Women in Islam
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Women in Islam are guided by primary Islamic sources of personal law, namely the Quran and hadiths, as well as secondary sources such as the ijma, qiyas, ijtihad in form such as fatwas; the secondary sources vary with various sects of Islam and schools of jurisprudence (madhhab). In certain regions, in addition to religious guidelines, pre-Islamic cultural traditions play a role. Islamic laws and cultural customs impact various stages of a Muslim women's life, including her education, employment opportunities, rights to inheritance, dress, age of marriage, freedom to consent to marriage, marriage contract, mahr, permissibility of birth control, divorce, sex outside or before marriage, her ability to receive justice in case of sex crimes, property rights independent of her husband, and when salat (prayers) are mandatory for her. Polygyny is allowed to men under Islam, but not widespread; in some Islamic countries, such as Iran, a woman's husband may enter into temporary marriages in addition to permanent marriage. Islam forbids Muslim women from marrying a non-Muslim. There is debate and controversy on gender roles according to Islam.
Sharia provides for complementarianism, differences between women's and men's roles, rights, and obligations. Being a Muslim is more than a religious identity; Islam outlines and structures ways in which Muslim women should live their lives on a day-to-day basis. In majority Muslim countries women exercise varying degrees of their religious rights with regards to marriage, divorce, legal status, dress code, and education based on different interpretations. Scholars and other commentators vary as to whether they are just and whether they are a correct interpretation of religious imperatives.
- 1 Sources of influence
- 2 Gender roles
- 3 Female education
- 4 Female employment
- 5 Legal matters
- 6 Romantic Love and Love of Women
- 7 Marriage
- 8 Movement and travel
- 9 Dress code
- 10 Religious life
- 11 Politics
- 12 Sport
- 13 Comparison with other religions
- 14 Notable women in Islam
- 15 Modern debate on the status of women in Islam
- 16 See also
- 17 Notes
- 18 References
- 19 Further reading
- 20 External links
Sources of influence
There are four sources of influence under Islam for Muslim women. The first two, the Quran and Hadiths, are considered primary sources, while the other two are secondary and derived sources that differ between various Muslim sects and schools of Islamic jurisprudence. The secondary sources of influence include ijma, qiyas and, in forms such as fatwa, ijtihad.
Women in Islam are provided a number of guidelines under Quran and hadiths, as understood by fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence) as well as of the interpretations derived from the hadith that were agreed upon by majority of Sunni scholars as authentic beyond doubt based on hadith studies. Sunni Muslims are the largest Islamic sect, comprising approximately 80% of the world's Muslims. The Sunni sect includes many theological schools and doctrines interpreting the Quran. To Sunnis, the ahadith constitute an important source of legislation. Fiqh is the basis of jurisprudence, or legal practise, developed by Muslim jurists during the centuries following the creation of Islam, and largely influenced by the ahadith. These interpretations and their application were shaped by the historical context of the Muslim world at the time they were written.
During his life, Muhammad married eleven or thirteen women depending upon the differing accounts of who were his wives. In Arabian culture, marriage was generally contracted in accordance with the larger needs of the tribe and was based on the need to form alliances within the tribe and with other tribes. Virginity at the time of marriage was emphasized as a tribal honor. William Montgomery Watt states that all of Muhammad's marriages had the political aspect of strengthening friendly relationships and were based on the Arabian custom.
The above primary sources of influence on women of Islam do not deal with every conceivable situation over time. This led to the development of jurisprudence and religious schools with Islamic scholars that referred to resources such as identifying authentic documents, internal discussions and establishing a consensus to find the correct religiously approved course of action for Muslims. These formed the secondary sources of influence for women. Among them are ijma, qiya, ijtihad and others depending on sect and the school of Islamic law. Included in secondary sources are fatwas, which are often widely distributed, orally or in writing by Muslim clerics, to the masses, in local language and describe behavior, roles and rights of women that conforms with religious requirements. Fatwas are theoretically non-binding, but seriously considered and has often been practiced by most Muslim believers. The secondary sources typically fall into five types of influence: the declared role or behavior for Muslims, both women and men, is considered obligatory, commendable, permissible, despised or prohibited. There is considerable controversy, change over time, and conflict between the secondary sources.
