilisation present on the north coast of Peru is Early Chimú. Early Chimú is also known as the Moche or Mochica civilisation. The start of this Early Chimú time period is not known (although it was BC), but it ends around 500 A.D. It was centered in the Chicama, Moche, and Viru valleys. "Many large pyramids are attributed to the Early Chimú period." (37)^[185] These pyramids are built of adobe in rectangular shapes made from molds.

"Early Chimú cemeteries are also found without pyramid associations. Burials are usually in extended positions, in prepared tombs. The rectangular, adobe-lined and covered tombs have niches in their walls in which bowls were placed." (39)^[185] The Early pottery is also characterised by realistic modeling and painted scenes.^[185]

At the time of the Spanish invasion, the indigenous people of the Amazon Basin were mostly semi-nomadic tribes who subsisted on hunting, fishing, gathering, and migrant agriculture. Those in the Andes and to the west were dominated by the Inca, who had a complex, hierarchical civilisation that built many cities and major temples and monuments with highly skilled stonemasonry. Many of the estimated 2,000 nations and tribes present in 1500 died out as a consequence of the Spanish conquest, especially because of associated infectious diseases, and many survivors were assimilated into the general mestizo (mixed race) Peruvian population. All of the Peruvian indigenous groups, such as the Urarina,^[186] even those that live isolated in remote areas of the Amazon Rainforest such as the Matsés, Matis, and Korubo, have changed their ways of life to some extent, e.g. by using firearms and other manufactured items, and trading goods with mainstream national Peruvian society—but all of the groups also maintain cultural identities and practices that keep them distinct from majority Hispano-Peruvian society.

The AIDESEP is the primary indigenous rights organisation in Peru defending the interests of indigenous people in Peru. Its current president is Alberto Pizango.

Origins

Anthropological and genetic evidence indicates that most of the original population of the Americas descended from migrants from North Asia (Siberia) who entered North America across the Bering Strait in at least three separate waves. DNA analysis has shown that most of those resident in Peru in 1500 were descended from the first wave of Asian migrants, who are believed to have crossed the so-called Bering Land Bridge at the end of the last ice age, around 9000 BCE. Migrants from that first wave around 9000 BCE are thought to have reached Peru around 6000 BCE, probably entering the Amazon River basin from the northwest.

The Norte Chico civilisation of Peru is the oldest known civilisation in the Americas and one of the six sites where civilisation, including the development of agriculture and government, separately originated in the ancient world. The sites, located 100 miles north of Lima, developed a trade between coastal fisherman and cotton growers and built monumental pyramids around 3000 BCE.^[187]

During the pre-Columbian period, the three main linguistic groups that dominated the territory now known as Peru were the Quechua, Jivaro, and the Pano. They possessed different organisational structures and distinct languages and cultures.

The origins of these indigenous people are still a matter of dispute. The traditional view, which traces them to Siberian migration to the Americas at the end of the last ice age, has been increasingly challenged by South American archaeologists.

Suriname

Indigenous peoples in Suriname, or Native Surinamese, are Surinamese people who are of indigenous ancestry. They compromise approximately 3.7% of Suriname's population of 566,846.^[188]

Venezuela

Most Venezuelans have some indigenous heritage, but the indigenous population make up only around 2% of the total population. They speak around 29 different languages and many more dialects, but some of the ethnic groups are very small and their languages are in danger of becoming extinct in the next decades. The most important indigenous groups are the Ye'kuana, the Wayuu, the Pemon and the Warao. The most advanced native people to have lived in present-day Venezuela is thought to have been the Timoto-cuicas, who mainly lived in the Venezuelan Andes. In total it is estimated that there were between 350 thousand and 500 thousand inhabitants, the most densely populated area being the Andean region (Timoto-cuicas), thanks to the advanced agricultural techniques used.

The 1999 constitution of Venezuela gives them special rights, although the vast majority of them still live in very critical conditions of poverty. The largest groups receive some basic primary education in their languages.

Indigenous peoples in Venezuela, or Native Venezuelans, form about 2% of the total population of Venezuela,^[189] although many Venezuelans share some indigenous ancestry. Indigenous peoples are concentrated in the southern Amazon rainforest state of Amazonas, where they make up nearly 50% of the population,^[189] and in the Andes of the western state of Zulia. The most numerous indigenous people, at about 200,000, is the Venezuelan part of the Wayuu (or Guajiro) people who primarily live in Zulia between Lake Maracaibo and the Colombian border.^[190] Another 100,000 or so indigenous people live in the sparsely populated southeastern states of Amazonas, Bolívar, and Delta Amacuro.^[190] There are at least 26 indigenous groups in Venezuela, including the Ya̧nomamö, Pemon, Warao people, Baniwa people, Kali'na people, Motilone Barí, Ye'kuana,^[190] and Yaruro.

It is not known how many people lived in Venezuela before the Spanish Conquest; it may have been around a million people^[191] and in addition to today's peoples included groups such as the Auaké, Caquetio, Mariche, and Timoto-cuicas.^[192] The number was much reduced after the Conquest, mainly through the spread of new diseases from Europe.^[191] There were two main north-south axes of pre-Columbian population, producing maize in the west and manioc in the east.^[191] Large parts of the llanos plains were cultivated through a combination of slash and burn and permanent settled agriculture.^[191] The indigenous peoples of Venezuela had already encountered crude oils and asphalts that seeped up through the ground to the surface. Known to the locals as mene, the thick, black liquid was primarily used for medicinal purposes, as an illumination source, and for the caulking of canoes.^[193]

Spain's colonisation of mainland Venezuela started in 1522, establishing its first permanent South American settlement in the present-day^[update] city of Cumaná. The name "Venezuela" is said to derive from palafito villages on Lake Maracaibo reminding Amerigo Vespucci of Venice (hence "Venezuela", or "little Venice").^[194] Indian caciques (leaders) such as Guaicaipuro (circa 1530–1568) and Tamanaco (died 1573) attempted to resist Spanish incursions, but the newcomers ultimately subdued them. Historians agree that the founder of Caracas, Diego de Losada, ultimately put Tamanaco to death.^[195] Some of the resisting tribes or the leaders are commemorated in place names, including Caracas, Chacao, and Los Teques. The early colonial settlements focussed on the northern coast,^[191] but in the mid-eighteenth century the Spanish pushed further inland along the Orinoco River. Here the Ye'kuana (then known as the Makiritare) organised serious resistance in 1775 and 1776.^[196] Under Spanish colonisation, several religious orders established mission stations. The Jesuits withdrew in the 1760s, while the Capuchins found their missions of strategic significance in the War of Independence and in 1817 were brutally taken over by the forces of Simon Bolivar.^[196] For the remainder of the nineteenth century governments did little for indigenous peoples, and they were pushed away from the country's agricultural centre to the periphery.^[196]

In 1913, during a rubber boom, Colonel Tomas Funes seized control of Amazonas's San Fernando de Atabapo, killing over 100 settlers. In the following nine years in which Funes controlled the town, Funes destroyed dozens of Ye'kuana villages and killed several thousand Ye'kuana.^[197]^[198]

In October 1999 Pemon destroyed a number of electricity pylons constructed to carry electricity from the Guri Dam to Brazil. The Pemon argued that cheap electricity would encourage further development by mining companies. The $110 million project was completed in 2001.^[197]

Political organization

The National Council of Venezuelan Indians (Consejo Nacional Indio de Venezuela, CONIVE) was formed in 1989 and represents the majority of indigenous peoples, with 60 affiliates representing 30 peoples.^[199] In September 1999 indigenous peoples "marched on the National Congress in Caracas to pressure the Constitutional Assembly for the inclusion of important pro-[indigenous] provisions in the new constitution, such as the right to ownership, free transit across international borders, free choice of nationality, and land demarcation within two years."^[200]

Other parts of the Americas

Indigenous peoples make up the majority of the population in Bolivia and Peru, and are a significant element in most other former Spanish colonies. Exceptions to this include Uruguay (Native Charrúa). According to the 2011 Census, 2.4% of Uruguayans reported having indigenous ancestry. At least four of the Native American languages (Quechua in Peru and Bolivia; Aymara also in Peru and Bolivia, Guarani in Paraguay, and Greenlandic in Greenland) are recognised as official languages.

Indigenous peoples

Cañaris

The Cañaris were the indigenous natives of today's Ecuadorian provinces of Cañar and Azuay. They were an elaborate civilisation with advanced architecture and religious belief. Most of their remains were either burned or destroyed from attacks by the Inca and later the Spaniards. Their old city "Guapondelig", was replaced twice, first by the Incan city of Tomipamba, and later by the Colonial city of Cuenca.^[201] The city was also believed to be the site of El Dorado, the city of gold from the mythology of Colombia. The Cañaris were most notable to have repelled the Incan invasion with fierce resistance for many years until they fell to Tupac Yupanqui. It is said that the Inca strategically married the cañari princes Paccha to conquer the Cañaris. During Spanish colonialism, missionaries worked to translate a catechism into Cañari language, in order to evangelise to this population. However, no copy of this manuscript survives. With the passage of time, the mission priests found evangelism in the language of each people to be very difficult. The Spanish rulers ordered the Cañaris to learn Kichwa, which contributed to the disuse of Cañari. The lack of documentation has resulted in a death of knowledge about this language.^[202]^[203]^{[Note 1]} The Cuenca accent is theorised to be the relic of the original Canari language.^[204] Its distribution is in the footprint of the original Canari settlements, and is more prevalent in rural communities, where the distinctive pronunciation is stronger. The contrast of thinking that its origin come from the Quechua dialect is that the presence does not extend past the provinces of Canar and Azuay, while the Kichwa is present outside these. The accent of Cuenca also has its presence in northwestern Argentina, and theory suggest that it could have originated from mitimaes brought by the Incas in the wars of expansion.^[204]^{[Note 2]}

Chibchas

The Chibcha linguistic communities were the most numerous, the most territorially extended and the most socio-economically developed of the Pre-Hispanic Colombian cultures. By the 3rd century CE, the Chibchas had established their civilisation in the northern Andes. At one point, the Chibchas occupied part of what is now Panama and the high plains of the Eastern Sierra of Colombia. The areas that they occupied were the Departments of Santander, Norte de Santander, Boyacá and Cundinamarca, which were also the areas where the first farms were developed. Centuries later it was in the area of these departments where the independence movement originated and the first industries were developed. They are currently the richest areas in Colombia. They represented the most populous zone between the Mexica and Inca empires. Next to the Quechua of Peru and Ecuador and the Aymara in Bolivia, the Chibchas of the eastern and north-eastern Highlands of Colombia were the most striking of the sedentary indigenous peoples in South America.^{[citation needed]}

In Colombia's Eastern Sierra, the Chibchas were composed of several tribes who spoke the same language (Chibchan). Among them: Muiscas, Guanes, Laches and Chitareros.^{[citation needed]}

Amazonian peoples

Chachapoyas

The Chachapoyas, also called the Warriors of the Clouds, was a culture of Andean people living in the cloud forests of the Amazonas Region of present-day Peru. The Incas conquered their civilization shortly before the arrival of the Spanish in Peru. When the Spanish arrived in Peru in the 16th century, the Chachapoyas were one of the many nations ruled by the Inca Empire. Their incorporation into the Inca Empire had not been easy, due to their constant resistance to the Inca troops.

Since the Incas and the Spanish conquistadors were the principal sources of information on the Chachapoyas, there is little first-hand or contrasting knowledge of the Chachapoyas. Writings by the major chroniclers of the time, such as El Inca Garcilaso de la Vega, were based on fragmentary second-hand accounts. Much of what we do know about the Chachapoyas culture is based on archaeological evidence from ruins, pottery, tombs and other artifacts. Spanish chronicler Pedro Cieza de León noted that, after their annexation to the Inca Empire, they adopted customs imposed by the Cuzco-based Inca. The name Chachapoya is in fact the name that was given to this culture by the Inca; the name that these people may have actually used to refer to themselves is not known. The meaning of the word Chachapoyas may have been derived from sach'a-p-qullas, the equivalent of "qulla people who live in the woods" (sach'a = tree p = of the qulla = nation in which Aymara is spoken). Some believe the word is a variant of the Quechua construction sach'a phuya (tree cloud).

The Chachapoyas were devastated by the 18th century and remain as a strain within general indigenous ethnicity in modern Peru.

Valley of the Marañón between Chachapoyas (Leymebamba) and Celendín

The Chachapoyas' territory was located in the northern regions of the Andes in present-day Peru. It encompassed the triangular region formed by the confluence of the rivers Marañón and Utcubamba in the zone of Bagua, up to the basin of the Abiseo River, where the ruins of Pajáten are located. This territory also included land to the south up to the Chuntayaku River, exceeding the limits of the current Amazonas Region towards the south. But the center of the Chachapoyas culture was the basin of the Utcubamba river. Due to the great size of the Marañón river and the surrounding mountainous terrain, the region was relatively isolated from the coast and other areas of Peru, although there is archaeological evidence of some interaction between the Chachapoyas and other cultures.

The contemporary Peruvian city of Chachapoyas derives its name from the word for this ancient culture as does the defined architectural style. Garcilaso de la Vega noted that the Chachapoyas territory was so extensive that:^{[Note 3]}

We could easily call it a kingdom because it has more than fifty leagues long per twenty leagues wide, without counting the way up to Muyupampa, thirty leagues long more (...)

The area of the Chachapoyas is sometimes referred to as the Amazonian Andes, due to it being part of a mountain range covered by dense tropical forest. The Amazonian Andes constitute the eastern flank of the Andes, which were once covered by dense Amazon vegetation. The region extended from the cordillera spurs up to altitudes where primary forests still stand, usually above 3,500 metres (11,500 feet). The cultural realm of the Amazonian Andes occupied land situated between 2,000 and 3,000 metres (6,600 and 9,800 feet) altitude.

Tapirapé

The Tapirapé indigenous people are a Brazilian Indian tribe that survived the European conquest and subsequent colonisation of the country, keeping with little changes most of their culture and customs. Stationed deep into the Amazon rainforest, they had little direct contact with Europeans until around 1910, and even then that contact was sporadic until the 1950s. The main reports about the Tapirapé were written by anthropologists Herbert Baldus (1899-1970) and Charles Wagley (1913-1991) and by a group of the Little Sisters of Jesus, missionary nuns who have helped the Tapirapé continuously since 1953.

Origins and distribution

Wagley conjectures that the Tapirapé descend from the Tupinamba, who populated part of the coast of Brazil in 1500, since both tribes speak the same Tupi language. As the conquerors expanded their dominion, the theory goes, some Tupinamba would have fled inland, eventually arriving at a large segment of tropical forest 11 degrees latitude South of the equator, close to affluents of the Amazon river. By 1900, there were five Tapirapé villages with a population of about 1500, extended through a large area between 50 and 51 degrees longitude.

Sporadic contact with white Brazilians started in 1910; they brought iron tools and trade goods. They also brought with them germs: measles, mumps, and the common cold. American Elizabeth Kilgore Steen^[205] spent the night in Tampitawa, one of the five villages, in 1930.^[206] She returned with a number of examples of Tapirape material culture which are housed at the Museum of the American Indian in Washington, D.C. The book Brazilian Adventure by Peter Fleming tells of contact in 1932. By 1939, epidemics and some skirmishes with neighbouring tribes had reduced population to just 187 individuals in only one village called Tapiitawa; by 1953 there were only 51 left. That year, the Little Sisters started their mission among the Tapirapé, and the Brazilian government established a post of the Indian Protection Service. The population started to recover, and by 1976 there were again about 136 Tapirapé.

Andean civilisations

Caral Supe

Caral, or Caral-Supe, was a large settlement in the Supe Valley, near Supe, Barranca province, Peru, some 200 kilometres (120 miles) north of Lima. Caral is the most ancient city of the American Continent (Americas), and a well-studied site of the Caral or Norte Chico civilization. Caral was inhabited between roughly 2600 BCE and 2000 BCE,^[207] enclosing an area of more than 60 hectares.^[208] Caral was described by its excavators as the oldest urban centre in the Americas, a claim that was later challenged as other ancient sites were found nearby, such as Bandurria, Peru. Accommodating more than 3,000 inhabitants, it is the best studied and one of the largest Norte Chico sites known. The Caral Supe civilisation is among the oldest civilisations in the Americas, going back to 27th century BCE. It is noteworthy for having absolutely no signs of warfare. It was contemporary with the urban rise of Mesopotamia.^{[citation needed]}

Norte Chico

The Norte Chico civilisation^[209] was a complex pre-Columbian society around 3500 BCE-1800 BCE that included as many as 30 major population centres in what is now the Norte Chico region of north-central coastal Peru. Since the early 21st century, it has been established as the oldest known civilisation in the Americas. This civilisation flourished at the confluence of 3 rivers, the Fortaleza, the Pativilca, and the Supe. These river valleys each have large clusters of sites. Further south, there's also the Huaura River, with several associated sites.^[210] The alternative name, Caral-Supe, is derived from the Sacred City of Caral^[211] in the Supe Valley, a large and well-studied Norte Chico site. Complex society in Norte Chico arose a millennium after Sumer in Mesopotamia, was contemporaneous with the Egyptian pyramids, and predated the Mesoamerican Olmec by nearly two millennia.