Gender roles in Islam are simultaneously coloured by two Qur'anic precepts: (i) spiritual equality between women and men; and (ii) the idea that women are meant to exemplify femininity, and men masculinity.
Spiritual equality between women and men is detailed in Sūrat al-Aḥzāb (33:35):
Verily, men who surrender unto God, and women who surrender, and men who believe and women who believe, and men who obey and women who obey, and men who speak the truth and women who speak the truth...and men who give alms and women who give alms, and men who fast and women who fast, and men who guard their modesty and women who guard (their modesty), and men who remember God much and women who remember – God hath prepared for them forgiveness and a vast reward.
—Verse 33 of the Holy Qu'ran, 'The Coalition'
Islam's basic view of women and men postulates a complementarity of functions: like everything else in the universe, humanity has been created in a pair (Sūrat al-Dhāriyāt, 51:49) – neither can complete without the other. In Islamic cosmological thinking, the universe is perceived as an equilibrium built on harmonious polar relationships between the pairs that make up all things. Moreover, all outward phenomena are reflections of inward noumena and ultimately of God.
The emphasis which Islam places upon the feminine/masculine polarity (and therefore complementarity) results, quite logically, in a separation of social functions. In general, a woman's sphere of operation is the home – in which she is the dominant figure – and a man's corresponding sphere is the outside world. However, this separation is not, in practice, as rigid as it appears. There are many examples – both in the early history of Islam and in the contemporary world – of Muslim women who have played prominent roles in public life, including being queens, elected heads of state and wealthy businesswomen. Moreover, it is important to recognise that in Islam, home and family are firmly situated at the centre of life in this world and of society: a man's work cannot take precedence over the private realm.
The Quran dedicates numerous verses to Muslim women, their role, duties and rights, in addition to Sura 4 with 176 verses named "An-Nisa" ("Women"). Some verses are considered as key in defining gender roles in Islam, one being verse 4.34:
Men are the maintainers of women because Allah has made some of them to excel others and because they spend out of their property; the good women are therefore obedient, guarding the unseen as Allah has guarded; and (as to) those on whose part you fear desertion [committing a religious sin], admonish them, and leave them alone in the sleeping-places and beat them; then if they obey you, do not seek a way against them; surely Allah is High, Great.
The above verse 34 uses the word qawwamun to depict the gender role of men. This is the plural form often equated as lord, master, ruler, governor, manager. Some scholars claim this verse establishes a hierarchical gender role, with man as ruler and woman as ruled. However, other scholars suggest that this Arabic word may not mean ruler in its context. Rather, it means ‘bread-winner’ as an economic term. Such an interpretation of Quran then implies a division of functions, with men as bread winners, and women as child-bearers.
Islam differentiates the gender role of women who believe in Islam and those who do not. The Muslim male's right to own slave women, seized during military campaigns and jihad against non-believing pagans and infidels from Southern Europe to Africa to India to Central Asia, was considered natural. Slave women could be sold without their consent, expected to provide concubinage, required permission from their owner to marry; and children born to them were automatically considered Muslim under Islamic law if the father was a Muslim.
Historical religious education
Islam encouraged religious education of Muslim women. According to a hadith[which?] attributed to Muhammad, he praised the women of ansar because shame did not prevent them from learning Islam.
While it was not common for women to enroll as students in formal religious schools, it was common for women to attend informal lectures and study sessions at mosques, madrasat and other public places. For example, the attendance of women at the Fatimid Caliphate's "sessions of wisdom" (majālis al-ḥikma) was noted by various historians, including Ibn al-Tuwayr, al-Muṣabbiḥī and Imam. Historically, some Muslim women played an important role in the foundation of many religious educational institutions, such as Fatima al-Fihri's founding of the University of al-Karaouine in 859 CE. According to the 12th-century Sunni scholar Ibn 'Asakir, there were various opportunities for female education in what is known as the Islamic Golden Age. He writes that women could study, earn ijazahs (religious degrees) and qualify as ulama and Islamic teachers. Similarly, al-Sakhawi devotes one of the twelve volumes of his biographical dictionary Daw al-Lami to female religious scholars between 700 and 1800 CE, giving information on 1,075 of them.