Chavín

The Chavín, a South American preliterate civilisation, established a trade network and developed agriculture by 900 BCE, according to some estimates and archeological finds. Artifacts were found at a site called Chavín de Huantar in modern Peru at an elevation of 3,177 metres (10,423 feet). Chavín civilisation spanned 900 to 200 BCE.^{[citation needed]}

Moche

The Moche civilisation flourished in northern Peru with its capital near present-day Moche and Trujillo,^[212] from about 100 AD to 1200 AD, during the Regional Development Epoch. The heritage of the Moche comes down to us through their elaborate burials, recently excavated by UCLA's Christopher B. Donnan in association with the National Geographic Society. Moche society was agriculturally based, with a significant level of investment in the construction of a network of irrigation canals for the diversion of river water to supply their crops. Their culture was sophisticated; and their artifacts express their lives, with detailed scenes of hunting, fishing, fighting, sacrifice, sexual encounters and elaborate ceremonies. The Moche are particularly noted for their elaborately painted ceramics, gold work, monumental constructions (huacas) and irrigation systems.^[213] Skilled artisans, the Moche were a technologically advanced people who traded with faraway peoples, like the Maya. Almost everything we know about the Moche comes from their ceramic pottery with carvings of their daily lives. We know from these records that they practiced human sacrifice, had blood-drinking rituals, and that their religion incorporated non-procreative sexual practices (such as fellatio).^[213]

Tiwanaku

The inhabitants of Tiwanaku settled in Bolivia in around 400 BC. Tiwanaku, a Pre-Columbian archaeological site in western Bolivia, was first recorded in written history by Spanish conquistador Pedro Cieza de León. He came upon the remains of Tiwanaku in 1549 while searching for the Inca capital Qullasuyu.^[214]

The name by which Tiwanaku was known to its inhabitants may have been lost as they had no written language.^[215]^[216] The Puquina language has been pointed out as the most likely language of the ancient inhabitants of Tiwanaku.^[217]

Inca Civilisation

Population

There is some debate about the number of people inhabiting Tawantinsuyu at its peak, with estimates ranging from as few as 4 million people, to more than 37 million. The reason for these various estimates is that in spite of the fact that the Inca kept excellent census records using their quipu, knowledge of how to read them has been lost, and almost all of them had been destroyed by the Spaniards in the course of their conquest.^[218]

Language

Since the Inca Empire lacked a written language, the empire's main form of communication and recording came from quipus, ceramics and spoken Quechua, the language the Incas imposed upon the peoples within the empire. The plethora of civilizations in the Andean region provided for a general disunity that the Incas needed to subdue in order to maintain control of the empire. While Quechua had been spoken in the Andean region, like central Peru, for several years prior to the expansion of the Inca civilization, the type of Quechua the Incas imposed was an adaptation from the Kingdom of Cusco (an early form of "Southern Quechua" originally named Qhapaq Runasimi = The great language of the people) of what some historians define as the Cusco dialect.^[219]^[220]

The language imposed by the Incas further diverted from its original phonetic tone as some societies formed their own regional varieties, or slang. The diversity of Quechua at that point and even today does not come as a direct result from the Incas, who are just a part of the reason for Quechua's diversity. The civilizations within the empire that had previously spoken Quechua kept their own variety distinct from the Quechua the Incas spread. Although these dialects of Quechua have a similar linguistic structure, they differ according to the region in which they are spoken.^[220]

Although most of the societies within the empire implemented Quechua into their lives, the Incas allowed several societies to keep their old languages such as Aymara, which still remains a spoken language in contemporary Bolivia where it is the primary indigenous language and various regions of South America surrounding Bolivia. The linguistic body of the Inca Empire was thus largely varied, but it still remains quite an achievement for the Incas that went beyond their time as the Spanish continued the use of Quechua.^[220]

Native Religion

Inca myths were an oral tradition until early Spanish colonists recorded them; however, some scholars believe that they may have been recorded on quipus, Andean knotted string records.^[221]

The Inca believed in reincarnation.^[222] Death was a passage to the next world that was full of difficulties. The spirit of the dead, camaquen. would need to follow a long dark road and during the trip the assistance of a black dog that was able to see in the dark was required. Most Incas imagined the after world to be very similar to the Euro-American notion of heaven, with flower-covered fields and snow-capped mountains. It was important for the Inca to ensure they did not die as a result of burning or that the body of the deceased did not become incinerated. This is because of the underlying belief that a vital force would disappear and threaten their passage to the after world. Those who obeyed the Inca moral code—ama suwa, ama llulla, ama quella (do not steal, do not lie, do not be lazy) —"went to live in the Sun's warmth while others spent their eternal days in the cold earth" ^{[citation needed]}. The Inca also practiced cranial deformation.^[223] They achieved this by wrapping tight cloth straps around the heads of newborns in order to alter the shape of their soft skulls into a more conical form; this cranial deformation was made to distinguish social classes of the communities, with only the nobility having cranial deformation.

File:Inca Chile1.1.JPG

The Inca Empire's southern border defined by the Maule or Maipo River (scholars differ).^[224] Inca troops never crossed the Bío Bío River.^[225]

The Incas made human sacrifices. As many as 4,000 servants, court officials, favorites, and concubines were killed upon the death of the Inca Huayna Capac in 1527, for example.^[226] The Incas also performed child sacrifices during or after important events, such as the death of the Sapa Inca or during a famine. These sacrifices were known as qhapaq hucha.^[227] The Inca society was the society of the Inca civilisation in South America. The Inca Empire, which was centred in what is now Peru, Bolivia, Ecuador and southern Colombia and lasted from 1438 to 1533 AD, represented the height of this civilisation. The Inca state was known as the Kingdom of Cusco before 1438. Over the course of the Inca Empire, the rulers used conquest and peaceful assimilation to incorporate in their empire a large portion of western South America, centred on the Andean mountain ranges. Holding their capital at the great puma-shaped city of Cuzco, the Inca civilisation dominated the Andes region from 1438 to 1533. Known as Tawantinsuyu, or "the land of the four regions", in Quechua, the Inca civilisation was highly distinct and developed. Inca rule extended to nearly a hundred linguistic or ethnic communities, some 9 to 14 million people connected by a 25,000-kilometre (16,000-mile) road system. Cities were built with precise, unmatched stonework, constructed over many levels of mountain terrain. Terrace farming was a useful form of agriculture. There is evidence of excellent metalwork and even successful skull surgery in Inca civilisation. The Incas had no written language, but used quipu, a system of knotted strings, to record information.^[228]^[229]

Population estimates for the Tawantinsuyu society range from as few as 9 million people to more than 37 million. The reason for these various estimates is that, despite that the Inca kept excellent census records using their quipus, knowledge of how to read them has been lost. Almost all of them were destroyed by the Spanish in the course of their conquest.^[230]

Arawak and Carib civilisations

The Arawak, lived along the eastern coast of South America, as far south as what is now Brazil, and up into Guayana. When first encountered by Christopher Columbus, the Arawak were described as a peaceful people, although the Arawak had already dominated other local groups such as the Ciboney. The Arawak had, however, come under increasing military pressure from the Caribs, who are believed to have left the Orinoco river area to settle in the Caribbean. Over the century leading up to Columbus' arrival in the Caribbean archipelago in 1492, the Caribs are believed to have displaced many of the Arawaks who previously settled the island chains, and making inroads into what would now be modern Guyana. The Caribs were skilled boatbuilders and sailors, and owed their dominance in the Caribbean basin to their military skills. Cannibalism formed a key part of the Caribs' war rituals: the limbs of victims may have been taken home as trophies. It is not known how many indigenous peoples lived in Venezuela and Colombia before the Spanish Conquest; it may have been approximately one million,^[191] included groups such as the Auaké, Caquetio, Mariche, and Timoto-cuicas.^[231] The number was reduced after the Conquest, mainly through the spread of new diseases from Europe.^[232] There were two main north-south axes of pre-Columbian population; producing maize in the west and manioc in the east.^[191] Large parts of the llanos plains were cultivated through a combination of slash and burn and permanent settled agriculture.^[191]

Pre-Columbian peoples

Oasisamerica:

Aridoamerica:

Mesoamerica:

South America:

European colonisation

See also: British colonization of the Americas, Danish colonisation of the Americas, Dutch colonisation of the Americas, New Netherland, French New France, Portuguese, Russian, Spanish, New Spain, Conquistador, Spanish conquest of Yucatán, Spanish conquest of Mexico, Spanish missions in California, Swedish colonisation

Successful colonisation

In order to understand what constitutes as successful colonisation, it is important to understand what colonisation means. Colonisation refers to large-scale population movements, where the migrants maintain strong links with their or their ancestors' former country, gaining significant privileges over other inhabitants of the territory by such links. When colonization takes place under the protection of clearly colonial political structures, it may most handily be called settler colonialism. This often involves the settlers entirely dispossessing earlier inhabitants, or instituting legal and other structures which systematically disadvantage them.^[233]

Initially, European activity consisted mostly of trade and exploration. Eventually Europeans began to establish settlements. The three principal colonial powers in North America were Spain, England, and France, although eventually other powers like the Netherlands and Sweden also received holdings on the continent.

Settlement by the Spanish started the European colonization of the Americas.^[234]^[235] They gained control of most of the largest islands in the Caribbean and conquered the Aztecs, gaining control of present-day Mexico and Central America. This was the beginning of the Spanish Empire in the New World.

Early conquests, claims, and colonies

Early explorations and conquests were made by the Spanish and the Portuguese immediately following their own final reconquest of Iberia in 1492. In the 1494 Treaty of Tordesillas, ratified by the Pope, these two kingdoms divided the entire non-European world into two areas of exploration and colonisation, with a north to south boundary that cut through the Atlantic Ocean and the eastern part of present-day Brazil. Based on this treaty and on early claims by Spanish explorer Vasco Núñez de Balboa, discoverer of the Pacific Ocean in 1513, the Spanish conquered large territories in North, Central and South America.

Spanish conquistador Hernán Cortés took over the Aztec Kingdom and Francisco Pizarro conquered the Inca Empire. As a result, by the mid-16th century, the Spanish Crown had gained control of much of western South America, Central America and southern North America, in addition to its earlier Caribbean territories. Over this same timeframe, Portugal claimed lands in North America (Canada) and colonised much of eastern South America, naming it Santa Cruz and Brazil.

Other European nations soon disputed the terms of the Treaty of Tordesillas. England and France attempted to plant colonies in the Americas in the 16th century, but these failed. England and France succeeded in establishing permanent colonies in the following century, along with the Dutch Republic. Some of these were on Caribbean islands, which had often already been conquered by the Spanish or depopulated by disease, while others were in eastern North America, which had not been colonised by Spain north of Florida.

As more nations gained an interest in the colonisation of the Americas, competition for territory became increasingly fierce. Colonists often faced the threat of attacks from neighbouring colonies, as well as from indigenous tribes and pirates. Before the arrival of Europeans, an estimated 37 million people lived in South America.^[236]^[237] Between 1452 and 1493, a series of papal bulls (Dum Diversas, Romanus Pontifex, and Inter caetera) paved the way for the European colonisation and Catholic missions in the New World, authorising the ability of European Christian nations to take possession of non-Christian lands and encouraging the enslavement of the non-Christian people of Africa and the Americas.^[238]

In 1494, Portugal and Spain, the two great maritime powers of that time, signed the Treaty of Tordesillas on the expectation of new lands being discovered in the west. Through the treaty they agreed that all the land outside Europe should be an exclusive duopoly between the two countries. The treaty established an imaginary line along a north-south meridian 370 leagues west of Cape Verde Islands, roughly 46° 37' W. In terms of the treaty, all land to the west of the line (which is now known to include most of the South American soil), would belong to Spain, and all land to the east, to Portugal. Because accurate measurements of longitude were not possible at that time, the line was not strictly enforced, resulting in a Portuguese expansion of Brazil across the meridian.divided the newly discovered lands outside Europe between Portugal and the Crown of Castile, along a meridian 370 leagues^{[Note 4]} west of the Cape Verde islands, off the west coast of Africa. This line of demarcation was about halfway between the Cape Verde islands (already Portuguese) and the islands entered by Christopher Columbus on his first voyage (claimed for Castile and León), named in the treaty as Cipangu and Antilia (Cuba and Hispaniola).

Population overview

File:Alvarado.jpeg

Don Pedro de Alvarado, ca. 1485 – Guadalajara, New Spain, 4 July 1541) was a Spanish conquistador and governor of Guatemala.^[244]^{[note 7]}

Given the fragmentary nature of the evidence, even semi-accurate pre-Columbian population figures are impossible to obtain. Scholars have varied widely on the estimated size of the indigenous populations prior to colonisation and on the effects of European contact.^[246] Estimates are made by extrapolations from small bits of data. In 1976, geographer William Denevan used the existing estimates to derive a "consensus count" of about 54 million people. Nonetheless, more recent estimates still range widely.^[236]^[237]

Using an estimate of approximately 37 million people in 1492 (including 6 million in the Aztec Empire, 8 million in the Mayan States, 11 million in what is now Brazil, and 12 million in the Inca Empire), the lowest estimates give a death toll due from disease of 90% by the end of the 17th century (nine million people in 1650).^[236] Latin America would match its 15th-century population early in the 19th century; it numbered 17 million in 1800, 30 million in 1850, 61 million in 1900, 105 million in 1930, 218 million in 1960, 361 million in 1980, and 563 million in 2005.^[236] In the last three decades of the 16th century, the population of present-day Mexico dropped to about one million people.^[236] The Maya population is today estimated at six million, which is about the same as at the end of the 15th century, according to some estimates.^[236] In what is now Brazil, the indigenous population declined from a pre-Columbian high of an estimated four million to some 300,000.^[236]

Around the time of the Portuguese arrival, the territory of current day Brazil alone had an estimated indigenous population of 11 million people,^[236]^[247] mostly semi-nomadic who subsisted on hunting, fishing, gathering, and migrant agriculture. The indigenous population of Brazil comprised several large indigenous ethnic groups (e.g. the Tupis, Guaranis, Gês and Arawaks). The Tupí people were subdivided into the Tupiniquins and Tupinambás, and there were also many subdivision of the other groups.^[248]

Before the arrival of Europeans, the boundaries between these groups and their subgroups were marked by wars that arose from differences in culture, language and moral beliefs.^[249] These wars also involved large-scale military actions on land and water, with cannibalistic rituals on prisoners of war.^[250]^[251] While heredity had some weight, leadership status was more subdued over time, than allocated in succession ceremonies and conventions.^[252] Slavery among the Indians had a different meaning than it had for Europeans, since it originated from a diverse socio-economic organization, in which asymmetries were translated into kinship relations.^[253]

In 1498, during his third voyage to the Americas, Christopher Columbus sailed near the Orinoco Delta and then landed in the Gulf of Paria (Actual Venezuela). Amazed by the great offshore current of freshwater which deflected his course eastward, Columbus expressed in his moving letter to Isabella I and Ferdinand II that he must have reached heaven on Earth (terrestrial paradise):

Great signs are these of the Terrestrial Paradise, for the site conforms to the opinion of the holy and wise theologians whom I have mentioned. And likewise, the [other] signs conform very well, for I have never read or heard of such a large quantity of fresh water being inside and in such close proximity to salt water; the very mild temperateness also corroborates this; and if the water of which I speak does not proceed from Paradise then it is an even greater marvel, because I do not believe such a large and deep river has ever been known to exist in this world.^[254]
— Christopher Columbus (1450-1506)

Beginning in 1499, the people and natural resources of South America were repeatedly exploited by foreign conquistadors, first from Spain and later from Portugal. These competing colonial nations claimed the land and resources as their own and divided it into colonies.^[255]^{[note 8]}

European diseases and indigenous population loss

"Old World" European diseases had a devastating effect when introduced to Native American populations via European carriers, as the people in the Americas had no natural immunity to the new diseases. The European lifestyle included a long history of sharing close quarters with domesticated animals such as cows, pigs, sheep, goats, horses, and various domesticated fowl, which had resulted in epidemic diseases unknown in the Americas. Thus the large-scale contact with Europeans after 1492 introduced novel germs to the indigenous people of the Americas.

Measles caused many deaths. The smallpox epidemics are believed to have caused the largest death tolls among Native Americans, surpassing any wars^[258] and far exceeding the comparative loss of life in Europe due to the Black Death.^[259] Epidemics of smallpox (1518, 1521, 1525, 1558, 1589), typhus (1546), influenza (1558), diphtheria (1614) and measles (1618) swept the Americas subsequent to European contact,^[260]^[261] killing between 10 million and 100 million^[262] people, estimated upwards of 90–95 percent of the indigenous population of the Americas died in these epidemics within the first 100–150 years following 1492. Many regions in the Americas lost 100%.^[256]^[263] Similarly, yellow fever is thought to have been brought to the Americas from Africa via the Atlantic slave trade. Because it was endemic in Africa, many people there had acquired immunity. Europeans suffered higher rates of death than did African-descended persons when exposed to yellow fever in Africa and the Americas, where numerous epidemics swept the colonies beginning in the 17th century and continuing into the late 19th century. Debate on the origins of has been raging for centuries. New genetic evidence supports the theory that Christopher Columbus brought syphilis to Europe from the New World. According to the study, genetic analysis of the syphilis family tree reveals that its closest relative was a South American disease that causes yaws, an infection caused by a sub-species of the same bacterium. ^[264]

Together smallpox, influenza, measles, typhus and syphilis were by far the overwhelming cause of the depopulation of the Native American population.^[263]^[265] Cruel systems of forced labour (such as encomiendas and mining industry's mita) under Spanish control also contributed to further depopulation. Following this, African slaves, who had developed immunity to these diseases, were quickly brought in to replace them, unfortunately bringing with them yellow fever from Africa.

Religious conversion

The Spaniards were committed to converting their Native American subjects to Christianity following strict rules which they had been given by The Holy See^[238] and were very quick to purge any native cultural practices that hindered this end.^[238] However, most initial attempts at this were only partially successful; American groups simply blended Catholicism with their traditional beliefs. The Spaniards did not impose their language to the degree they did their religion. In fact, the missionary work of the Roman Catholic Church in Quechua, Nahuatl, and Guarani actually contributed to the expansion of these American languages, equipping them with writing systems.

Religion in colonial times

Travelling to the New World

Europeans and more specifically the Spanish Crown had a deep interest in regulating the flow of individuals in and out of Latin America. Leo J. Garofalo, Associate Professor of History at Connecticut College, states that "an examination of records [reveals] ... the Spanish Crown's attempt to regulate the flow of people to the Americas."^[266] The ability to strictly regulate the flow of people allowed the Spanish Crown to keep a firm grip on power in the Americas. While the Spanish Crown attempted to regulate the flow of all individuals into the Americas they focused specifically on insuring only true Christians were granted access. In colonial times politics and law were closely intertwined meaning that if individuals did not follow the same religion and thus, the same values and morals, governance could become difficult. Therefore, the Spanish Crown was rigorous in their attempts to allow only Christians passage to the New World and required proof of religion by way of personal testimonies. Specific examples of individuals dealing with the Crown allow for an understanding of how religion affected passage into the New World.

Francisca de Figueroa, an African-Iberian woman seeking entrance into the Americas, petitioned the Spanish Crown in 1600 in order to gain a license to sail to Cartagena.^[267] On her behalf she had a witness attest to her religious purity, Elvira de Medina wrote, "this witness knows that she and parents and her grandparents have been and are Old Christians and of unsullied cast and lineage. They are not of Moorish or Jewish caste or of those recently converted to Our Holy Catholic Faith."^[268] Despite Francisca's race, she was allowed entrance into the Americas in 1601 when a 'Decree from His Majesty' was presented, it read, "My presidents and official judges of the Case de Contraction of Seville. I order you to allow passage to the Province of Cartagena for Francisca de Figueroa ..."^[269] This example points to the importance of religion when attempting to travel to the Americas during colonial times. Individuals had to work within the guidelines of Christianity in order to appeal to the Crown and be granted access to travel.

Religion in Latin America

Once in the New World religion was still a prevalent issue which had to be considered in everyday life. Many of the laws were based in religious beliefs and traditions and often these laws clashed with the many other cultures throughout colonial Latin America. One of the central clashes was between African and Iberian cultures; this difference in culture resulted in the aggressive prosecution of witches, both African and Iberian, throughout Latin America. According to European tradition "[a] witch – a bruja – was thought to reject God and the sacraments and instead worship the devil and observe the witches' Sabbath."^[270] This rejection of God was seen as an abomination and was not tolerated by the authorities either in Spain nor Latin America. A specific example, the trial of Paula de Eguiluz, shows how an appeal to Christianity can help to lessen punishment even in the case of a witch trial.