During the colonial era, until the early 20th century, there was a gender struggle among Muslims in the British empire; women were viewed as a prelude to social chaos, a threat to the moral order, and man's world was viewed as a source of Muslim identity. Muslim women in British India, nevertheless, pressed for their rights independent of men; by the 1930s, 2.5 million girls had entered schools of which 0.5 million were Muslims.
Modern secular education
In a 2013 statement, the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation noted that many Islamic member nations restrict education opportunities for girls. UNICEF notes that out of 24 nations with less than 60% female primary enrollment rates, 17 were Islamic nations; more than half the adult population is illiterate in several Islamic countries, and the proportion reaches 70% among Muslim women. Other scholars claim Islamic nations have the world's highest gender gap in education. The 2012 World Economic Forum annual gender gap study finds the 17 out of 18 worst performing nations, out of a total of 135 nations, are the following members of Organisation of Islamic Cooperation: Algeria, Jordan, Lebanon, (Nepal), Turkey, Oman, Egypt, Iran, Mali, Morocco, Côte d'Ivoire, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Chad, Pakistan and Yemen.
The gender gap at universities is not universal among Muslim-majority nations. In Turkey, the proportion of female university researchers is slightly higher (36%) than the average for the 27-member European Union as of 2012 (33%). At the University of Jordan, which is Jordan's largest and oldest university, 65% of students were female in 2013. In Kazakhstan, there were 115 female students for every 100 male students in tertiary education in 1999; according to the World Bank, this ratio had increased to 144:100 by 2008. Similarly, in Malaysia, Algeria, and in Saudi Arabia, the majority of university students have been female in recent years. Other estimates suggest this rising presence of women in education may be limited to universities. For example, a 2005 study reports that even while literacy has been improving since the 1970s, the overall female literacy rate in Saudi Arabia is 50% compared to male literacy of 72%. UNESCO estimates many Muslim-majority nations had about 50% or less literacy rate in its adult women population in 2010; examples include Morocco, Yemen, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Niger, Mali, Gambia, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, and Chad. Egypt had a women literacy rate of 64% in 2010, Iraq of 71% and Indonesia of 90%.
Some scholars refer to verse 28:23 in the Quran and to Khadijah, Muhammad's first wife, a merchant before and after converting to Islam, as indications that Muslim women may undertake employment outside their homes.
And when he came to the water of Madyan, he found on it a group of men watering, and he found besides them two women keeping back (their flocks). He said: What is the matter with you? They said: We cannot water until the shepherds take away (their sheep) from the water, and our father is a very old man.
During medieval times, the labor force in Spanish Caliphate included women in diverse occupations and economic activities such as farming, construction workers, textile workers, managing slave girls, collecting taxes from prostitutes, as well as presidents of guilds, creditors, religious scholars.
In the 12th century, Ibn Rushd, claimed that women were equal to men in all respects and possessed equal capacities to shine, citing examples of female warriors among the Arabs, Greeks and Africans to support his case. In the early history of Islam, examples of notable female Muslims who fought during the Muslim conquests and Fitna (civil wars) as soldiers or generals included Nusaybah bint Ka'ab a.k.a. Umm Amarah, Aisha, Kahula and Wafeira.
Medieval bimarestan or hospitals included female staff as female nurses. Muslim hospitals were also the first to employ female physicians, such as Banu Zuhr family who served the Almohad caliph ruler Abu Yusuf Yaqub al-Mansur in the 12th century. This was necessary due to the segregation of male and female patients in Islamic hospitals. Later in the 15th century, female surgeons were employed at Şerafeddin Sabuncuoğlu's Cerrahiyyetu'l-Haniyye (Imperial Surgery).
Patterns of women's employment vary throughout the Muslim world: as of 2005, 16% of Pakistani women were "economically active" (either employed, or unemployed but available to furnish labor), whereas 52% of Indonesian women were. According to a 2012 World Economic Forum report and other recent reports, Islamic nations in the Middle East and North Africa region are increasing their creation of economic and employment opportunities for women; compared, however, to every other region in the world, the Middle East and North African region ranks lowest on economic participation, employment opportunity and the political empowerment of women. Ten countries with the lowest women labour force participation in the world – Jordan, Oman, Morocco, Iran, Turkey, Algeria, Yemen, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and Syria – are Islamic countries, as are the four countries that have no female parliamentarians.
Women are allowed to work in Islam, subject to certain conditions, such as if a woman is in financial need and her employment does not cause her to neglect her important role as a mother and wife. It has been claimed that it is the responsibility of the Muslim community to organize work for women, so that she can do so in a Muslim cultural atmosphere, where her rights (as set out in the Quran) are respected. Islamic law however, permits women to work in Islamic conditions, such as the work not requiring the woman to violate Islamic law (e.g., serving alcohol), and that she maintain her modesty while she performs any work outside her home.
In some cases, when women have the right to work and are educated, women's job opportunities may in practice be unequal to those of men. In Egypt for example, women have limited opportunities to work in the private sector because women are still expected to put their role in the family first, which causes men to be seen as more reliable in the long term.[page needed] In Saudi Arabia, it is illegal for Saudi women to drive, serve in military and other professions with men.[page needed] It is becoming more common for Saudi Arabian women to procure driving licences from other Gulf Cooperation Council states such as the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain.
According to the International Business Report (2014) published by global accounting network Grant Thornton, Indonesia – which is the world's largest Muslim country by population – has ≥40% of senior business management positions occupied by women, a greater proportion than the United States (22%) and Denmark (14%). Prominent female business executives in the Islamic world include Güler Sabancı, the CEO of the industrial and financial conglomerate Sabancı Holding; Ümit Boyner, a non-executive director at Boyner Holding who was the chairwoman of TÜSİAD, the Turkish Industrialists and Businessmen Association, from 2010 to 2013; Bernadette Ruth Irawati Setiady, the CEO of PT Kalbe Farma Tbk., the largest pharmaceutical company in the ASEAN trade bloc; Atiek Nur Wahyuni, the director of Trans TV, a major free-to-air television station in Indonesia; and Elissa Freiha, a founding partner of the UAE-based investment platform WOMENA.
According to all schools of Islamic law, the injunctions of the sharī'ah of Islam apply to all Muslims, male and female, who have reached the age of majority – and only to them. All Muslims are in principle equal before the law. The Qu'ran especially emphasises that its injunctions concern both men and women in several verses where both are addressed clearly and in a distinct manner, such as in Sūrat al-Aḥzāb at 33:35 ('Verily, men who surrender unto God, and women who surrender...').
Most Muslim majority countries, and some Muslim minority countries, follow a mixed legal system, with positive laws and state courts, as well as sharia-based religious laws and religious courts. Those countries that use Sharia for legal matters involving women, adopt it mostly for personal law; however, a few Islamic countries such as Saudi Arabia, Iran, Afghanistan, Pakistan and Yemen apply the entire sharia code in legal matters for Muslim women.
In some Islamic areas, practices such as jirga, vani, Ba'ad and "honor" killing remain an integral part of the customary legal processes involving Muslim women. These have been traced to diyya ("blood money") and qisas ("eye for an eye") principles of Islamic law. Diyya was established in pre-Islamic Arabia. Sharia affirmed the practice of diyya, and the compensation paid to women victims have historically varied based on her gender and her religion. Typically, women victims have been, and are compensated at half the rate as Muslim male victims for an equivalent case, while non-Muslim women compensation rates have varied between one sixteenth to half of a Muslim women, for an equivalent case.
Islamic law treats intentional homicide, unintentional homicide and all forms of personal injury as a civil dispute between Muslims. In all cases of murder, unintentional homicide, bodily injury and property damage suffered by a woman or her heirs, under sharia, the prosecutor is not the state, but the victim or the victim's heir.