Paula de Eguiluz was a woman of African descent who was born in Santo Domingo and grew up as a slave, sometime in her youth she learned the trade of witches and was publicly known to be a sorceress. "In 1623, Paula was accused of witchcraft (brujeria), divination and apostasy (declarations contrary to Church doctrine)."^[271] Paula was tried in 1624 and began her hearings without much knowledge of the Crowns way of conducting legal proceedings. There needed to be appeals to Christianity and announcements of faith if an individual hoped to lessen the sentence. Learning quickly, Paula correctly "recited the Lord's Prayer, the Creed, the Slave Regina, and the Ten Commandments" before the second hearing of her trial. Finally, in the third hearing of the trial Paula ended her testimony by "ask[ing] Our Lord to forgive [me] for these dreadful sins and errors and requests ... a merciful punishment."^[272] The appeals to Christianity and profession of faith allowed Paula to return to her previous life as a slave with minimal punishment. The Spanish Crown placed a high importance on the preservation of Christianity in Latin America, this preservation of Christianity allowed colonialism to rule Latin America for over three hundred years.

Racial mixing

Racial mixing became widespread during European colonialism in the Age of Discovery.^[273] Genetic exchange between two beginning in the late 15th century, European explorers sailed the oceans, eventually reaching all the major continents.^[274] During this time Europulations reduces the genetic distance between the populations and is measurable in DNA patterns.^[275] During the Age of Discovery, Europeans contacted many populations, some of which had been relatively isolated for millennia.^[276] The genetic demographic composition of the Eastern Hemisphere has not changed significantly since the Age of Discovery. However, genetic demographics in the Western Hemisphere were radically altered by events following the voyages of Christopher Columbus.^[276] The European colonization of the Americas brought contact between peoples of Europe, Africa and Asia and the Amerindian populations. As a result, the Americas today have significant and complex multiracial populations.^[276] Many individuals who self-identify as one race exhibit genetic evidence of a multiracial ancestry.^[277]

The European conquest of Latin America beginning in the late 15th century, was initially executed by male soldiers and sailors from the Iberian Peninsula (Spain and Portugal).^[278] The new soldier-settlers fathered children with Amerindian women and later with African slaves.^[279] These mixed-race children were generally identified by the Spanish colonist and Portuguese colonist as "Castas".^[280]

Eventually the indigenous people, the Spaniards and the African slaves interbred, forming a Mestizo class. Mestizos and the Native Americans were often forced to pay unfair taxes to the Spanish government (although all subjects paid taxes) and were punished harshly for disobeying their laws. Many native artworks were considered pagan idols and destroyed by Spanish explorers. This included a great number of gold and silver sculptures, which were melted down before transport to Europe.

Slavery

Photograph of a slave boy in Zanzibar. 'An Arab master's punishment for a slight offence.' c. 1890.

Slavery in South America was practiced in precolonial times.

During the Atlantic slave trade, Latin America was the main destination of millions of black people transported from Africa to French, Portuguese, and Spanish colonies. Slavery was a cornerstone of the Spanish Casta system, and its legacy is the presence of large Afro-Latino populations.

After the gradual emancipation of most black slaves, slavery continued along the Pacific coast of South America throughout the 19th century, as Peruvian slave traders kidnapped Polynesians, primarily from the Marquesas Islands and Easter Island and forced them to perform physical labour in mines and in the guano industry of Peru and Chile.

The total slave trade to islands in the Caribbean, Brazil, Mexico and to the US is estimated to have involved 12 million Africans.^[281]^[282] The vast majority of these slaves went to sugar colonies in the Caribbean and to Brazil, where life expectancy was short and the numbers had to be continually replenished. At most about 600,000 African slaves were imported into the U.S., or 5% of the 12 million slaves brought across from Africa.^[238]^[283] Life expectancy was much higher in the U.S. (because of better food, less disease, lighter work loads, and better medical care) so the numbers grew rapidly by excesses of births over deaths, reaching 4 million by the 1860 Census. From 1770 until 1860, the rate of natural growth of North American slaves was much greater than for the population of any nation in Europe, and was nearly twice as rapid as that of England.^[284]

Enslaved blacks in Latin America

The African presence in Latin America had an effect on the culture across Latin America. Black slaves arrived in the Americas during the early stages of exploration and settlement. By the first decades of the sixteenth century they were commonly participating in Spain's military expeditions.^[286]

Marriage was allowed in some areas and some slaves were taught to read and write. Colonial Brazil had the highest recorded number of legal marriages among slaves in Latin America.^[286]

Most slaves were baptized upon arrival to the New World, the Catholic Church did come to the defense of slaves. Some brotherhoods raised money to purchase the freedom of some of their slave members. Although the church owned slaves themselves, they never embraced the racist justifications for slavery so common among Protestant denominations in the United States.^[286]

The impact of slavery in culture is greatly apparent in Latin America. The mixing of cultures and races provides a rich history to be studied.^[286]

According to the television series, Black in Latin America,^[287] Mexico and Peru, combined, imported more African slaves than the United States. Between 1502 and 1866, of the 11.2 million Africans, only 450,000 arrived in the United States, while the rest arrived in Latin America and the Caribbean.^[288] These slaves were brought as early as the 16th and 17th centuries.^[289] The evidence of the African population is not readily apparent due to the mixing of the indigenous population, Africans, and European peoples and the early inception of African slaves into the Mexican society.^[289] According to Henry Louis Gates, Jr.'s film on the slave trade in Mexico, the integration of African peoples was so pervasive that every Mexican has an "African grandma hiding in their closet." The slaves would be forced to work in mines and plantations. Today, the most African communities live in coastal towns, "Vera Cruz on the Gulf of Mexico, the Costa Chica region on the Pacific".^[290]

Slavery begins in Portuguese Brazil

Slavery in Brazil began long before the first Portuguese settlement was established in 1532, as members of one tribe would enslave captured members of another.^[291]

The Portuguese first travelled to Brazil in 1500 under the expedition of Pedro Álvares Cabral, though the first Portuguese settlement was not established until 1532.^[292] Long before Europeans came to Brazil and began colonisation, indigenous groups such as the Papanases, the Guaianases, the Tupinambás, or the Cadiueus enslaved captured members of other tribes. The captured lived and worked with their new communities as trophies to the tribe’s martial prowess. Some enslaved would eventually escape but could never re-attain their previous status in their own tribe because of the strong social stigma against slavery and rival tribes. During their time in the new tribe, enslaved indigenous would even marry as a sign of acceptance and servitude. For the enslaved of cannibalistic tribes, execution for devouring purposes (cannibalistic ceremonies) could happen at any moment. While other tribes did not consume human flesh, their enslaved were still put to work, imprisoned, used as hostages, and killed mercilessly.^[291]^[293]^[294]

The colonisation effort proved to be a difficult undertaking on such a vast continent, and indigenous slave labor was quickly turned to for agricultural workforce needs. Aggressive mission networks of the Portuguese Jesuits were the driving force behind this recruitment, and they successfully mobilised an indigenous labor force to live in colonial villages to work the land. These indigenous enslaving expeditions were known as bandeiras.^[295]

During the Atlantic slave trade era, Brazil imported more African slaves than any other country. An estimated 4.9 million slaves from Africa came to Brazil during the period from 1501 to 1866.^[296]^[297]^[298] Until the early 1850s, most enslaved Africans who arrived on Brazilian shores were forced to embark at West Central African ports, especially in Luanda (present-day Angola). Today, with the exception of Nigeria, the largest population of people of African descent is in Brazil.^[297]^[298]^[299]^[300]

Slave labor was the driving force behind the growth of the sugar economy in Brazil, and sugar was the primary export of the colony from 1600–1650. Gold and diamond deposits were discovered in Brazil in 1690, which sparked an increase in the importation of African slaves to power this newly profitable market. Transportation systems were developed for the mining infrastructure, and population boomed from immigrants seeking to take part in gold and diamond mining.^[292]^[300]

Demand for African slaves did not wane after the decline of the mining industry in the second half of the 18th century. Cattle ranching and foodstuff production proliferated after the population growth, both of which relied heavily on slave labor. 1.7 million slaves were imported to Brazil from Africa from 1700 to 1800, and the rise of coffee in the 1830s further enticed expansion of the slave trade.^[292]^[300]

Brazil was the last country in the Western world to abolish slavery. By the time it was abolished, in 1888, an estimated four million slaves had been imported from Africa to Brazil, 40% of the total number of slaves brought to the Americas.^[300]

Brazil obtained 37% of all African slaves traded, and close to 4 million slaves were sent to this one country.^[301] Starting around 1550, the Portuguese began to trade African slaves to work the sugar plantations once the native Tupi people deteriorated. During the colonial epoch, slavery was a mainstay of the Brazilian economy, especially in mining and sugar cane production.

Muslim slaves, known as Malê in Brazil, produced one of the greatest slave revolts in the Americas, when in 1835 they tried to take the control of Salvador, Bahia. The event was known as the Malê Revolt.^[302]

African origins

Many Africans brought to Brazil in slavery belonged to two major groups: the West African and the Bantu people.

The West African people (previously known as Sudanese, and without connection with Sudan) were sent in large scale to Bahia. They mostly belong to the Ga-Adangbe, Yoruba, Igbo, Fon, Ashanti, Ewe, Mandinka, and other West African groups native to Guinea, Ghana, Benin, Guinea-Bissau and Nigeria. The Bantus were brought from Angola, Congo region and Mozambique and sent in large scale to Rio de Janeiro, Minas Gerais, and the Northeastern Brazil.

The blacks brought to Brazil were from different ethnicities and from different African regions.Gilberto Freyre noted the major differences between these groups. Some Sudanese peoples, such as Hausa, Fula and others were Islamic, spoke Arabic and many of them could read and write in this language. Freyre noted that many slaves were better educated than their masters, because many Muslim slaves were literate in Arabic, while many Portuguese Brazilian masters could not even read or write in Portuguese. These slaves of greater Arab and Berber influence were largely sent to Bahia. Even today the typical dress of the women from Bahia has clear Muslim influences, as the use of the Arabic turban on the head.

Despite the large influx of Islamic slaves, most of the slaves in Brazil were brought from the Bantu regions of the Atlantic coast of Africa where today Congo and Angola are located, and also from Mozambique. In general, these people lived in tribes. The people from Congo had developed agriculture, raised livestock, domesticated animals such as goat, pig, chicken and dog and produced sculptures in wood. Some groups from Angola were nomadic and did not know agriculture.^[302]

Toward the 18th and 19th centuries, the flow of Bantu slaves from Southeast Africa increased with the rise of the Omani Sultanate of Zanzibar, based in Zanzibar, Tanzania. With the arrival of European colonialists, the Zanzibar Sultanate came into direct trade conflict and competition with Portuguese and other Europeans along the Swahili Coast, leading eventually to the fall of the Sultanate and the end of slave trading on the Swahili Coast in the mid-20th century

Colonial racial hierarchy

In the Spanish colonial period, the Spanish developed a complex system of racial hierarchy, which was used for social control and which also determined a person's standing in society.^[303]

There were three main categories of race during the initial period of colonization of the Americas by the Spanish: White Spaniard (español), Amerindian (indio), and Black African (negro). During the Spanish colonial era, a myriad of terms (such [mestizo] Error: {{Lang}}: text has italic markup (help), [pardo] Error: {{Lang}}: text has italic markup (help), [mulato] Error: {{Lang}}: text has italic markup (help) and [zambo] Error: {{Lang}}: text has italic markup (help)) were created to differentiate these racial mixtures, called collectively castas.^[304] By the end of the colonial period in 1821, over one hundred sub-categories of possible variations of mixture existed, but official church and civil records were maintained with few categories. Church baptismal and marriage registers and civil records (censuses, arrest records) used the terms español, castizo, mestizo, mulato, and indio.

Casta

As time went on, a system of racial hierarchy, the sistema de castas or the sociedad de castas developed where society was divided based on race, wealth, and where one was born. The main divisions were as follows:

Español (fem. española) - white, of European ancestry; a blanket term, subdivided into Peninsulares and Criollos;
Peninsular – a European born in Spain;
Criollo (fem. criolla) – a White person with Spanish or European descent born in the Americas;
Castizo (fem.) castiza) - a person with ¾ Español ancestry, ¼ Indian; the offspring of a castizo and an español was considered español.
Mestizo (fem. mestiza) – a person of mixed White European and Amerindian ancestry;
Indio (fem. India) - someone of pure indigenous ancestry.
Pardo (fem. parda) – a person of mixed white European, Native American Indian and African Black ancestry;
Mulato (fem. mulata) – a person of mixed White European and Black African ancestry;
Zambo – a person of mixed Black African and Native American Indian Ancestry;
Negro (fem. negra) – a person of African descent;

Persons of mixed race were collectively referred to as castas.^[304] In theory, and as depicted in eighteenth-century Mexican casta paintings, español status could also be attained by people of mixed origin who consistently had intermarried with Europeans. Such cases might include the offspring of a castizo (¾ Spanish and ¼ Indian) parent and one Peninsular or criollo parent.^[305]

A person's legal racial classification in colonial Spanish America was closely tied to social status, wealth, culture and language use. Wealthy people paid to change or obscure their actual ancestry. Many indigenous people left their traditional villages and sought to be counted as mestizos to avoid tribute payments to the Spanish.^[306] Many indigenous people, and sometimes those with partial African descent, were classified as mestizo if they spoke Spanish and lived as mestizos.

In the early colonial period, the offspring of Spanish and Indians were raised either in the Hispanic world, if the father recognised the child, even though illegitimate; or the child was raised in the indigenous world of the mother if he did not. As early as 1533, Charles V mandated the high court (Audiencia) to take the children of Spanish men and indigenous women from their mothers and educate them in the Spanish sphere.^[307] As this mixed group born out of wedlock increased in numbers, generally living in their mother's indigenous communities, but increasingly not accepted there either, and being designated mestizos with the assumption that they were illegitimate.^[307] When the Mexican republic was established in 1824, legal racial categories ceased to exist. The production of casta paintings in New Spain ceased at the same juncture, after almost a century as a genre. As the term had taken on a myriad of meanings, the designation "mestizo" was removed from census counts in Mexico and is no longer in use.^[308]

Mestizos

Mestizo is a term traditionally used in Spain and Spanish America to mean a person of combined European and Amerindian descent, or someone who would have been deemed a Castizo (one European parent and one Mestizo parent) regardless if the person was born in Latin America or elsewhere. The term was used as an ethnic/racial category in the casta system that was in use during the Spanish Empire's control of their New World colonies. Mestizos are usually considered to be mixed Spaniards by the crown of Spain.^[309] It is usually used to describe anyone born in the Americas whose ancestry was a mixture of European, Amerindian, and Black African.^[310]^{[note 9]} The Spanish word [mestizo] Error: {{Lang}}: text has italic markup (help) is from Latin mixticius, meaning mixed.^[312]^[313] In Spanish the word is used for the general process of mixing ancestries. In English the term is miscegenation. Its usage has been documented as early as 1275, to refer to the offspring of an Egyptian and a Jew.^[314] This term was first documented in English in 1582.^[308]

Unintentional introductions

Plants that arrived by land, sea, or air in "ancient" times^{[Note 5]} are called archaeophytes, and plants introduced to Europe after those times are called neophytes. In addition to the diseases mentioned above, many species of organisms were introduced to South America accidentally or incidentally. These include such animals as brown rats, earthworms (apparently absent from parts of the pre-Columbian New World), and zebra mussels, which arrived on ships.^[315]

Invasive species of plants and pathogens also were introduced by chance, including such weeds as tumbleweeds (Salsola spp.) and wild oats (Avena fatua). Some plants introduced intentionally, such as the kudzu vine introduced in 1894 from Japan to the United States to help control soil erosion, have since been found to be invasive pests in the new environment. Fungi have been transported, such as the one responsible for Dutch elm disease, killing American elms in North American forests and cities, where many had been planted as street trees. Some of the invasive species have become serious ecosystem and economic problems after establishing in the New World environments.^[316]^[317]

Although probably an unintentional stowaway, a very beneficial introduction to Europe was Saccharomyces eubayanus, the wild yeast responsible for lager beer now thought to have originated in Patagonia.^[318]

17th & 18th centuries

In 1616, the Dutch, attracted by the legend of El Dorado, founded a fort in Guayana and established three colonies: Demerara, Berbice, and Essequibo.^{[citation needed]}

In 1624 France attempted to settle in the area of modern-day French Guiana, but was forced to abandon it in the face of hostility from the Portuguese, who viewed it as a violation of the Treaty of Tordesillas. However French settlers returned in 1630 and in 1643 managed to establish a settlement at Cayenne along with some small-scale plantations.^{[citation needed]}

Since the sixteenth century there were some movements of discontent to Spanish and Portuguese colonial system. Among these movements, the most famous being that of the Maroons, slaves who escaped their masters and in the shelter of the forest communities organised free communities. Attempts to subject them by the royal army was unsuccessful, because the Maroons had learned to master the South American jungles. In a royal decree of 1713, the king gave legality to the first free population of the continent: Palenque de San Basilio in Colombia today, led by Benkos Bioho.