Other than applicable laws to Muslim women, there is gender-based variation in the process of testimony and acceptable forms of evidence in legal matters. Some Islamic jurists have held that certain types of testimony by women may not be accepted. In other cases, the testimony of two women equals that of one man.
"For men is a share from what the parents and near relatives leave, and for women is a share from what the parents and near relative leave from less from it or more, a legal share."
Bernard Lewis says that classical Islamic civilization granted free Muslim women relatively more property rights than women in the West, even as it sanctified three basic inequalities between master and slave, man and woman, believer and unbeliever. Even in cases where property rights were granted in the West, they were very limited and covered only upper class women. Over time, while women's rights have improved elsewhere, those in many Muslim-dominated countries have remained comparatively restricted.
Women's property rights in the Quran are based around the marriage contract. A woman, according to Islamic tradition, does not have to give her pre-marriage possessions to her husband and receive a mahr (dower) which she then owns. Furthermore, any earnings that a woman receives through employment or business, after marriage, is hers to keep and need not contribute towards family expenses. This is because, once the marriage is consummated, in exchange for ‘‘tamkin’’ (sexual submission), a woman is entitled to nafaqa – namely, the financial responsibility for reasonable housing, food and other household expenses for the family, including the spouse, falls entirely on the husband. In traditional Islamic law, a woman is also not responsible for the upkeep of the home and may demand payment for any work she does in the domestic sphere.
Property rights enabled some Muslim women to possess substantial assets and fund charitable endowments. In mid-sixteenth century Istanbul, 36.8% of charitable endowments (awqāf) were founded by women. In eighteenth century Cairo, 126 out of 496 charitable foundations (25.4%) were endowed by women. Between 1770 and 1840, 241 out of 468 or 51% of charitable endowments in Aleppo were founded by women.
The Qur'an grants inheritance rights to wife, daughter, and sisters of the deceased. However, women’s inheritance rights to her father’s property are unequal to her male siblings, and varies based on number of sisters, step sisters, step brothers, if mother is surviving, and other claimants. The rules of inheritance are specified by a number of Qur'an verses, including Surah "Baqarah" (chapter 2) verses 180 and 240; Surah "Nisa(h)" (chapter 4) verses 7–11, 19 and 33; and Surah "Maidah" (chapter 5), verses 106–108. Three verses in Surah "Nisah" (chapter 4), verses 11, 12 and 176, describe the share of close relatives. The religious inheritance laws for women in Islam are different from inheritance laws for non-Muslim women under common laws.
In Islam, sexual intercourse between a woman and any man to whom she is not married is zina, a religious crime. This includes extramarital sex, premarital sex and rape. It is listed as a hadd crime, i.e. a crime against God ( theft ; zina; Qadhf; and Hiraba); however, in the case of rape, the adult male perpetrator (i.e. rapist) of such an act is to receive the ḥadd zinā, but the non-consenting or invalidly consenting female (i.e. rape victim) is to be regarded as innocent of zinā and relieved of the ḥadd punishment.
According to Surat An-Nur – the twenty-fourth verse of the Qu'ran – adultery can be punished by up to one hundred lashes (24:2), though this is not binding in nature and the final decision will always be in the hands of a judge appointed by the state or community. However, this punishment is to be overlooked if the parties repent and strive to mend their ways (24:5). There is no reference to stoning in the Qu'ran. In practice, punishments for fornication and adultery – notwithstanding the fact that both are regarded as grave sins – have been regarded as something which Islamic law has put beyond the scope of society's punishment.
Sharī'ah law makes a distinction between adultery and rape and applies different rules. According to the Qu'ran (24:4), the proof that adultery has occurred requires four eyewitnesses to the act, which must have been committed by a man and a woman not validly married to one another, and the act must have been wilfully committed by consenting adults. Proof can also be determined by a confession. But this confession must be voluntary, and based on legal counsel; it must be repeated on four separate occasions, and made by a person who is sane. Otherwise, the accuser is then accorded a sentence for defamation (which means flogging or a prison sentence), and his or her testimony is excluded in all future court cases.[Quran 24:4]
Zina cannot be alleged by any person without 4 male witnesses against or without confession in court by the woman who committed zina. Some contend that this sharia requirement of four eyewitnesses severely limits a man's ability to prove zina charges against women, a crime often committed without eyewitnesses. However, according to Professor Oliver Leaman – Professor of Philosophy and Zantker Professor of Judaic Studies at the University of Kentucky, and the author of several seminal works on Islamic and Jewish philosophy – the required testimony of four male witnesses having seen the actual penetration applies to illicit sexual relations (i.e. adultery and fornication), not to rape. The requirements for proof of rape are less stringent:
'Rape charges can be brought and a case proven based on the sole testimony of the victim, providing that circumstantial evidence supports the allegations. It is these strict criteria of proof which lead to the frequent observation that where injustice against women does occur, it is not because of Islamic law. It happens either due to misinterpretation of the intricacies of the Sharia laws governing these matters, or cultural traditions; or due to corruption and blatant disregard of the law, or indeed some combination of these phenomena.'
The crime of rape, according to Sunni Ḥanafī and Mālikī jurists, is as an act of zinā. If the consent was granted under coercion or in a defective legal capacity such as by a mentally impaired person, it is considered non-consent or invalid consent. While a sunnah suggests that a woman should not be punished for having been coerced into having sex, it is the burden of the victim to establish coercion with eyewitnesses. If a man does confess to zina, eyewitnesses are not required. Such a confession may, however, be withdrawn and the need for four male Muslim eyewitnesses reinstated. Failure to provide evidence is treated as a crime of false accusation, punishable with flogging. Currently, it is common for a Muslim woman who makes a claim of rape not only to be denied justice but to be charged with fornication or adultery.
Several Islamic countries, such as Morocco (Penal Code Article 475), allow rapists to avoid criminal prosecution if they marry their victim. In 2012, a 16-year-old Moroccan girl, having been forced by her family and the government prosecutor to marry her rapist – and, subsequently, having endured the rapist's abuse – committed suicide by swallowing rat poison. Morocco’s parliament proposed to revise its Article 475 in 2013. Other Islamic nations with similar laws that protect the rapist in this manner include Lebanon (Article 514), Algeria, Jordan, Afghanistan and Pakistan. There is a disagreement whether this practice is sanctioned by Islam or part of local custom.
The Quran states:
And those who accuse their wives and don't have witnesses except themselves then witness of each of them is four witnesses by God that he is from truthfuls. And fifth that curse of God be on him, if he is of liars. And it can save her from punishment if she witnesses four times by God that he is from liars. And fifth that wrath of God be on her, if he is from truthfuls.
Witness of woman
In Qur'an, surah 2:182 equates two women as substitute for one man, in matters requiring witnesses.
O ye who believe! When ye contract debt with each other for a fixed period of time, reduce them to writing. Let a scribe write down faithfully as between the parties: let not the scribe refuse to write: as Allah has taught him, so let him write. Let him who incurs the liability dictate, but let him fear His Lord Allah, and not diminish aught of what he owes. If they party liable is mentally deficient, or weak, or unable himself to dictate, let his guardian dictate faithfully, and get two witnesses, out of your own men, and if there are not two men, then a man and two women, such as ye choose, for witnesses, so that if one of them errs, the other can remind her. The witnesses should not refuse when they are called on (For evidence). Disdain not to reduce to writing (your contract) for a future period, whether it be small or big: it is juster in the sight of Allah, More suitable as evidence, and more convenient to prevent doubts among yourselves but if it be a transaction which ye carry out on the spot among yourselves, there is no blame on you if ye reduce it not to writing.
And those who accuse chaste women then do not bring four witnesses, flog them eighty strips and don't accept their testimony forever. Indeed, they themselves are disobedient.
Muḥammad favoured women to men in some aspects of testimony: in matters concerning women, the testimony of a man is not accepted by itself, whereas a woman's testimony alone is accepted.