Brazil saw the formation of a genuine African kingdom on their soil, with the Quilombo of Palmares.^[319]^{[Note 6]} Quilombos were settlements mainly of survivors and free-born enslaved African people. The Quilombos came into existence when Africans began arriving in Brazil in the mid-1530s and grew significantly as slavery expanded.^{[Note 7]} Palmares was home to not only escaped enslaved Africans, but also to mulattos, caboclos, Indians and poor whites, especially Portuguese soldiers trying to escape forced military service.^[320]

One estimate places the population of Palmares in the 1690s at around 20,000 inhabitants,^{[citation needed]} although recent scholarship has questioned whether this figure is exaggerated. Stuart Schwartz places the number at roughly 11,000, noting that it was, regardless, "undoubtedly the largest fugitive community to have existed in Brazil".^[319] These inhabitants developed a society and government that derived from a range of Central African sociopolitical models, a reflection of the diverse ethnic origins of its inhabitants. This government was confederate in nature, and was led by an elected chief who allocated landholdings, appointed officials (usually family members), and resided in a type of fortification called Macoco. Six Portuguese expeditions tried to conquer Palmares between 1680 and 1686, but failed. Finally, the governor of the captaincy of Pernambuco, Pedro Almeida, organised an army, under the leadership of the Bandeirantes Domingos Jorge Velho and Bernardo Vieira de Melo, defeated a palmarista force putting an end to the republic in 1694.^[321]

Between 1721 and 1735, the Revolt of the Comuneros of Paraguay arose, because of clashes between the Paraguayan settlers and the Jesuits, who ran the large and prosperous Jesuit Reductions and controlled a large number of Christianised Indians.Between 1742 and 1756, was the insurrection of Juan Santos Atahualpa in the central jungle of Peru. In 1780, the Viceroyalty of Peru was met with the insurrection of curaca Condorcanqui or Tupac Amaru II, which would be continued by Tupac Catari in Upper Peru.^{[citation needed]}

In 1763, the African Cuffy led a revolt in Guyana which was bloodily suppressed by the Dutch. In 1781, the Revolt of the Comuneros (New Granada), an insurrection of the villagers in the Viceroyalty of New Granada, was a popular revolution that united indigenous people and mestizos. The villagers tried to be the colonial power and despite the capitulation were signed, the Viceroy Manuel Antonio Flores did not comply, and instead ran to the main leaders José Antonio Galán. In 1796, Essequibo (colony) of the Dutch was taken by the British, who had previously begun a massive introduction of slaves.^{[citation needed]}

During the eighteenth century, the figure of the priest, mathematician and botanist José Celestino Mutis (1732–1808), was delegated by the Viceroy Antonio Caballero y Gongora to conduct an inventory of the nature of the Nueva Granada, which became known as the Botanical Expedition, which classified plants, wildlife and founded the first astronomical observatory in the city of Santa Fé de Bogotá.^{[citation needed]}

On August 15, 1801, the Prussian scientist Alexander von Humboldt reached Fontibón where Mutis, and began his expedition to New Granada, Quito. The meeting between the two scholars are considered the brightest spot of the botanical expedition. Humboldt also visited Venezuela, Mexico, United States, Chile, and Peru. His observations of temperature differences between the Pacific Ocean between Chile and Peru in different periods of the year, he discovered the cold currents moving from south to north up the coast of Peru, which was named in his honour, the Humboldt Current.^[322]

Between 1806 and 1807, British military forces tried to invade the area of the Rio de la Plata, at the command of Home Riggs Popham and William Carr Beresford, and John Whitelocke. The invasions were repelled, but powerfully affected the Spanish authority.^{[citation needed]}

19th Century

'Latin' America

The idea that a part of the Americas has a cultural or racial affinity with all Romance cultures can be traced back to the 1830s, in particular in the writing of the French Saint-Simonian Michel Chevalier, who postulated that this part of the Americas were inhabited by people of a "Latin race," and that it could, therefore, ally itself with "Latin Europe" in a struggle with "Teutonic Europe," "Anglo-Saxon America" and "Slavic Europe."^[323] The idea was later taken up by Latin American intellectuals and political leaders of the mid- and late-nineteenth century, who no longer looked to Spain or Portugal as cultural models, but rather to France.^[324] The actual term "Latin America" was coined in France under Napoleon III and played a role in his campaign to imply cultural kinship with France, transform France into a cultural and political leader of the area and install Maximilian as emperor of Mexico.^[325]

In the mid-twentieth century, especially in the United States, there was a trend to occasionally classify all of the territory south of the United States as "Latin America," especially when the discussion focused on its contemporary political and economic relations to the rest of the world, rather than solely on its cultural aspects.^[326] Concurrently, there has been a move to avoid this oversimplification by talking about "Latin America and the Caribbean," as in the United Nations geoscheme. The Spanish American wars of independence were the numerous wars against Spanish rule in Spanish America that took place during the early 19th century, after the French invasion of Spain during Europe's Napoleonic Wars. These conflicts started in 1809 with short-lived governing juntas established in Chuquisaca and Quito opposing the composition of the Supreme Central Junta of Seville. When the Central Junta fell to the French invasion, in 1810, numerous new juntas appeared across the Spanish domains in the Americas. The conflicts among these colonies and with Spain eventually resulted in a chain of newly independent countries stretching from Argentina and Chile in the south to Mexico in the north in the first third of the 19th century. Cuba and Puerto Rico remained under Spanish rule until the Spanish–American War in 1898.^[327]

Wars of Independence

Several factors set the stage for wars of independence. First the Bourbon Reforms of the mid-eighteenth century introduced changes to the relationship of Spanish Americans to the Crown. In an effort to better control the administration and economy of the overseas possessions the Crown reintroduced the practice of appointing outsiders, almost all peninsulares, to the various royal offices throughout the empire. This meant that Spanish Americans lost the gains they had made in holding local offices as a result of the sale of offices during the previous century and a half. In some areas—such as Cuba, Río de la Plata and New Spain—the reforms had positive effects, improving the local economy and the efficiency of the government.^[327] Other contributing factors included Enlightenment thinking and the examples of the Atlantic Revolutions.^[328] The Enlightenment spurred the desire for social and economic reform to spread throughout Latin America and the Iberian Peninsula.^[329]^[330]^[331] Ideas about free trade and physiocratic economics were raised by the Enlightenment in Spain.^[328]^[331]^[332] The most influential publication of the Enlightenment was the Encyclopédie, compiled by Denis Diderot and (until 1759) by Jean le Rond d'Alembert and a team of 150 scientists and philosophers. It was published between 1751 and 1772 in thirty-five volumes, and spread the ideas of the Enlightenment across Europe and beyond.^[331] The political reforms implemented and the many constitutions written both in Spain and throughout the Spanish world during the wars of independence were influenced by these factors.^[331]^[333]

Argentina

Beginning a process from which Argentina was to emerge as successor state to the Viceroyalty,^[334] the 1810 May Revolution replaced the viceroy Baltasar Hidalgo de Cisneros with the First Junta, a new government in Buenos Aires composed by locals.^[335] In the first clashes of the Independence War the Junta crushed a royalist counter-revolution in Córdoba,^[336] but failed to overcome those of the Banda Oriental, Upper Peru and Paraguay, which later became independent states.^[337]

Revolutionaries split into two antagonist groups: the Centralists and the Federalists—a move that would define Argentina's first decades of independence.^[338] The Assembly of the Year XIII appointed Gervasio Antonio de Posadas as Argentina's first Supreme Director.^[338]

In 1816 the Congress of Tucumán formalised the Declaration of Independence.^[339] One year later General Martín Miguel de Güemes stopped royalists on the north, and General José de San Martín took an army across the Andes and secured the independence of Chile; then he led the fight to the Spanish stronghold of Lima and proclaimed the independence of Peru.^[340]^[A] In 1819 Buenos Aires enacted a centralist constitution that was soon abrogated by federalists.^[342]

The 1820 Battle of Cepeda, fought between the Centralists and the Federalists, resulted in the end of the Supreme Director rule. In 1826 Buenos Aires enacted another centralist constitution, with Bernardino Rivadavia being appointed as the first president of the country. However, the interior provinces soon rose against him, forced his resignation and discarded the constitution.^[343] Centralists and Federalists resumed the civil war; the latter prevailed and formed the Argentine Confederation in 1831, led by Juan Manuel de Rosas.^[344] During his regime he faced a French blockade (1838–1840), the War of the Confederation (1836–1839), and a combined Anglo-French blockade (1845–1850), but remained undefeated and prevented further loss of national territory.^[345] His trade restriction policies, however, angered the interior provinces and in 1852 Justo José de Urquiza, another powerful caudillo, beat him out of power. As new president of the Confederation, Urquiza enacted the liberal and federal 1853 Constitution. Buenos Aires seceded but was forced back into the Confederation after being defeated in the 1859 Battle of Cepeda.^[346] The new republics from the beginning abolished the casta system, the Inquisition and nobility, and slavery was ended in all of the new nations within a quarter century. Criollos (those of Spanish descent born in the New World) and mestizos (those of mixed Indian and Spanish blood) replaced Spanish-born appointees in most political offices. Criollos remained at the top of a social structure which retained some of its traditional features culturally, if not legally. For almost a century thereafter, conservatives and liberals fought to reverse or to deepen the social and political changes unleashed by those rebellions.^[327]^[331] Most of the Spanish colonies won their independence in the first quarter of the 19th century, in the wars of independence. Simón Bolívar (Greater Colombia, Peru, Bolivia), José de San Martín (United Provinces of the River Plate, Chile, and Peru), and Bernardo O'Higgins (Chile) led their independence struggle. Although Bolivar attempted to keep the Spanish-speaking parts of the continent politically unified, they rapidly became independent of one another.^[327]^[328]

Bolivia

After the first call for independence in 1809, 16 years of war followed before the establishment of the Republic, named for Simón Bolívar, on 6 August 1825. Since independence, Bolivia has endured periods of political and economic instability, including the loss of various peripheral territories to its neighbors, such as Acre and parts of the Gran Chaco. It has been landlocked since the annexation of its Pacific coast territory by Chile following the War of the Pacific (1879–84), but agreements with neighbouring countries have granted it indirect access to the Pacific and Atlantic oceans.

File:Boliviacurrencyold.png

One of the first coins produced in Bolivia after the Declaration of Independence in 1825.

The struggle for independence started in the city of Sucre on 25 May 1809, with the first cry of Freedom in Latin America, the Chuquisaca Revolution (Chuquisaca was then the name of the city). That revolution, which created a local government junta, was followed by the La Paz revolution, during which Bolivia actually declared independence. Both revolutions were short-lived, and defeated by the Spanish authorities, but the following year the Spanish American wars of independence raged across the continent.

Bolivia was captured and recaptured many times during the war by the royalists and patriots. Buenos Aires sent three military campaigns, all of which were defeated, and eventually limited itself to protecting the national borders at Salta. Bolivia was finally freed of Royalist dominion by Antonio José de Sucre, with a military campaign coming from the North in support of the campaign of Simón Bolívar. After 16 years of war the Republic was proclaimed on 6 August 1825.

In 1836, Bolivia, under the rule of Marshal Andrés de Santa Cruz, invaded Peru to reinstall the deposed president, General Luis José de Orbegoso. Peru and Bolivia formed the Peru-Bolivian Confederation, with de Santa Cruz as the Supreme Protector. Following tension between the Confederation and Chile, Chile declared war on 28 December 1836. Argentina, Chile's ally, declared war on the Confederation on 9 May 1837. The Peruvian-Bolivian forces achieved several major victories during the War of the Confederation: the defeat of the Argentine expedition and the defeat of the first Chilean expedition on the fields of Paucarpata near the city of Arequipa.

On the same field, the Chilean and Peruvian rebel army surrendered unconditionally and signed the Paucarpata Treaty. The treaty stipulated that Chile would withdraw from Peru-Bolivia, Chile would return captured Confederate ships, economic relations would be normalized, and the Confederation would pay Peruvian debt to Chile. In Chile, public outrage over the treaty forced the government to reject it. Chile organised a second attack on the Confederation and defeated it in the Battle of Yungay. After this defeat, Santa Cruz resigned and went to exile in Ecuador and then Paris, and the Peruvian-Bolivian Confederation was dissolved.

Chile

In 1808, Napoleon's enthronement of his brother Joseph as the Spanish King precipitated the drive by the colony for independence from Spain. A national junta in the name of Ferdinand – heir to the deposed king – was formed on 18 September 1810. The Government Junta of Chile proclaimed Chile an autonomous republic within the Spanish monarchy (in memory of this day Chile celebrates its National Day on 18 September each year).

After these events, a movement for total independence, under the command of José Miguel Carrera (one of the most renowned patriots) and his two brothers Juan José and Luis Carrera, soon gained a wider following. Spanish attempts to re-impose arbitrary rule during what was called the Reconquista led to a prolonged struggle, including infighting from Bernardo O'Higgins, who challenged Carrera's leadership.

Intermittent warfare continued until 1817. With Carrera in prison in Argentina, O'Higgins and anti-Carrera cohort José de San Martín, hero of the Argentine War of Independence, led an army that crossed the Andes into Chile and defeated the royalists. On 12 February 1818 Chile was proclaimed an independent republic. The political revolt brought little social change, however, and 19th-century Chilean society preserved the essence of the stratified colonial social structure, which was greatly influenced by family politics and the Roman Catholic Church. A strong presidency eventually emerged, but wealthy landowners remained powerful.^[347]

Chile slowly started to expand its influence and to establish its borders. By the Tantauco Treaty, the archipelago of Chiloé was incorporated in 1826. The economy began to boom due to the discovery of silver ore in Chañarcillo, and the growing trade of the port of Valparaíso, which led to conflict over maritime supremacy in the Pacific with Peru. At the same time, attempts were made to strengthen sovereignty in southern Chile intensifying penetration into Araucanía and colonizing Llanquihue with German immigrants in 1848. Through the founding of Fort Bulnes by the Schooner Ancud under the command of John Williams Wilson, the Magallanes region joined the country in 1843, while the Antofagasta area, at the time part of, Bolivia, began to fill with people.

Toward the end of the 19th century, the government in Santiago consolidated its position in the south by the Occupation of Araucanía. The Boundary treaty of 1881 between Chile and Argentina confirmed Chilean sovereignty over the Strait of Magellan. As a result of the War of the Pacific with Peru and Bolivia (1879–83), Chile expanded its territory northward by almost one-third, eliminating Bolivia's access to the Pacific, and acquired valuable nitrate deposits, the exploitation of which led to an era of national affluence.

The 1891 Chilean Civil War brought about a redistribution of power between the President and Congress, and Chile established a parliamentary style democracy. However, the Civil War had also been a contest between those who favored the development of local industries and powerful Chilean banking interests, particularly the House of Edwards who had strong ties to foreign investors. Soon after, the country engaged in a vastly expensive naval arms race with Argentina that nearly led to a war.

Colombia

A movement was initiated by Antonio Nariño, who opposed Spanish centralism and led the opposition against the viceroyalty.^[348] Cartagena became independent in November 1811.^[349] Took place the formation of two independent governments which fought a civil war – a period known as the Foolish Fatherland.^[350] In 1811 the United Provinces of New Granada were proclaimed, headed by Camilo Torres Tenorio.^[351]^[352] Despite the successes of the rebellion, the emergence of two distinct ideological currents among the liberators (federalism and centralism) gave rise to an internal clash which contributed to the reconquest of territory by the Spanish. The viceroyalty was restored under the command of Juan Sámano, whose regime punished those who participated in the uprisings. The retribution stoked renewed rebellion, which, combined with a weakened Spain, made possible a successful rebellion led by the Venezuelan-born Simón Bolívar, who finally proclaimed independence in 1819.^[353]^[354] The pro-Spanish resistance was defeated in 1822 in the present territory of Colombia and in 1823 in Venezuela.^[355]^[356]^[357]

The territory of the Viceroyalty of New Granada became the Republic of Colombia, organized as a union of the current territories of Colombia, Panama, Ecuador, Venezuela, parts of Guyana and Brazil and north of Marañón River.^[358] The Congress of Cúcuta in 1821 adopted a constitution for the new Republic.^[359]^[360] Simón Bolívar became the first President of Colombia, and Francisco de Paula Santander was made Vice President.^[361] However, the new republic was unstable and ended with the rupture of Venezuela and Ecuador in 1830.^[362]^[363]

Colombia was the first constitutional government in South America,^[364] and the Liberal and Conservative parties, founded in 1848 and 1849 respectively, are two of the oldest surviving political parties in the Americas.^[365] Slavery was abolished in the country in 1851.^[366]^[367]

Internal political and territorial divisions led to the secession of Venezuela and Ecuador in 1830.^[362]^[363] The so-called "Department of Cundinamarca" adopted the name "Nueva Granada", which it kept until 1858 when it became the "Confederación Granadina" (Granadine Confederation). After a two-year civil war in 1863, the "United States of Colombia" was created, lasting until 1886, when the country finally became known as the Republic of Colombia.^[364]^[368] Internal divisions remained between the bipartisan political forces, occasionally igniting very bloody civil wars, the most significant being the Thousand Days' War (1899–1902).^[369]

Peru

A movement was initiated by Antonio Nariño, who opposed Spanish centralism and led the opposition against the viceroyalty.^[370] Cartagena became independent in November 1811.^[371] Took place the formation of two independent governments which fought a civil war – a period known as the Foolish Fatherland.^[372] In 1811 the United Provinces of New Granada were proclaimed, headed by Camilo Torres Tenorio.^[373]^[374] Despite the successes of the rebellion, the emergence of two distinct ideological currents among the liberators (federalism and centralism) gave rise to an internal clash which contributed to the reconquest of territory by the Spanish. The viceroyalty was restored under the command of Juan Sámano, whose regime punished those who participated in the uprisings. The retribution stoked renewed rebellion, which, combined with a weakened Spain, made possible a successful rebellion led by the Venezuelan-born Simón Bolívar, who finally proclaimed independence in 1819.^[353]^[375] The pro-Spanish resistance was defeated in 1822 in the present territory of Colombia and in 1823 in Venezuela.^[376]^[377]^[378]

Venezuela

After a series of unsuccessful uprisings, Venezuela, under the leadership of Francisco de Miranda, a Venezuelan marshal who had fought in the American Revolution and the French Revolution, declared independence on 5 July 1811.^[379] This began the Venezuelan War of Independence. However, a devastating earthquake that struck Caracas in 1812, together with the rebellion of the Venezuelan llaneros, helped bring down the first Venezuelan republic.^[380] A second Venezuelan republic, proclaimed on 7 August 1813, lasted several months before being crushed, as well.^[381]

Sovereignty was only attained after Simón Bolívar, aided by José Antonio Páez and Antonio José de Sucre, won the Battle of Carabobo on 24 June 1821.^[382] On 24 July 1823, José Prudencio Padilla and Rafael Urdaneta helped seal Venezuelan independence with their victory in the Battle of Lake Maracaibo.^[383] New Granada's congress gave Bolívar control of the Granadian army; leading it, he liberated several countries and founded Gran Colombia.^[382]

Sucre, who won many battles for Bolívar, went on to liberate Ecuador and later become the second president of Bolivia. Venezuela remained part of Gran Colombia until 1830, when a rebellion led by Páez allowed the proclamation of a newly independent Venezuela; Páez became the first president of the new republic.^[384] Between one-quarter and one-third of Venezuela's population was lost during these two decades of warfare which by 1830 was estimated at about 800,000.^[385]

Portuguese states=

Unlike the Spanish colonies, the Brazilian independence came as an indirect consequence of the Napoleonic Invasions to Portugal - French invasion under General Junot led to the capture of Lisbon on 8 December 1807. Spanish and Napoleonic forces threatened the security of continental Portugal, causing Prince Regent João, in the name of Queen Maria I, to move the royal court from Lisbon to Brazil,^[386] which was the Portuguese Empire's capital between 1808 and 1821 and rose the relevance of Brazil within the Portuguese Empire's framework. Following the Portuguese Liberal Revolution of 1820, and after several battles and skirmishes were fought in Pará and in Bahia, the heir apparent Pedro, son of King John VI of Portugal, proclaimed the country's independence in 1822 and became Brazil's first emperor (He later also reigned as Pedro IV of Portugal).

There they established some of Brazil's first financial institutions, such as its local stock exchanges,^[387] a National Bank, and ended the monopoly of the colony trade with Portugal, opening it to other nations. This was one of the most peaceful colonial independences ever seen in human history.^{[citation needed]}

A struggle for power emerged among the new nations, and several further wars were soon fought thereafter.^{[citation needed]}

The first few wars were fought for supremacy in the northern and southern parts of the continent. The Gran Colombia – Peru War of the north and the Cisplatine War (between the Empire of Brazil and the United Provinces of the River Plate) ended in stalemates, although the latter resulted in the independence of Uruguay (1828). A few years later, after the break-up of Gran Colombia, the balance of power shifted in favor of the newly formed Peru-Bolivian Confederation (1836-1839). Nonetheless, this power structure proved temporary and shifted once more as a result of the Northern Peruvian State's victory over the Southern Peruvian State-Bolivia War of the Confederation (1836-1839), and the Argentine Confederation's defeat in the Guerra Grande (1839-1852).^{[citation needed]}

Later conflicts between the South American nations continued to define their borders and power status. In the Pacific coast, Chile and Peru continued to exhibit their increasing domination, defeating Spain in the Chincha Islands War. Finally, after precariously defeating Peru during the War of the Pacific (1879-1883), Chile emerged as the dominant power of the Pacific Coast of South America. In the Atlantic side, Paraguay attempted to gain a more dominant status in the region, but an alliance of Argentina, Brazil, and Uruguay (in the resulting 1864-1870 War of the Triple Alliance) ended Paraguayan ambitions. Thereupon, the Southern Cone nations of Argentina, Brazil, and Chile entered the 20th century as the major continental powers.^{[citation needed]}

Guyana was first a Dutch, and then a British colony, though there was a brief period during the Napoleonic Wars when it was colonised by the French. The country was once partitioned into three parts, each being controlled by one of the colonial powers until the country was finally taken over fully by the British.

A few countries did not gain independence until the 20th century:

Panama, from Colombia, in 1903^[389]
Trinidad and Tobago, from the United Kingdom, in 1962^[390]
Guyana, from the United Kingdom, in 1966^[391]
Suriname, from the Dutch control, in 1975^{[citation needed]}
French Guiana still remains as an overseas department of France.^{[citation needed]}

20th century

1900–1920

By the start of the century, the United States continued its interventionist attitude, which aimed to directly defend its interests in the region. This was officially articulated in Theodore Roosevelt's Big Stick Doctrine, which modified the old Monroe Doctrine, which had simply aimed to deter European intervention in the hemisphere. At the conclusion of the Spanish–American War the new government of Cuba and the United States signed the Platt Amendment in 1902, which authorized the United States to intervene in Cuban affairs when the United States deemed necessary. In Colombia, United States sought the concession of a territory in Panama to build a much anticipated canal across the isthmus. The Colombian government opposed this, but a Panamanian insurrection provided the United States with an opportunity. The United States backed Panamanian independence and the new nation granted the concession. These were not the only interventions carried out in the region by the United States. In the first decades of the twentieth century, there were several military incursions into Central America and the Caribbean, mostly in defense of commercial interests, which became known as the "Banana Wars."

The greatest political upheaval in the second decade of the century took place in Mexico. In 1908, President Porfirio Díaz, who had been in office since 1884, promised that he would step down in 1910. Francisco I. Madero, a moderate liberal whose aim was to modernize the country while preventing a socialist revolution, launched an election campaign in 1910. Díaz, however, changed his mind and ran for office once more. Madero was arrested on election day and Díaz declared the winner. These events provoked uprisings, which became the start of the Mexican Revolution. Revolutionary movements were organized and some key leaders appeared: Pancho Villa in the north, Emiliano Zapata in the south, and Madero in Mexico City. Madero's forces defeated the federal army in early 1911, assumed temporary control of the government and won a second election later on November 6, 1911. Madero undertook moderate reforms to implement greater democracy in the political system but failed to satisfy many of the regional leaders in what had become a revolutionary situation. Madero's failure to address agrarian claims led Zapata to break with Madero and resume the revolution. On February 18, 1913 Victoriano Huerta, a conservative general organized a coup d'état with the support of the United States; Madero was killed four days later. Other revolutionary leaders such as Villa, Zapata, and Venustiano Carranza continued to militarily oppose the federal government, now under Huerta's control. Allies Zapata and Villa took Mexico City in March 1914, but found themselves outside of their elements in the capital and withdrew to their respective bastions. This allowed Carranza to assume control of the central government. He then organized the repression of the rebel armies of Villa and Zapata, led in particular by General Álvaro Obregón,. The Mexican Constitution of 1917, still the current constitution, was proclaimed but initially little enforced. The efforts against the other revolutionary leaders continued. Zapata was assassinated on April 10, 1919. Carranza himself was assassinated on May 15, 1920, leaving Obregón in power, who was officially elected president later that year. Finally in 1923 Villa was also assassinated. With the removal of the main rivals Obregón is able to consolidate power and relative peace returned to Mexico. Under the Constitution a liberal government is implemented but some of the aspirations of the working and rural classes remained unfulfilled. (See also, Agrarian land reform in Mexico.)

1930–1960

The Great Depression posed a great challenge to the region. The collapse of the world economy meant that the demand for raw materials drastically declined, undermining many of the economies of South America.

Intellectuals and government leaders in South America turned their backs on the older economic policies and turned toward import substitution industrialization. The goal was to create self-sufficient economies, which would have their own industrial sectors and large middle classes and which would be immune to the ups and downs of the global economy. Despite the potential threats to United States commercial interests, the Roosevelt administration (1933–1945) understood that the United States could not wholly oppose import substitution. Roosevelt implemented a good neighbour policy and allowed the nationalization of some American companies in South America. Mexican President Lázaro Cárdenas nationalized American oil companies, out of which he created Pemex. Cárdenas also oversaw the redistribution of a quantity of land, fulfilling the hopes of many since the start of the Mexican Revolution. The Platt Amendment was also repealed, freeing Cuba from legal and official interference of the United States in its politics. The Second World War also brought the United States and most Latin American nations together.

The history of South America during World War II is important because of the significant economic, political, and military changes that occurred throughout much of the region as a result of the war. In order to better protect the Panama Canal, combat Axis influence, and optimize the production of goods for the war effort, the United States through Lend-Lease and similar programs greatly expanded its interests in Latin America, resulting in large-scale modernization and a major economic boost for the countries that participated.^[392]

Strategically, Panama was the most important Latin American nation for the Allies because of the Panama Canal, which provided a link between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans that was vital to both commerce and defense. Brazil was also of great importance because of its having the closest point in the Americas to Africa where the Allies were actively engaged in fighting the Germans and Italians. For the Axis, the Southern Cone nations of Argentina and Chile were where they found most of their support, and they utilized it to the fullest by interfering with internal affairs, conducting espionage, and distributing propaganda.^[392]^[393]^[394]

Brazil was the only country to send an Expeditionary force to the European Theater; however, several countries had skirmishes with German U-Boats and cruisers in the Caribbean and South Atlantic. Mexico sent a fighter squadron of 300 volunteers to the Pacific, the Escuadrón 201 were known as the Aztec Eagles ('Aguilas Aztecas).

The Brazilian active participation on the battle field in Europe was divined after the Casablanca Conference. The President of the U.S., Franklin D. Roosevelt on his way back from Marocco met the President of Brazil, Getulio Vargas, in Natal, Rio Grande do Norte, this meeting is known as the Potenji River Conference, and defined the creation of the Brazilian Expeditionary Force.

Cold War

Wars became less frequent in the 20th century, with Bolivia-Paraguay and Peru-Ecuador fighting the last inter-state wars. Early in the 20th century, the three wealthiest South American countries engaged in a vastly expensive naval arms race which was catalyzed by the introduction of a new warship type, the "dreadnought". At one point, the Argentine government was spending a fifth of its entire yearly budget for just two dreadnoughts, a price that did not include later in-service costs, which for the Brazilian dreadnoughts was sixty percent of the initial purchase.^[395]^[396]

The continent became a battlefield of the Cold War in the late 20th century. Some democratically elected governments of Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Uruguay and Paraguay were overthrown or displaced by military dictatorships in the 1960s and 1970s. To curtail opposition, their governments detained tens of thousands of political prisoners, many of whom were tortured and/or killed on inter-state collaboration. Economically, they began a transition to neoliberal economic policies. They placed their own actions within the US Cold War doctrine of "National Security" against internal subversion. Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, Peru suffered from an internal conflict. South America, like many other continents, became a battlefield for the superpowers during the Cold War in the late 20th century. In the postwar period, the expansion of communism became the greatest political issue for both the United States and governments in the region. The start of the Cold War forced governments to choose between the United States and the Soviet Union. Following the 1948 Costa Rica Civil War, the nation established a new constitution and was recognized as the first legitimate democracy in Latin America^[397] However, the new Costa Rican government, which now was constitutionally required to ban the presence of a standing military, did not seek regional influence and was distracted further by conflicts with neighbouring Nicaragua.

Socialism

Several socialist and communist insurgencies broke out in Latin America throughout the entire twentieth century, but the most successful one was in Cuba. The Cuban Revolution was led by Fidel Castro against the regime of Fulgencio Batista, who since 1933 was the principal autocrat in Cuba. Since the 1860s the Cuban economy had focused on the cultivation of sugar, of which 82% was sold in the American market by the twentieth century. Despite the repeal of the Platt Amendment, the United States still had considerable influence in Cuba, both in politics and in everyday life. In fact Cuba had a reputation of being the "brothel of the United States," a place where Americans could find all sorts of licit and illicit pleasures, provided they had the cash. Despite having the socially advanced constitution of 1940, Cuba was plagued with corruption and the interruption of constitutional rule by autocrats like Batista. Batista began his final turn as the head of the government in a 1952 coup. The coalition that formed under the revolutionaries hoped to restore the constitution, reestablish a democratic state and free Cuba from the American influence. The revolutionaries succeeded in toppling Batista on January 1, 1959. Castro, who initially declared himself as a non-socialist, initiated a program of agrarian reforms and nationalizations in May 1959, which alienated the Eisenhower administration (1953–61) and resulted in the United States breaking of diplomatic relations, freezing Cuban assets in the United States and placing an embargo on the nation in 1960. The Kennedy administration (1961–1963) authorized the funding and support of an invasion of Cuba by exiles. The invasion failed and radicalized the revolutionary government's position. Cuba officially proclaimed itself socialist and openly became an ally of the Soviet Union. The military collaboration between Cuba and the Soviet Union, which included the placement of intercontinental ballistic missiles in Cuba precipitated the Cuban Missile Crisis of October 1962.

Illegal drug trade in South America

Bricks of cocaine, a form in which it is commonly transported.

The illegal drug trade in Latin America concerns primarily the production and sale of cocaine and cannabis, including the export of these banned substances to the United States and Europe. Coca cultivation is concentrated in the Andes of South America, particularly in Colombia, Peru and Bolivia; this is the world's only source region for coca.^[398]

Drug consumption in South America remains relatively low, but cocaine in particular has increased in recent years in countries along the major smuggling routes.^[398] As of 2008^[update], the primary pathway for drugs into the United States is through Mexico and Central America, though crackdowns on drug trafficking by the Mexican government has forced many cartels to operate routes through Guatemala and Honduras instead.^[399] This is a shift from the 1980s and early 90s, when the main smuggling route was via the Caribbean into Florida.^[398] The United States is the primary destination, but around 25 to 30% of global cocaine production travels from Latin America to Europe, typically via West Africa.^[398]

The major drug trafficking organizations (drug cartels) are Mexican and Colombian, and said to generate a total of $18 to $39bn in wholesale drug proceeds per year.^[398] Mexican cartels are currently considered the "greatest organized crime threat" to the United States.^[398] Since February 2010, the major Mexican cartels have again aligned in two factions, one integrated by the Juárez Cartel, Tijuana Cartel, Los Zetas and the Beltrán-Leyva Cartel; the other faction integrated by the Gulf Cartel, Sinaloa Cartel and La Familia Cartel.^[400]

Prior to the Mexican cartels' rise, the Colombian Cali cartel and Medellín cartel dominated in the late 1980s and early 90s.^[398] Following their demise, the Norte del Valle cartel has filled the Colombian vacuum, along with rightwing paramilitaries (e.g. United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia, AUC) and leftwing insurgent groups (FARC, ELN).^[398]

As a result of the concentration of drug trafficking, Latin America and the Caribbean has the world's highest crime rates, with murder reaching 32.6 per 100,000 of population in 2008.^[398] Violence has surged in Mexico since 2006 when Mexican President Felipe Calderón intensified the Mexican Drug War.^[398]

Since 2008, the U.S. Congress has supported the Central American Regional Security Initiative (CARSI) with approximately $800 million^[401] to "fund programs for narcotics interdiction, strengthening law enforcement and justice institutions and violence prevention through work with at-risk youth".^[399] The program also supports special units that cooperate with the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration in Guatemala and Honduras to investigate drug cartels, share intelligence, and promote regional collaboration.^[399]

Colombia

For more than ten years, the US has been funding Plan Colombia, which aims to combat illegal drugs production in the country, especially the growing of coca, the plant from which cocaine is produced. President Obama’s top drug policy adviser, R. Gil Kerlikowske, announced a drug plan in May 2010 emphasizing prevention and treatment in the United States.^[402]

Peru

The administration has left financing for eradication projects in the Andes largely unchanged, despite debate over whether such efforts can sharply restrict the supply of cocaine or significantly increase the price in the United States in the long run. American anti-narcotics aid for Peru stands at $71.7 million this year, slightly higher than last year’s $70.7 million.^[402] American anti-narcotics officials operate from a newly expanded Peruvian police base in Tingo María, overseeing Peruvian teams that fan out to nearby valleys to cut down coca bushes by hand.

Guatemala

The US has worked with Guatemalan authorities to clamp down on South American cocaine routes, many of which use Guatemala as a landing zone.^[399] In October 2013, the US supplied six twin-engine "Super Huey" helicopters to Guatemala in an effort to halt illegal air traffic.^[399]

Late 20th century military regimes and revolutions

By the 1970s, leftists had acquired a significant political influence which prompted the right-wing, ecclesiastical authorities and a large portion of each individual country's upper class to support coups d'état to avoid what they perceived as a communist threat. This was further fueled by Cuban and United States intervention which led to a political polarisation. Most South American countries were in some periods ruled by military dictatorships that were supported by the United States of America.

Also around the 1970s, the regimes of the Southern Cone collaborated in Operation Condor killing many leftist dissidents, including some urban guerrillas.^[403] However, by the early 90's all countries had restored their democracies.

Colombia has had an ongoing, though diminished internal conflict, which started in 1964 with the creation of Marxist guerrillas (FARC-EP) and then involved several illegal armed groups of leftist-leaning ideology as well as the private armies of powerful drug lords. Many of these are now defunct, and only a small portion of the ELN remains, along with the stronger, though also greatly reduced FARC. These leftist groups smuggle narcotics out of Colombia to fund their operations, while also using kidnapping, bombings, land mines and assassinations as weapons against both elected and non-elected citizens.

Revolutionary movements and right-wing military dictatorships became common after World War II, but since the 1980s, a wave of democratisation came through the continent, and democratic rule is widespread now.^[404] Nonetheless, allegations of corruption are still very common, and several countries have developed crises which have forced the resignation of their governments, although, in most occasions, regular civilian succession has continued.

In the 1960s and 1970s, the governments of Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Uruguay were overthrown or displaced by U.S.-aligned military dictatorships. These detained tens of thousands of political prisoners, many of whom were tortured and/or killed (on inter-state collaboration, see Operation Condor). Economically, they began a transition to neoliberal economic policies. They placed their own actions within the U.S. Cold War doctrine of "National Security" against internal subversion. Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, Peru suffered from an internal conflict (see Túpac Amaru Revolutionary Movement and Shining Path). Revolutionary movements and right-wing military dictatorships have been common, but starting in the 1980s a wave of democratisation came through the continent, and democratic rule is now widespread. Allegations of corruption remain common, and several nations have seen crises which have forced the resignation of their presidents, although normal civilian succession has continued. International indebtedness became a notable problem, as most recently illustrated by Argentina's default in the early 21st century.^{[citation needed]}

International indebtedness turned into a severe problem in late 1980s, and some countries, despite having strong democracies, have not yet developed political institutions capable of handling such crises without resorting to unorthodox economic policies, as most recently illustrated by Argentina's default in the early 21st century.^[405]^{[neutrality is disputed]} Argentina and Britain fought the Falklands War in 1982. The last twenty years have seen an increased push towards regional integration, with the creation of uniquely South American institutions such as the Andean Community, Mercosur and Unasur. Notably, starting with the election of Hugo Chávez in Venezuela in 1998, the region experienced what has been termed a pink tide – the election of several leftist and centre-left administrations to most countries of the area, except for the Guianas and Colombia. In recent years, with deep economic and social crisis provoked by neoliberal policies^{[citation needed]}, the right wing lost appeal in the region (with the major exception being Colombia)^[406] and the election of a sequence of left wing presidents began with Hugo Chávez' victory on the 1998 presidential election in Venezuela. The Nation described Dilma Rousseff's victory in the 2010 Brazilian election as a defeat for the Washington Consensus.^[407]

Despite the move to the left, South America remains largely capitalist and is enjoying its best years of economic growth.^[406] The Brazilian GDP, for instance, is expected to grow 7.5% in 2010,^[406] second only to the People's Republic of China in the world.^{[citation needed]}

Washington Consensus

The set of specific economic policy prescriptions that were considered the "standard" reform package were promoted for crisis-wracked developing countries by Washington, DC-based institutions such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank, and the US Treasury Department during the 1980s and '90s.

In recent years, several Latin American countries led by socialist or other left wing governments—including Argentina and Venezuela—have campaigned for (and to some degree adopted) policies contrary to the Washington Consensus set of policies. (Other Latin counties with governments of the left, including Brazil, Chile and Peru, have in practice adopted the bulk of the policies). Also critical of the policies as actually promoted by the International Monetary Fund have been some US economists, such as Joseph Stiglitz and Dani Rodrik, who have challenged what are sometimes described as the "fundamentalist" policies of the International Monetary Fund and the US Treasury for what Stiglitz calls a "one size fits all" treatment of individual economies. The term has become associated with neoliberal policies in general and drawn into the broader debate over the expanding role of the free market, constraints upon the state, and US influence on other countries' national sovereignty.