Historically[where?], this principle that the testimony of a man had twice the strength of a woman, was applied in financial, civil as well as criminal matters such as rape (Zina). In modern practice, several Islamic countries presently treat a woman's testimony as half of a man's, in their Sharia courts. For example, since 1979, Pakistan courts have accepted the principle that a woman's testimony is half as reliable as a man's per Islamic guidelines, and adopted it in practice. Similarly, the law in many[which?] Arab countries gives a woman’s testimony half the weight of a man’s.
Some scholars claim Islamic law, such as verse 4:34 of Quran, allows and encourages domestic violence against women, when a husband suspects nushuz (disobedience, disloyalty, rebellion, ill conduct) in his wife. Other scholars claim wife beating, for nashizah, is not consistent with modern perspectives of Quran, or indeed the Prophet Muḥammad's own example and injunction; as the Lebanese educator and journalist 'Abd al-Qadir al-Maghribi records in his essay Muḥammad and Woman (1928): 'He [Muḥammad] prohibited a man from beating his wife and noted that beating was not appropriate for the marital relationship between them'. Muḥammad underlined the moral and logical inconsistency in beating one's wife during the day and then praising her at night as a prelude to conjugal relations. The Austrian scholar and translator of the Qu'ran Muhammad Asad (Leopold Weiss) concluded: 'It is evident from many authentic traditions that the Prophet himself intensely detested the idea of beating one's wife...According to another tradition, he forbade the beating of any woman with the words, “Never beat God's handmaidens.”'
Some conservative translations suggest Muslim husbands are permitted ‘‘Idribuhunna’’ (use ’’light force’’) on their wives, and others claim permissibility to strike, hit, chastise, or beat. The relationship between Islam and domestic violence is disputed by some Islamic scholars.
The Lebanese educator and journalist 'Abd al-Qadir al-Maghribi argued that perpetrating acts of domestic violence goes against the Prophet Muḥammad's own example and injunction. In his 1928 essay, Muḥammad and Woman, al-Maghribi said: 'He [Muḥammad] prohibited a man from beating his wife and noted that beating was not appropriate for the marital relationship between them'. Muḥammad underlined the moral and logical inconsistency in beating one's wife during the day and then praising her at night as a prelude to conjugal relations. The Austrian scholar and translator of the Qu'ran Muhammad Asad (Leopold Weiss) said: 'It is evident from many authentic traditions that the Prophet himself intensely detested the idea of beating one's wife...According to another tradition, he forbade the beating of any woman with the words, "Never beat God's handmaidens."'
In practice, the legal doctrine of many Islamic nations, in deference to Sharia law, have refused to include, consider or prosecute cases of domestic violence, limiting legal protections available to Muslim women. In 2010, for example, the highest court of United Arab Emirates (Federal Supreme Court) considered a lower court's ruling, and upheld a husband's right to "chastise" his wife and children with physical violence. Article 53 of the United Arab Emirates' penal code acknowledges the right of a "chastisement by a husband to his wife and the chastisement of minor children" so long as the assault does not exceed the limits prescribed by Sharia. In Lebanon, as many as three-quarters of all Lebanese women have suffered physical abuse at the hands of husbands or male relatives at some point in their lives. In Afghanistan, over 85% of women report domestic violence; other nations with very high rates of domestic violence and limited legal rights include Syria, Pakistan, Egypt, Morocco, Iran, Yemen and Saudi Arabia. In some Islamic countries such as Turkey, where legal protections against domestic violence have been enacted, serial domestic violence by husband and other male members of her family is mostly ignored by witnesses and accepted by women without her getting legal help, according to a Government of Turkey report.
Turkey was the first country in Europe to ratify (on 14 March 2012) the Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence, which is known as the Istanbul Convention because it was first opened for signature in Turkey's largest city (on 11 May 2011). Three other European countries with a significant (≥c.20%) Muslim population – Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Montenegro – have also ratified the convention, while Macedonia is a signatory to the document. The aim of the convention is to create a Europe free from violence against women and domestic violence.