A turn to the left

According to the BBC, a "common element of the 'pink tide' is a clean break with what was known at the outset of the 1990s as the 'Washington consensus', the mixture of open markets and privatisation pushed by the United States".^[408] According to Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, a pink tide president herself, Hugo Chávez of Venezuela (inaugurated 1999), Lula da Silva of Brazil (inaugurated 2003) and Evo Morales of Bolivia (inaugurated 2006) were "the three musketeers" of the left in South America.^[409] By 2005, the BBC reported that out of 350 million people in South America, three out of four of them lived in countries ruled by "left-leaning presidents" elected during the preceding six years.^[408]

The term "pink tide" has become prominent in contemporary discussion of Latin American politics. Origins of the term may be linked to a statement by Larry Rohter, a New York Times reporter in Montevideo who characterized the election of Tabaré Vázquez as leader of Uruguay as "not so much a red tide…as a pink one."^[410] The term seems to be a play on words based on "red tide" (a biological phenomenon rather than a political one) with "red" – a color long associated with communism – being replaced with the lighter tone of "pink" to indicate the more moderate communist and socialist ideas gaining strength.^[411]

Despite the presence of a number of Latin American governments which profess to embracing a leftist ideology, it is difficult to categorise Latin American states "according to dominant political tendencies, like a red-blue post-electoral map of the United States."^[411] According to the Institute for Policy Studies, a liberal non-profit think-tank based in Washington, D.C.:

…a deeper analysis of elections in Ecuador, Venezuela, Nicaragua, and Mexico indicates that the "pink tide" interpretation—that a diluted trend leftward is sweeping the continent—may be insufficient to understand the complexity of what's really taking place in each country and the region as a whole.^[411]

While this political shift is difficult to quantify, its effects are widely noticed. According to the Institute for Policy Studies, 2006 meetings of the South American Summit of Nations and the Social Forum for the Integration of Peoples demonstrated that certain discussions that "used to take place on the margins of the dominant discourse of neoliberalism, (have) now moved to the centre of public debate."^[411]

Pink tide

The term 'pink tide' (Spanish: marea rosa, Portuguese: onda rosa) or 'turn to the Left' (Sp.: vuelta hacia la izquierda, Pt.: Guinada à Esquerda) are phrases used in contemporary 21st century political analysis in the media and elsewhere to describe the perception that leftist ideology in general, and left-wing politics in particular, were increasingly becoming influential in Latin America.^[408]^[410]^[412]

Since the 2000s, or 1990s in some countries, left-wing political parties have risen to power. Hugo Chávez in Venezuela, Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff in Brazil, Fernando Lugo in Paraguay, Néstor and Cristina Kirchner in Argentina, Tabaré Vázquez and José Mujica in Uruguay, the Lagos and Bachelet governments in Chile, Evo Morales in Bolivia, Daniel Ortega in Nicaragua, Manuel Zelaya in Honduras (although deposed by the 28 June 2009 coup d'état), and Rafael Correa of Ecuador are all part of this wave of left-wing politicians who also often declare themselves socialists, Latin Americanists or anti-imperialists.

The list of left-wing South American presidents is, by date of election, the following

1998: Hugo Chávez, Venezuela^[413]
1999: Ricardo Lagos, Chile^[414]^[415]
2002: Luís Inácio Lula da Silva, Brazil^[416]^[417]^[418]^[419]
2002: Lucio Gutiérrez, Ecuador^[420]^[421]
2003: Néstor Kirchner, Argentina^[422]^[423]^[424]
2004: Tabaré Vázquez, Uruguay^[425]^[426]^[427]
2005: Evo Morales, Bolivia^[428]^[a]^[437]
2006: Michelle Bachelet, Chile^[438]^[439]
2006: Rafael Correa, Ecuador^[440]^[441]^[442]^[443]
2007: Cristina Kirchner, Argentina^[444]^[445]^[446]^{[note 11]}^[449]^[450]^[451]^[452]^[453]^[454]^[455]^[456]
2008: Fernando Lugo, Paraguay^[457]^[458]^[459]
2009: José Mujica, Uruguay^[460]^[461]^[462]^[463]
2010: Dilma Rousseff, Brazil^[464]^[465]^[466]
2011: Ollanta Humala, Peru^[467]^[468]^[469]^[470]^[471]
2013: Nicolás Maduro, Venezuela^[472]^[473]^[474]^[475]

In 2008, the Union of South American Nations (USAN) was founded, revealing South American ambition of economic integration, with plans for political integration in the European Union style.^{[citation needed]} This was seen by American political commentators as a pivotal moment in the loss of U.S. hegemony in the region.^[476] According to Noam Chomsky, USAN represents that "for the first time since the European conquest, Latin America began to move towards integration".^[477]

Timeline of military dictatorships in South America

Politics

During the first decade of the 21st century, South American governments have drifted to the political left, with leftist leaders being elected in Chile, Uruguay, Brazil, Argentina, Ecuador, Bolivia, Paraguay, Peru and Venezuela. Most South American countries are making an increasing use of protectionist policies, undermining a greater global integration but helping local development.

Recently, an intergovernmental entity has been formed which aims to merge the two existing customs unions: Mercosur and the Andean Community, thus forming the third-largest trade bloc in the world.^[478] This new political organization known as Union of South American Nations seeks to establish free movement of people, economic development, a common defense policy and the elimination of tariffs.

Gallery

Arawak woman by John Gabriel Stedman (1818), wearing a loin cloth of woven beads.
Cañari musician
Tapirapé Mask
A Cañari weaver at his loom.
One of the main events in the conquest of the Inca Empire was the death of Atahualpa, the last Sapa Inca of the empire on 29 August 1533
Portrait of José de San Martín.
José Mujica, 40th President of Uruguay
Portuguese arrival in Brazil in the Colonial era.
Bolivian Andes.
President of Argentina Juan Perón (1946).
President Arturo Frondizi of Argentina.
Teatro Solis, Uruguay (2011)
Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, 35th President of the Federative Republic of Brazil.
Las Lajas Sanctuary is a basilica church located in the southern Department of Nariño, municipality of Ipiales, Colombia.^{[note 12]}
Néstor Kirchner hands the presidential mandate to his wife, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner.
Ollanta Humala, President of Peru 2014
Her Excellency Dilma Rousseff, 36th President of Brazil
Nicolás Maduro, 65th President of Venezuela
Picture of the Purus River in Peru.
Cerro Chaltén, also known as Cerro Fitzroy, a mountain located in Patagonia on the border between Argentina and Chile.
Parque Nacional Isla del Coco

References

Footnotes

^ Many of their descendants are still present in Cañar with a reasonable amount not having mixed and have been reserved from becoming mestizos.
^ The accent ' cantadito ' is also present in places of Bolivia
^ The league was a measurement of about 5 kilometres (3.1 miles)
^ 370 leagues equals 2,193 km (1,363 mi), 1,362 statute miles, or 1,184 nautical miles.
These figures use the legua náutica (nautical league) of four Roman miles totaling 5.926 km, which was used by Spain during the 15th, 16th, and 17th centuries for navigation.^[239] In 1897 Henry Harrise noted that Jaime Ferrer, the expert consulted by King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella, stated that a league was four miles of six stades each.^[240] Modern scholars agree that the geographic stade was the Roman or Italian stade, not any of several other Greek stades, supporting these figures.^[241]^[242] Harrise is in the minority when he uses the stade of 192.27 metres (630.81 feet) marked within the stadium at Olympia, Greece, resulting in a league (32 stades) of 6.153 km, 3.8% larger.
^ before 1492 in the United Kingdom
^ The modern tradition has been to call the settlement the Quilombo of Palmares.
^ No contemporary document calls Palmares a quilombo, instead the term mocambo is used.

Notes

^ A nation of aboriginies, called Soriman corrupted into Solimao and Soliemoens, imparts the name to this river and region.The oft repeated claim that the name of the river is derived from a poison solimum used by the tribe "Yurimáguas"(Jurimaguas or Urimagues in Portuguese) living along the shore is probably a mis-transliteration of Solanum, ala Solanum nigrum, the Black Nightshade, a flowering plant which contains toxic alkaloids including the muscle relaxant curare. That this word could have been so transmogrified as to become Solimões seems unlikely.
^ This debate has proved difficult to resolve because the practical limitations of working in the rainforest mean that data sampling is biased away from the centre of the Amazon basin, and both explanations are reasonably well supported by the available data.
^ ^a ^b ^c The influence of human alteration has been generally underestimated, reports Darna L. Dufour: "Much of what has been considered natural forest in Amazonia is probably the result of hundreds of years of human use and management." "Use of Tropical Rainforests by Native Amazonians," BioScience 40, no. 9 (October 1990):658. For an example of how such peoples integrated planting into their nomadic lifestyles, see Rival, Laura, 1993. "The Growth of Family Trees: Understanding Huaorani Perceptions of the Forest," Man 28(4):635–652.
^ They have many cultural similarities despite their different ethnologies. Xingu people represent fifteen tribes and all four of Brazil's indigenous language groups, but they share similar belief systems, rituals and ceremonies. The Upper Xingu region was heavily populated prior to European and African contact. Densely populated settlements developed from 1200 to 1600 CE.^[43] Ancient roads and bridges linked communities that were often surrounded by ditches or moats. The villages were pre-planned and featured circular plazas. Archaeologists have unearthed 19 villages so far.^[44]
^ Kotosh people cultivated crops, used marine resources, built permanent settlements and multistoreyed ceremonial buildings.^[109] Kotosh also contains artifacts of later origin, mostly belonging to Chavín culture.^[110] The theory of pre-Columbian contact across the South Pacific Ocean between South America and Polynesia has received support from several lines of evidence, although solid confirmation remains elusive. A diffusion by human agents has been put forward to explain the pre-Columbian presence in Oceania of several cultivated plant species native to South America, such as the bottle gourd (Lagenaria siceraria) or sweet potato (Ipomoea batatas). Direct archaeological evidence for such pre-Columbian contacts and transport have not emerged. Similarities noted in names of edible roots in Maori and Ecuadorian languages ("kumari") and Melanesian and Chilean ("gaddu") have been inconclusive.^[111]
^ Defined as those lands "on which they live on a permanent basis, those used for their productive activities, those indispensable to the preservation of the environmental resources necessary for their well-being and for their physical and cultural reproduction, according to their uses, customs and traditions."
^ He participated in the conquest of Cuba, in Juan de Grijalva's exploration of the coasts of the Yucatán Peninsula and the Gulf of Mexico, and in the conquest of Mexico led by Hernán Cortés. He is considered the conquistador of much of Central America, including Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador. Although renowned for his skill as a soldier, Alvarado is known also for the cruelty of his treatment of native populations, and mass murders committed in the subjugation of the native peoples of Mexico.^[245] Historiography portrays that indigenous people, both Nahuatl-speakers and speakers of other languages, called him Tonatiuh, meaning "sun" in the Nahuatl language. Yet he was also called "Red Sun" in Nahuatl, which allows a variety of interpretations. Whether this epithet refers to Alvarado's red hair, some esoteric quality attributed to him, or both, is disputed.
^ In 1972 Alfred W. Crosby, an American historian at the University of Texas at Austin, published The Columbian Exchange.^[255] This book covers the environmental impact of Columbus' landing in the new world.^[256] The term has become popular among historians and journalists, such as Charles C. Mann, whose book 1493 expands and updates Crosby's original research.^[257]
^ In Saint Barthélemy, the term mestizo refers to people of mixed European (usually French) and East Asian ancestry.^[311]
^ French Guiana, Cayenne, square Victor-Schoelcher: statue of Victor Schoelcher (1804-1893), with a slave whom he shows the way to liberty, following the definitive abolition of slavery in 1848 in France. The monument was erected in 1896, the statue is by the French sculptor Louis-Ernest Barrias (1841-1905), it was listed as Cultural Heritage Monument in 1999.
^ She is variously known as Cristina Fernández,^[446]^[447] Cristina K, or Cristina.^[447] ^[448]
^ The place is a popular pilgrimage location since the apparition of the Virgin Mary in 1754. The first shrine was built by 1750 and was replaced by a bigger one in 1802 including a bridge over the canyon of the Guáitara River. The present temple, of Gothic Revival style, was built between 1916 and 1949.

Nota bene

^ Morales is described as the first indigenous president of Bolivia in academic studies of his presidency, such as those of Muñoz-Pogossian,^[429] Webber,^[430] Philip and Panizza,^[431] and Farthing and Kohl,^[432] as well as in press reports, such as those of BBC News.^[433] However, there have been challenges to this claim by critics who have asserted that Morales probably has some European ancestry, and thus on genetic grounds is technically mestizo rather than solely indigenous.^[434] Harten asserted that this argument was "misguided[,] wrong[... and] above all irrelevant" because regardless of his genetic makeup, the majority of Bolivians perceive Morales as being the first indigenous president.^[434] In Bolivian society, indigeneity is a fluid concept rooted in cultural identity;^[434] for instance, many indigenous individuals that have settled in urban areas and abandoned their traditional rural customs have come to identify as mestizo.^[435]^[436]

Citations

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^ Burnham, Robyn J.; Johnson, Kirk R. (2004). "South American palaeobotany and the origins of neotropical rainforests". Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society. 359 (1450): 1595–1610. doi:10.1098/rstb.2004.1531. PMC 1693437. PMID 15519975.
^ Maslin, Mark; Malhi, Yadvinder; Phillips, Oliver; Cowling, Sharon (2005). "New views on an old forest: assessing the longevity, resilience and future of the Amazon rainforest" (PDF). Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers. 30 (4): 477–499. doi:10.1111/j.1475-5661.2005.00181.x. Archived from the original (PDF) on October 1, 2008. Retrieved September 25, 2008. {{cite journal}}: Unknown parameter |deadurl= ignored (|url-status= suggested) (help)
^ Malhi, Yadvinder; Phillips, Oliver (2005). Tropical Forests & Global Atmospheric Change. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-856706-5.
^ Costa, João Batista Sena; Bemerguy, Ruth Léa; Hasui, Yociteru; Borges, Maurício da Silva (2001). "Tectonics and paleogeography along the Amazon river". Journal of South American Earth Sciences. 14 (4): 335–347. Bibcode:2001JSAES..14..335C. doi:10.1016/S0895-9811(01)00025-6.
^ Milani, Edison José; Zalán, Pedro Victor (1999). "An outline of the geology and petroleum systems of the Paleozoic interior basins of South America" (PDF). Episodes. 22 (3): 199–205. Archived from the original (PDF) on October 1, 2008. Retrieved September 25, 2008. {{cite journal}}: Unknown parameter |deadurl= ignored (|url-status= suggested) (help)
^ Colinvaux, P.A., De Oliveira, P.E. 2000. Palaeoecology and climate of the Amazon basin during the last glacial cycle. Wiley InterScience. (abstract)
^ Van der Hammen, T., Hooghiemstra, H.. 2002. Neogene and Quaternary history of vegetation, climate, and plant diversity in Amazonia. Elsevier Science Ltd. (abstract)
^ Colinvaux, P. A.; De Oliveira, P. E.; Bush, M. B. (January 2000). "Amazonian and neotropical plant communities on glacial time-scales: The failure of the aridity and refuge hypotheses". Quaternary Science Reviews. 19 (1–5): 141–169. Bibcode:2000QSRv...19..141C. doi:10.1016/S0277-3791(99)00059-1.
^ Roosevelt, A. C.; da Costa, M. Lima; Machado, C. Lopes; Michab, M.; Mercier, N.; Valladas, H.; Feathers, J.; Barnett, W.; da Silveira, M. Imazio; Henderson, A.; Sliva, J.; Chernoff, B.; Reese, D. S.; Holman, J. A.; Toth, N.; Schick, K. (April 19, 1996). "Paleoindian Cave Dwellers in the Amazon: The Peopling of the Americas". Science. 272 (5260): 373–384. Bibcode:1996Sci...272..373R. doi:10.1126/science.272.5260.373.
^ Heckenberger, Michael J.; Kuikuro, Afukaka; Kuikuro, Urissapá Tabata; Russell, J. Christian; Schmidt, Morgan; Fausto, Carlos; Franchetto, Bruna (September 19, 2003). "Amazonia 1492: Pristine Forest or Cultural Parkland?". Science. 301 (5640): 1710–1714. Bibcode:2003Sci...301.1710H. doi:10.1126/science.1086112. PMID 14500979.
^ Meggers, Betty J. (December 19, 2003). "Revisiting Amazonia Circa 1492". Science. 302 (5653): 2067–2070. doi:10.1126/science.302.5653.2067b. PMID 14684803.
^ Simon Romero (January 14, 2012). "Once Hidden by Forest, Carvings in Land Attest to Amazon's Lost World". The New York Times. {{cite news}}: Italic or bold markup not allowed in: |publisher= (help)
^ ^a ^b "Unnatural Histories - Amazon". BBC Four. Retrieved 2016-03-22. {{cite web}}: Italic or bold markup not allowed in: |publisher= (help)
^ ^a ^b ^c Chris C. Park (2003). Tropical Rainforests. Routledge. p. 108.
^ ^a ^b ^c Mann, Charles C. (2006) [2005]. 1491: New Revelations of the Americas Before Columbus. Vintage Books. pp. 326–333. ISBN 1-4000-3205-9.
^ Schaan, Denise. "Current Research". Marajó Island Archaeology and Precolonial History. Marajoara.com. Retrieved 2007-05-17.
^ Grann, David (2009). The Lost City of Z: A Tale of Deadly Obsession in the Amazon. p. 315. ISBN 978-0-385-51353-1.
^ Roosevelt, Anna C. (1991). Moundbuilders of the Amazon: Geophysical Archaeology on Marajó Island, Brazil. Academic Press. ISBN 978-0-125-95348-1.
^ Smith, A (1994). Explorers of the Amazon. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ISBN 0-226-76337-4.
^ ^a ^b ^c "Unnatural Histories – Amazon". BBC Four. {{cite web}}: Italic or bold markup not allowed in: |publisher= (help)
^ Chris C. Park (2003). Tropical Rainforests. Routledge. p. 108. Retrieved 2016-03-22.
^ ^a ^b Simon Romero (January 14, 2012). "Once Hidden by Forest, Carvings in Land Attest to Amazon's Lost World". The New York Times. {{cite news}}: Italic or bold markup not allowed in: |publisher= (help)
^ Martti Pärssinen, Denise Schaan and Alceu Ranzi (2009). "Pre-Columbian geometric earthworks in the upper Purús: a complex society in western Amazonia". Antiquity. 83 (322): 1084–1095.
^ Junior, Gonçalo (October 2008). "Amazonia lost and found". Pesquisa (ed.220). FAPESP.
^ "Discovery and awareness of anthropogenic amazonian dark earths (terra preta)", by William M. Denevan, University of Wisconsin–Madison, and William I. Woods, University of Kansas.
^ The influence of human alteration has been generally underestimated, reports Darna L. Dufour: "Much of what has been considered natural forest in Amazonia is probably the result of hundreds of years of human use and management." "Use of Tropical Rainforests by Native Amazonians", BioScience 40, no. 9 (October 1990):658. For an example of how such peoples integrated planting into their nomadic lifestyles, see Rival, Laura, 1993. "The Growth of Family Trees: Understanding Huaorani Perceptions of the Forest", Man 28(4):635-652.
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^ CEPAL, "Los pueblos indígenas de Bolivia: diagnóstico sociodemográfico a partir del censo del 2001," 2005, p. 42
^ CEPAL, "Los pueblos indígenas de Bolivia: diagnóstico sociodemográfico a partir del censo del 2001," 2005, p. 47
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^ ^a ^b ^c Gott (2005:203)
^ ^a ^b Gott (2005:204)
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^ ^a ^b "Cuatro cuencanos explican su 'cantadito'". Archived from the original on 2013-10-29.
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^ The name is disputed. English-language sources use Norte Chico (Spanish: "Little North") per Haas et al. (2004). Caral or Caral-Supe are more likely to be found in Spanish language sources per Shady. This article follows usage in recent English-language sources and employs Norte Chico, but the title is not definitive. Peruvian Norte Chico should not be confused with the Chilean region of the same name.
^ detailed map of Norte Chico sites
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^ McEwan 93–96. There is some debate about the size of the population.
^ Quechua^{[dead link]}
^ ^a ^b ^c "Origins And Diversity of Quechua".
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^ http://www.netside.net/~manomed/inca.htm
^ Burger, R.L. and L.C. Salazar. 2004. Machu Picchu: Unveiling the Mystery of the Incas. Yale University Press, p. 45. ISBN 0-300-09763-8.
^ Dillehay, T.; Gordon, A. (1988). "La actividad prehispánica y su influencia en la Araucanía". In Dillehay, Tom; Netherly, Patricia (eds.). La frontera del estado Inca (in Spanish). pp. 183–196.
^ Bengoa 2003, p. 39.
^ Nigel Davies, Human Sacrifice (1981, p. 261–262.).
^ Reinhard, Johan (November 1999). "A 6,700 metros niños incas sacrificados quedaron congelados en el tiempo". National Geographic, Spanish version: 36–55.
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^ McEwan, Gordon Francis (2006). The Incas: New Perspectives. W. W. Norton. pp. 93–96. ISBN 0-393-33301-9. There is some debate about the size of the population.
^ This is disputed by modern Caribs.
^ Wunder, Sven (2003), Oil wealth and the fate of the forest: a comparative study of eight tropical countries, Routledge. p. 130, ISBN 0203986679.
^ Howe, Stephen (2002). Empire : a very short introduction ([Nachdr.] ed.). New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780192802231.
^ Kane 1999, pp. 81–103
^ Ward 1997, pp.97–132
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^ ^a ^b 20th century estimates in Thornton, p. 22; Denevan's consensus count; recent lower estimates. Archived 2004-10-28 at the Wayback Machine
^ ^a ^b ^c ^d David A. Love, Pope Benedict Argues Catholic Church 'Purified' Indigenous Peoples posted on AlterNet June 18, 2007
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^ Ibidem, Levine 2003. Page 31
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^ ^a ^b "Domínio Público - Pesquisa Básica" (PDF).^{[dead link]}
^ ^a ^b ^c Bergad, Laird W. 2007. The Comparative Histories of Slavery in Brazil, Cuba, and the United States. New York: Cambridge University Press.
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^ Skidmore, Thomas E. (1999). Brazil: Five Centuries of Change. New York: Oxford UP. ISBN 0-19-505809-7.
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^ Abad de Santillán 1971, pp. 194ff.
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^ Lewis 2003, p. 41.
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Historiography

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Deforestation. World Geography. Columbus, Ohio: McGraw-Hill/Glencoe, 2000. 202–204

Hensel, Silke. "Was There an Age of Revolution in Latin America?: New Literature on Latin American Independence." Latin American Research Review (2003) 38#3 pp: 237-249. online

Uribe, Victor M. "The Enigma of Latin American Independence: Analyses of the Last Ten Years," Latin American Research Review (1997) 32#1 pp. 236–255 in JSTOR

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Friedman-Rudovsky, Jean (7 December 2009). "Morales' Big Win: Voters Ratify His Remaking of Bolivia". Time. New York City. Retrieved October 2011. {{cite news}}: Check date values in: |accessdate= (help); Invalid |ref=harv (help)

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Gordon, Raymond G., Jr. (ed.) (2005). Ethnologue: Languages of the World (online version) (Fifteenth ed.). Dallas, TX: SIL International. ISBN 1-55671-159-X. OCLC 60338097. Retrieved 2008-05-30. {{cite book}}: |author= has generic name (help)CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)

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Harvey, Robert. "Liberators: Latin America`s Struggle For Independence, 1810–1830". John Murray, London (2000). ISBN 0-7195-5566-3

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Munro, Dana Gardner. The Latin American Republics; A History. New York: D. Appleton, 1942.

Parry, J. H. The Age of Reconnaissance: Discovery, Exploration, and Settlement, 1450-1650 (1982)

Pearce, Adrian J. (2011). "Introduction". Evo Morales and the Movimiento Al Socialismo in Bolivia: The First Term in Context, 2005–2009. Adrian J. Pearce (ed.). London: Institute for the Study of the Americas. pp. xv–xxv. ISBN 978-1-900039-99-4. Retrieved 2016-03-22. {{cite encyclopedia}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Peres, Damião (1949) O Descobrimento do Brasil por Pedro Álvares Cabral: antecedentes e intencionalidade Porto: Portucalense. Template:Pt icon: Philip, George; Panizza, Francisco (2011). The Triumph of Politics: The Return of the Left in Venezuela, Bolivia and Ecuador. Cambridge: Polity Press. ISBN 978-0745647494. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Powell, Joseph Frederick (2005). The first Americans: race, evolution, and the origin of Native Americans. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-82350-0. Retrieved 2016-03-22.: Rochlin, James (2007). "Latin America's Left Turn and the New Strategic Landscape: The Case of Bolivia". Third World Quarterly. 28 (7). London: Routledge: 1327–1342. doi:10.1080/01436590701591838. {{cite journal}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Sarson, Steven, and Jack P. Greene, eds. The American Colonies and the British Empire, 1607-1783 (8 vol, 2010); primary sources

Scheina, Robert L. Latin America: A Naval History, 1810–1987. Annapolis, MD: Naval Institute Press, 1987. ISBN 0-87021-295-8.

Schurr, Theodore G.; Scott W. Ballinger, Yik-Yuen Gan, Judith A. Hodge, D. Andrew Merriwether, Dale N. Lawrence, William C. Knowler, Kenneth M. Weiss, and Douglas C. Wallace (March 1990). "Amerindian mitochondrial DNAs have rare Asian mutations at high frequencies, suggesting they derived from four primary maternal lineages". American Journal of Human Genetics. 46 (3). Cambridge, Massachusetts: Cell Press: 613–623. ISSN 0002-9297. OCLC 120356210. PMC 1683611. PMID 1968708. {{cite journal}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)

Schwartz, Stuart B. (1996). Slaves, Peasants, and Rebels: Reconsidering Brazilian Slavery. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. ISBN 0-252-06549-2. Retrieved 2016-03-22. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

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[Note01-210] Many of their descendants are still present in Cañar with a reasonable amount not having mixed and have been reserved from becoming mestizos.

[Note02-212] The accent ' cantadito ' is also present in places of Bolivia

[213] The league was a measurement of about 5 kilometres (3.1 miles)

[252] 370 leagues equals 2,193 km (1,363 mi), 1,362 statute miles, or 1,184 nautical miles.
These figures use the legua náutica (nautical league) of four Roman miles totaling 5.926 km, which was used by Spain during the 15th, 16th, and 17th centuries for navigation.^[239] In 1897 Henry Harrise noted that Jaime Ferrer, the expert consulted by King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella, stated that a league was four miles of six stades each.^[240] Modern scholars agree that the geographic stade was the Roman or Italian stade, not any of several other Greek stades, supporting these figures.^[241]^[242] Harrise is in the minority when he uses the stade of 192.27 metres (630.81 feet) marked within the stadium at Olympia, Greece, resulting in a league (32 stades) of 6.153 km, 3.8% larger.

[328] re 1492 in the United Kingdom

[Note03-334] The modern tradition has been to call the settlement the Quilombo of Palmares.

[Note04-335] No contemporary document calls Palmares a quilombo, instead the term mocambo is used.

[5] A nation of aboriginies, called Soriman corrupted into Solimao and Soliemoens, imparts the name to this river and region.The oft repeated claim that the name of the river is derived from a poison solimum used by the tribe "Yurimáguas"(Jurimaguas or Urimagues in Portuguese) living along the shore is probably a mis-transliteration of Solanum, ala Solanum nigrum, the Black Nightshade, a flowering plant which contains toxic alkaloids including the muscle relaxant curare. That this word could have been so transmogrified as to become Solimões seems unlikely.

[11] This debate has proved difficult to resolve because the practical limitations of working in the rainforest mean that data sampling is biased away from the centre of the Amazon basin, and both explanations are reasonably well supported by the available data.

[Darna_L._Dufour_1990-29] The influence of human alteration has been generally underestimated, reports Darna L. Dufour: "Much of what has been considered natural forest in Amazonia is probably the result of hundreds of years of human use and management." "Use of Tropical Rainforests by Native Amazonians," BioScience 40, no. 9 (October 1990):658. For an example of how such peoples integrated planting into their nomadic lifestyles, see Rival, Laura, 1993. "The Growth of Family Trees: Understanding Huaorani Perceptions of the Forest," Man 28(4):635–652.

[note3-48] They have many cultural similarities despite their different ethnologies. Xingu people represent fifteen tribes and all four of Brazil's indigenous language groups, but they share similar belief systems, rituals and ceremonies. The Upper Xingu region was heavily populated prior to European and African contact. Densely populated settlements developed from 1200 to 1600 CE.^[43] Ancient roads and bridges linked communities that were often surrounded by ditches or moats. The villages were pre-planned and featured circular plazas. Archaeologists have unearthed 19 villages so far.^[44]

[note1-116] Kotosh people cultivated crops, used marine resources, built permanent settlements and multistoreyed ceremonial buildings.^[109] Kotosh also contains artifacts of later origin, mostly belonging to Chavín culture.^[110] The theory of pre-Columbian contact across the South Pacific Ocean between South America and Polynesia has received support from several lines of evidence, although solid confirmation remains elusive. A diffusion by human agents has been put forward to explain the pre-Columbian presence in Oceania of several cultivated plant species native to South America, such as the bottle gourd (Lagenaria siceraria) or sweet potato (Ipomoea batatas). Direct archaeological evidence for such pre-Columbian contacts and transport have not emerged. Similarities noted in names of edible roots in Maori and Ecuadorian languages ("kumari") and Melanesian and Chilean ("gaddu") have been inconclusive.^[111]

[151] Defined as those lands "on which they live on a permanent basis, those used for their productive activities, those indispensable to the preservation of the environmental resources necessary for their well-being and for their physical and cultural reproduction, according to their uses, customs and traditions."

[note2-256] He participated in the conquest of Cuba, in Juan de Grijalva's exploration of the coasts of the Yucatán Peninsula and the Gulf of Mexico, and in the conquest of Mexico led by Hernán Cortés. He is considered the conquistador of much of Central America, including Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador. Although renowned for his skill as a soldier, Alvarado is known also for the cruelty of his treatment of native populations, and mass murders committed in the subjugation of the native peoples of Mexico.^[245] Historiography portrays that indigenous people, both Nahuatl-speakers and speakers of other languages, called him Tonatiuh, meaning "sun" in the Nahuatl language. Yet he was also called "Red Sun" in Nahuatl, which allows a variety of interpretations. Whether this epithet refers to Alvarado's red hair, some esoteric quality attributed to him, or both, is disputed.

[269] In 1972 Alfred W. Crosby, an American historian at the University of Texas at Austin, published The Columbian Exchange.^[255] This book covers the environmental impact of Columbus' landing in the new world.^[256] The term has become popular among historians and journalists, such as Charles C. Mann, whose book 1493 expands and updates Crosby's original research.^[257]

[324] In Saint Barthélemy, the term mestizo refers to people of mixed European (usually French) and East Asian ancestry.^[311]

[337] French Guiana, Cayenne, square Victor-Schoelcher: statue of Victor Schoelcher (1804-1893), with a slave whom he shows the way to liberty, following the definitive abolition of slavery in 1848 in France. The monument was erected in 1896, the statue is by the French sculptor Louis-Ernest Barrias (1841-1905), it was listed as Cultural Heritage Monument in 1999.

[468] She is variously known as Cristina Fernández,^[446]^[447] Cristina K, or Cristina.^[447] ^[448]

[499] The place is a popular pilgrimage location since the apparition of the Virgin Mary in 1754. The first shrine was built by 1750 and was replaced by a bigger one in 1802 including a bridge over the canyon of the Guáitara River. The present temple, of Gothic Revival style, was built between 1916 and 1949.

[455] Morales is described as the first indigenous president of Bolivia in academic studies of his presidency, such as those of Muñoz-Pogossian,^[429] Webber,^[430] Philip and Panizza,^[431] and Farthing and Kohl,^[432] as well as in press reports, such as those of BBC News.^[433] However, there have been challenges to this claim by critics who have asserted that Morales probably has some European ancestry, and thus on genetic grounds is technically mestizo rather than solely indigenous.^[434] Harten asserted that this argument was "misguided[,] wrong[... and] above all irrelevant" because regardless of his genetic makeup, the majority of Bolivians perceive Morales as being the first indigenous president.^[434] In Bolivian society, indigeneity is a fluid concept rooted in cultural identity;^[434] for instance, many indigenous individuals that have settled in urban areas and abandoned their traditional rural customs have come to identify as mestizo.^[435]^[436]

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[Simon_Romero-25] Simon Romero (January 14, 2012). "Once Hidden by Forest, Carvings in Land Attest to Amazon's Lost World". The New York Times. {{cite news}}: Italic or bold markup not allowed in: |publisher= (help)

[26] Martti Pärssinen, Denise Schaan and Alceu Ranzi (2009). "Pre-Columbian geometric earthworks in the upper Purús: a complex society in western Amazonia". Antiquity. 83 (322): 1084–1095.

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[30] The influence of human alteration has been generally underestimated, reports Darna L. Dufour: "Much of what has been considered natural forest in Amazonia is probably the result of hundreds of years of human use and management." "Use of Tropical Rainforests by Native Amazonians", BioScience 40, no. 9 (October 1990):658. For an example of how such peoples integrated planting into their nomadic lifestyles, see Rival, Laura, 1993. "The Growth of Family Trees: Understanding Huaorani Perceptions of the Forest", Man 28(4):635-652.

[glaser06-31] Glaser, Bruno (27 February 2007). "Prehistorically modified soils of central Amazonia: a model for sustainable agriculture in the twenty-ﬁrst century". Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B. 362 (1478): 187–196. doi:10.1098/rstb.2006.1978. PMC 2311424. PMID 17255028. Retrieved 4 May 2008.

[32] Heckenberger, M.J.; Kuikuro, A; Kuikuro, UT; Russell, JC; Schmidt, M; Fausto, C; Franchetto, B (19 September 2003), "Amazonia 1492: Pristine Forest or Cultural Parkland?", Science, vol. 301, no. 5640 (published 2003), pp. 1710–14, doi:10.1126/science.1086112, PMID 14500979

[maoj12-33] Mao, J.-D.; Johnson, R. L.; Lehmann, J.; Olk, J.; Neeves, E. G.; Thompson, M. L.; Schmidt-Rohr, K. (2012). "Abundant and stable char residues in soils: implications for soil fertility and carbon sequestration". Environmental Science and Technology. 46: 9571–9576. doi:10.1021/es301107c. Terra Preta soils consist predominantly of char residues composed of ~6 fused aromatic rings.

[heckenberger1710-34] Heckenberger, M.J.; Kuikuro, A; Kuikuro, UT; Russell, JC; Schmidt, M; Fausto, C; Franchetto, B (September 19, 2003), "Amazonia 1492: Pristine Forest or Cultural Parkland?", Science, vol. 301, no. 5640 (published 2003), pp. 1710–14, Bibcode:2003Sci...301.1710H, doi:10.1126/science.1086112, PMID 14500979

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[37] Sorenson, John L.; Carl L. Johannessen (2006). "Biological evidence for pre-Columbian transoceanic voyages". In Victor H. Mair (ed.) (ed.). Contact and Exchange in the Ancient World. Perspectives on the global past series. Honolulu: University of Hawaiʻi Press. pp. 238–297. ISBN 0-8248-2884-4. OCLC 62896389. {{cite book}}: |editor= has generic name (help)

[38] Wright, Ronald (2005). Stolen Continents: 500 Years of Conquest and Resistance in the Americas (1st Mariner Books ed.). Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin. ISBN 0-618-49240-2. OCLC 57511483.

[39] Description from Walters Art Museum

[40] Richard Erdoes, Alfonso Ortiz, (Eds.) "American Indian Myths and Legends." Pantheon, 1985.

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[46] Hackenberger, Michael J. et al. "Amazonia 1492: Pristine Forest or Cultural Parkland?" Science Magazine. 25 July 2003 (retrieved 25 June 2011)

[wren-47] Wren, Kathleen. "Lost cities of the Amazon revealed." MSNBC: Science Mysteries. (retrieved 25 June 2011)

[demographic-49] "Y-Chromosome Evidence for Differing Ancient Demographic Histories in the Americas" (PDF). Department of Biology, University College, London; Departamento de Gene´tica, Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul, Porto Alegre, Brazil; Instituto Venezolano de Investigaciones Cientı´ficas, Caracas, Venezuela; Departamento de Gene´tica, Universidade Federal do Parana´, Curitiba, Brazil; 5Department of Anthropology, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque; 6Laboratorio de Gene´tica Humana, Universidad de los Andes, Bogotá´; Victoria Hospital, Prince Albert, Canada; Subassembly of Medical Sciences, Mongolian Academy of Sciences, Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia; Laboratorio de Gene´tica Molecular, Facultad de Medicina, Universidad de Antioquia, Medellı´n, Colombia; Universite´ de Montreal. University College London 73:524–539. 2003. Retrieved 2010-01-22.

[50] Orgel L (2004). "Prebiotic chemistry and the origin of the RNA world" (PDF). Crit Rev Biochem Mol Biol. 39 (2): 99–123. doi:10.1080/10409230490460765. PMID 15217990. Retrieved 2010-01-19.

[SpencerWells3-51] Wells, Spencer; Read, Mark (2002). The Journey of Man - A Genetic Odyssey (Digitised online by Google books). Random House. ISBN 0-8129-7146-9. Retrieved 2009-11-21.

[Genebase-52] "Learn about Y-DNA Haplogroup Q-M242". Genebase Systems. 2008. Archived from the original (Verbal tutorial possible) on 2012-02-29. Retrieved 2009-11-21. Haplogroups are defined by unique mutation events such as single nucleotide polymorphisms, or SNPs. These SNPs mark the branch of a haplogroup, and indicate that all descendents of that haplogroup at one time shared a common ancestor. The Y-DNA SNP mutations were passed from father to son over thousands of years. Over time, additional SNPs occur within a haplogroup, leading to new lineages. These new lineages are considered subclades of the haplogroup. Each time a new mutation occurs, there is a new branch in the haplogroup, and therefore a new subclade. Haplogroup Q, possibly the youngest of the 20 Y-chromosome haplogroups, originated with the SNP mutation M242 in a man from Haplogroup P that likely lived in Siberia approximately 15,000 to 20,000 years before present {{cite web}}: |first= has generic name (help); |first= missing |last= (help)

[First-53] "First Americans Endured 20,000-Year Layover - Jennifer Viegas, Discovery News". Archived from the original on 2008-02-17. Retrieved 2009-11-18. Archaeological evidence, in fact, recognises that people started to leave Beringia for the New World around 40,000 years ago, but rapid expansion into North America didn't occur until about 15,000 years ago, when the ice had literally broken page 2

[first2-54] Than, Ker (2008). "New World Settlers Took 20,000-Year Pit Stop". National Geographic Society. Retrieved 2010-01-23. Over time descendants developed a unique culture—one that was different from the original migrants' way of life in Asia but which contained seeds of the new cultures that would eventually appear throughout the Americas

[subclades2-55] "Summary of knowledge on the subclades of Haplogroup Q". Genebase Systems. 2009. Retrieved 2009-11-22.^{[dead link]}

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[Zhivotovsky-57] Zegura SL, Karafet TM, Zhivotovsky LA, Hammer MF; Karafet; Zhivotovsky; Hammer (January 2004). "High-resolution SNPs and microsatellite haplotypes point to a single, recent entry of Native American Y chromosomes into the Americas". Molecular Biology and Evolution. 21 (1): 164–75. doi:10.1093/molbev/msh009. PMID 14595095.{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)

[inuit-58] "mtDNA Variation among Greenland Eskimos. The Edge of the Beringian Expansion". Laboratory of Biological Anthropology, Institute of Forensic Medicine, University of Copenhagen, Copenhagen, McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research,University of Cambridge, Cambridge, University of Hamburg, Hamburg. 2000. Retrieved 2009-11-22. The relatively lower coalescence time of the entire haplogroup A2 including the shared sub-arctic branches A2b (Siberians and Inuit) and A2a (Eskimos and Na-Dené) is probably due to secondary expansions of haplogroup A2 from the Beringia area, which would have averaged the overall internal variation of haplogroup A2 in North America. {{cite web}}: |first= missing |last= (help)CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link)

[59] "Native American Mitochondrial DNA Analysis Indicates That the Amerind and the Nadene Populations Were Founded by Two Independent Migrations". Center for Genetics and Molecular Medicine and Departments of Biochemistry and Anthropology, Emory University School of Medicine, Atlanta, Georgia. Genetics Society of America. Vol 130, 153-162. Retrieved 2009-11-28. The divergence time for the Nadene portion of the HaeIII np 663 lineage was about 6,000-10,000 years. Hence, the ancestral Nadene migrated from Asia independently and considerably more recently than the progenitors of the Amerinds {{cite web}}: |first= missing |last= (help)CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)

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[218] The name is disputed. English-language sources use Norte Chico (Spanish: "Little North") per Haas et al. (2004). Caral or Caral-Supe are more likely to be found in Spanish language sources per Shady. This article follows usage in recent English-language sources and employs Norte Chico, but the title is not definitive. Peruvian Norte Chico should not be confused with the Chilean region of the same name.

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[227] McEwan 93–96. There is some debate about the size of the population.

[228] Quechua^{[dead link]}

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[240] This is disputed by modern Caribs.

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[262] Ibidem Fausto 2000, pp 78 to 80

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[FOOTNOTELevene194811Sánchez_Viamonte1948196–197Vanossi196411-351] Levene 1948, p. 11: "[After the Viceroyalty became] a new period that commenced with the revolution of 1810, whose plan consisted in declaring the independence of a nation, thus turning the legal bond of vassalage into one of citisenship as a component of sovereignty and, in addition, organizing the democratic republic."; Sánchez Viamonte 1948, pp. 196–197: "The Argentine nation was a unity in colonial times, during the Viceroyalty, and remained so after the revolution of May 1810. [...] The provinces never acted as independent sovereign states, but as entities created within the nation and as integral parts of it, incidentally affected by internal conflicts."; Vanossi 1964, p. 11: "[The Argentine nationality is a] unique national entity, successor to the Viceroyalty, which, after undergoing a long period of anarchy and disorganization, adopted a decentralised form in 1853–1860 under the Constitution."

[FOOTNOTEAbad_de_Santillán1971194ff-352] Abad de Santillán 1971, pp. 194ff.

[FOOTNOTERock198781-353] Rock 1987, p. 81.

[FOOTNOTERock198782–83-354] Rock 1987, pp. 82–83.

[FOOTNOTELewis200339–40-355] Lewis 2003, pp. 39–40.

[FOOTNOTERock198792Lewis200341-356] Rock 1987, p. 92; Lewis 2003, p. 41.

[FOOTNOTEGalasso2011349–353vol._I-357] Galasso 2011, pp. 349–353, vol. I.

[FOOTNOTEGalasso2011185–252vol._I-358] Galasso 2011, pp. 185–252, vol. I.

[FOOTNOTELewis200341-360] Lewis 2003, p. 41.

[FOOTNOTELewis200343-361] Lewis 2003, p. 43.

[FOOTNOTELewis200345-362] Lewis 2003, p. 45.

[FOOTNOTELewis200346–47-363] Lewis 2003, pp. 46–47.

[FOOTNOTELewis200348–50-364] Lewis 2003, pp. 48–50.

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[FOOTNOTEMuñoz-Pogossian2008180-447] Muñoz-Pogossian 2008, p. 180.

[FOOTNOTEWebber20111-448] Webber 2011, p. 1.

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[FOOTNOTESivak201082–83Harten2011112–118FarthingKohl201411-454] Sivak 2010, p. 82–83; Harten 2011, pp. 112–118 sfnm error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFHarten2011 (help); Farthing & Kohl 2014, p. 11.

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@@ Line 1,018: / Line 1,018: @@
 The new republics from the beginning abolished the [[Casta|casta system]], the [[Inquisition]] and [[nobility]], and slavery was ended in all of the new nations within a quarter century.  [[Criollo people|Criollos]] (those of Spanish descent born in the New World) and [[mestizo]]s (those of mixed Indian and Spanish blood) replaced [[Peninsulars|Spanish-born]] appointees in most political offices.  Criollos remained at the top of a social structure which retained some of its traditional features culturally, if not legally. For almost a century thereafter, [[Liberalism and conservatism in Latin America|conservatives and liberals]] fought to reverse or to deepen the social and political changes unleashed by those rebellions.<ref name="Lynche"/><ref name="ELarousse"/>
 Most of the Spanish colonies won their independence in the first quarter of the 19th century, in the wars of independence. [[Simón Bolívar]] ([[Greater Colombia]], [[Peru]], [[Bolivia]]), [[José de San Martín]] ([[United Provinces of the River Plate]], [[Chile]], and [[Peru]]), and [[Bernardo O'Higgins]] ([[Chile]]) led their independence struggle. Although Bolivar attempted to keep the Spanish-speaking parts of the continent politically unified, they rapidly became independent of one another.<ref name="Lynche"/><ref name="W Spence Robertson">William Spence Robertson,  "The Juntas of 1808 and the Spanish Colonies," ''English Historical Review'' (1916) 31#124 pp. 573–585 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/551442 in JSTOR]</ref>
-[[File:Buzón en Correos y Telégrafos, Lima, Perú, 2015-07-28, DD 106.JPG|thumb|upright|right|220px|Original ''Buzón de Correos de la [[:es:Casa de Correos y Telégrafos|Casa de Correos y Telégrafos]]''  mailbox at the headquarters of the Post and Telegram Office in [[Lima]], [[Peru]]]]
 =====Bolivia=====
@@ Line 1,061: / Line 1,059: @@
 Internal political and territorial divisions led to the secession of Venezuela and Ecuador in 1830.<ref name = "EtHisColombia"/><ref name = "GranColombiaNuevaGranada"/> The so-called "[[Cundinamarca Department (1824)|Department of Cundinamarca]]" adopted the name "[[Republic of the New Granada|Nueva Granada]]", which it kept until 1858 when it became the "Confederación Granadina" ([[Granadine Confederation]]). After a [[Colombian Civil War (1860–1862)|two-year civil war]] in 1863, the "[[United States of Colombia]]" was created, lasting until 1886, when the country finally became known as the Republic of Colombia.<ref name = "HistoriaConstitucional"/><ref>{{cite web|url= http://www.banrepcultural.org/blaavirtual/ayudadetareas/poli/poli57.htm|title= Constituciones que han existido en Colombia|publisher= Banco de la República|language = Spanish}}</ref> Internal divisions remained between the bipartisan political forces, occasionally igniting very bloody civil wars, the most significant being the [[Thousand Days' War]] (1899–1902).<ref>{{cite book|title= El país que se hizo a tiros|author= Gonzalo España|publisher= Penguin Random House Grupo Editorial Colombia|isbn = 9789588613901|year= 2013|url= https://books.google.com.co/books?id=IordAgAAQBAJ&lpg=PP1&pg=PP1#v=onepage&q&f=false|language= Spanish}}</ref>
+=====Peru=====
+[[File:Buzón en Correos y Telégrafos, Lima, Perú, 2015-07-28, DD 106.JPG|thumb|upright|right|200px|Original ''Buzón de Correos de la [[:es:Casa de Correos y Telégrafos|Casa de Correos y Telégrafos]]''  mailbox at the headquarters of the Post and Telegram Office in [[Lima]], [[Peru]]]]
+A movement was initiated by [[Antonio Nariño]], who opposed Spanish centralism and led the opposition against the [[viceroyalty]].<ref>{{cite web|url= http://digital.csic.es/bitstream/10261/29874/1/Antonio%20Nari%C3%B1o-Gutierrez%20Escudero.pdf|title= Un precursor de la emancipación americana: Antonio Nariño y Álvarez.|author = Gutiérrez Escudero, Antonio|publisher= Araucaria. Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofía, Política y Humanidades 8.13 (2005)|pages= 205–220|language = Spanish}}</ref> [[Cartagena, Colombia|Cartagena]] became independent in November 1811.<ref>{{cite web|url= http://www.banrepcultural.org/blaavirtual/revistas/credencial/febrero2010/caribe.htm|title= Independencia del Caribe colombiano 1810-1821|author = Sourdis Nájera, Adelaida|publisher= Revista Credencial Historia - Edición 242|language = Spanish}}</ref> Took place the formation of two independent governments which fought a civil war – a period known as the [[Foolish Fatherland]].<ref>{{cite book|title= La patria boba. Cuadernillos de historia|author= Ocampo López, Javier|publisher= Panamericana Editorial|isbn = 9789583005336|year= 1998}}</ref> In 1811 the [[United Provinces of New Granada]] were proclaimed, headed by [[Camilo Torres Tenorio]].<ref>{{cite web|url= http://www.banrepcultural.org/node/88606|title= Confederación de las Provincias Unidas de la Nueva Granada|author = Martínez Garnica, Armandao|publisher= Revista Credencial Historia - Edición 244|year =2010|language = Spanish}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url= http://www.cervantesvirtual.com/obra-visor-din/acta-de-federacion-de-las-provincias-unidas-de-la-nueva-granada-27-de-noviembre-de-1811--0/html/008e5574-82b2-11df-acc7-002185ce6064_2.html#I_0_|title= Acta de la Federación de las Provincias Unidas de Nueva Granada|year = 1811|language = Spanish}}</ref> Despite the successes of the rebellion, the emergence of two distinct ideological currents among the liberators ([[federalism]] and [[centralism]]) gave rise to an internal clash which contributed to the reconquest of territory by the Spanish. The viceroyalty was restored under the command of [[Juan Sámano]], whose regime punished those who participated in the uprisings. The retribution stoked renewed rebellion, which, combined with a weakened Spain, made possible a successful rebellion led by the Venezuelan-born [[Simón Bolívar]], who finally proclaimed independence in [[1819]].<ref name = "Historia ilustrada de Colombia">{{cite book|title= Historia ilustrada de Colombia - Capítulo VI|author= López, Javier Ocampo|publisher= Plaza y Janes Editores Colombia sa|isbn = 9789581403707|year= 2006|language = Spanish|url= https://books.google.com.co/books?id=XzgpwLiJs5gC&lpg=PA1&pg=PA1#v=onepage&q&f=false}}</ref><ref>{{cite book|title= Cartagena de Indias en la independencia|publisher= Banco de la República|year= 2011|url= http://www.banrep.gov.co/sites/default/files/publicaciones/archivos/lbr_cartagena_independencia.pdf}}</ref> The [[Royalist (Spanish American Independence)|pro-Spanish resistance]] was defeated in 1822 in the present territory of Colombia and in 1823 in Venezuela.<ref>{{cite web|url= http://www.cervantes.es/lengua_y_ensenanza/independencia_americana/bicentenario_independencia_calendario.htm|title= Cronología de las independencias americanas|publisher= cervantes.es|language = Spanish}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url= http://revistadeindias.revistas.csic.es/index.php/revistadeindias/article/view/640/706|title= La Constitución de Cádiz en la Provincia de Pasto, Virreinato de Nueva Granada, 1812-1822.|author = Gutiérrez Ramos, Jairo|publisher= Revista de Indias 68, no. 242|page = 222|year = 2008|language = Spanish}}</ref><ref>{{cite book|title= La Independencia de Venezuela relatada en clave de paz: las regulaciones pacíficas entre patriotas y realistas (1810-1846).|author= Alfaro Pareja, Francisco José|year= 2013|language = Spanish|url= http://repositori.uji.es/xmlui/bitstream/handle/10234/74784/falfaropareja.pdf}}</ref>
+=====Venezuela=====
+{{Main|Venezuelan War of Independence}}
+[[File:Firma del acta de independencia de Venezuela.jpg|thumb|left|The signing of Venezuela's independence, by [[Martín Tovar y Tovar]]]]
+[[File:BatallaCarabobo01.JPG|thumb|The [[Battle of Carabobo]], during the [[Venezuelan War of Independence]]]]
+After a series of unsuccessful uprisings, Venezuela, under the leadership of [[Francisco de Miranda]], a Venezuelan marshal who had fought in the [[American Revolution]] and the [[French Revolution]], [[Venezuelan Declaration of Independence|declared independence]] on 5 July 1811.<ref>{{cite web |last=Minster |first=Christopher |url=http://latinamericanhistory.about.com/od/independenceinvenezuela/p/10april19venezuela.htm |title=April 19, 1810: Venezuela’s Declaration of Independence |publisher=''About'' |accessdate=30 June 2015}}</ref> This began the [[Venezuelan War of Independence]]. However, a devastating [[1812 Caracas earthquake|earthquake that struck Caracas in 1812]], together with the rebellion of the Venezuelan ''[[llanero]]s'', helped bring down the [[First Republic of Venezuela|first Venezuelan republic]].{{sfn|Chasteen|2001|p=103}} A [[Second Republic of Venezuela|second Venezuelan republic]], proclaimed on 7 August 1813, lasted several months before being crushed, as well.<ref>{{cite web |last=Left |first=Sarah |title=Simon Bolivar |url=http://www.theguardian.com/news/2002/apr/16/netnotes.venezuela |work=The Guardian |date=16 April 2002 |accessdate=30 June 2015}}</ref>
+[[Sovereignty]] was only attained after [[Simón Bolívar]], aided by [[José Antonio Páez]] and [[Antonio José de Sucre]], won the [[Battle of Carabobo]] on 24 June 1821.{{sfn|Gregory|1992|pages=89–90}} On 24 July 1823, [[José Prudencio Padilla]] and [[Rafael Urdaneta]] helped seal Venezuelan independence with their victory in the [[Battle of Lake Maracaibo]].<ref name="ciawfb">{{cite web |url=http://www.ciaworldfactbook.us/south-america/venezuela.html |title=Venezuela |publisher=''CIA World Factbook'' |accessdate=30 June 2015}}</ref> New Granada's congress gave Bolívar control of the Granadian army; leading it, he liberated several countries and founded [[Gran Colombia]].{{sfn|Gregory|1992|pages=89–90}}
+Sucre, who won many battles for Bolívar, went on to liberate Ecuador and later become the second president of [[Bolivia]]. Venezuela remained part of Gran Colombia until 1830, when a rebellion led by Páez allowed the proclamation of a newly independent Venezuela; Páez became the first president of the new republic.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.historyworld.net/wrldhis/PlainTextHistories.asp?historyid=ab55 |title=History of Venezuela |publisher=''History World'' |accessdate=30 June 2015}}</ref> Between one-quarter and one-third of Venezuela's population was lost during these two decades of warfare  which by 1830 was estimated at about 800,000.<ref name="Caudillismo">"[http://countrystudies.us/venezuela/5.htm Venezuela – The Century of Caudillismo]". [[Library of Congress Country Studies]].</ref>
+[[File:Abolicion de la esclavitud en Venezuela.jpg|thumb|left|[[José Gregorio Monagas]] abolished slavery in 1854.]]
+[[File:Bolivar Arturo Michelena.jpg|thumb|[[Simón Bolívar]], ''El Libertador'', Hero of the [[Venezuelan War of Independence]]]]
+====Portuguese states=====
 Unlike the Spanish colonies, the Brazilian independence came as an indirect consequence of the Napoleonic Invasions to Portugal - French invasion under General Junot led to the capture of [[Lisbon]] on 8 December 1807.  Spanish and Napoleonic forces threatened the security of [[continental Portugal]], causing [[John VI of Portugal|Prince Regent João]], in the name of [[Maria I of Portugal|Queen Maria I]], to move the royal court from [[Lisbon]] to [[Transfer of the Portuguese Court to Brazil|Brazil]],<ref name="Boxer, p.&nbsp;213">Boxer, p.&nbsp;213</ref> which was the [[Portuguese Empire]]'s capital between 1808 and 1821 and rose the relevance of [[Brazil]] within the [[Portuguese Empire]]'s framework. Following the Portuguese [[Liberal Revolution of 1820]], and after several battles and skirmishes were fought in Pará and in Bahia, the [[heir apparent]] [[Pedro I of Brazil|Pedro]], son of King [[John VI of Portugal]], proclaimed the country's independence in 1822 and became Brazil's first [[emperor]] (He later also reigned as Pedro IV of Portugal).

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