Romantic Love and Love of Women
There is a long and rich tradition of romantic love in Islamic culture. In traditional Islamic societies, love between men and women was widely celebrated, and both the popular and classical literature of the Muslim world is permeated with works on this theme. The Arab love story of Lāyla and Majnūn was arguably more widely known amongst Muslims than that of Romeo and Juliet in (Northern) Europe, while Jāmī's Yusuf (Joseph) and Zulaykhā – which is based upon the narrative in Surah Yusuf, the twelfth surah of the Qu'ran – is a seminal text in the Persian, Urdu and Bengali literary canons. The theme of romantic love continues to suffuse modern and even postmodern fiction from the Islamic world: the 2006 Nobel Prize in Literature winner Orhan Pamuk's signature novel The Black Book (1990) is a nominal detective story with extensive meditations on mysticism and obsessive love, while another feted Turkish writer, Elif Şafak, intertwines romantic love and Sufism in 2010's The Forty Rules of Love: A Novel of Rumi.
In Islamic mysticism or Sufism, romantic love is viewed as a metaphysical metaphor for the love of God. However, the importance of love extends beyond the metaphorical: ibnʿArabī, who is widely recognised as the 'greatest of spiritual masters [of Sufism]', posited that for a man, sex with a woman is the occasion for experiencing God's 'greatest self-disclosure' (the position is similar vice-versa):
'The most intense and perfect contemplation of God is through women, and the most intense union is the conjugal act.'
This emphasis on the sublimity of the conjugal act holds true for both this world and the next: the fact that Islam considers sexual relationships one of the ultimate pleasures of paradise is well-known; moreover, there is no suggestion that this is for the sake of producing children. Accordingly (and in common with civilisations such as the Chinese, Indian and Japanese), the Islamic world has historically generated significant works of erotic literature and technique, and many centuries before such a genre became culturally acceptable in the West: Richard Burton's substantially ersatz 1886 translation of The Perfumed Garden of Sensual Delight, a fifteenth-century sex manual authored by Muḥammad ibn Muḥammad al-Nafzawi, was labelled as being 'for private circulation only' owing to the puritanical mores and corresponding censorship laws of Victorian England.
Under Islamic law, marriage is not a status, it is a contract, that requires a woman's consent. "Women were given inheritance rights in a patriarchal society that had previously restricted inheritance to male relatives/ family members." Annemarie Schimmel claims, "compared to the pre-Islamic position of women, Islamic legislation meant an enormous progress; the woman has the right, at least according to the letter of the law, to administer the wealth she has brought into the family or has earned by her own work." Other scholars suggest Islam subsumed and expanded many cultural practices with regards to women, such as their gender role before and after marriage, continuation of bride price as mahr, and the sanction of female circumcision before she can be married, as Islam started and expanded from the Arabian peninsula.
In contrast to the Western and Orient world where divorce was relatively uncommon until modern times, divorce was a more common occurrence in certain parts of the late medieval Muslim world. In the Mamluk Sultanate and Ottoman Empire, the rate of divorce was high. In medieval Egypt, Al-Sakhawi recorded the marital history of 500 women, the largest sample of married women in the Middle Ages, and found that at least a third of all women in the Mamluk Sultanate of Egypt and Syria married more than once, with many marrying three or more times. According to Al-Sakhawi, as many as three out of ten marriages in 15th century Cairo ended in divorce. In the early 20th century, some villages in western Java and the Malay peninsula had divorce rates as high as 70%.
Polygamy in Islam is permitted as a provision in case of a need for it. The Quran discourages Polygamy and emphasises on maintaining a single spouse. Islam permits states to hold laws to ban polygamy if the state feels it is required.
Marriage customs vary in Muslim dominated countries. Islamic law allows polygamy, where a Muslim man can be married to four wives at the same time, under certain conditions. Some countries allow Muslim men to enter into additional temporary marriages, beyond the four allowed marriages, such as the practice of sigheh marriages in Iran, and Nikah al-Mutah elsewhere in some Middle East countries.
In some countries, polygamy is restricted by new family codes, for example the Moudawwana in Morocco. Polygamy is permitted under restricted conditions, but it is not widespread. The Sharia requires that polygamous men treat all wives equally. Muslim women are not allowed to engage in polyandry, whereas men are allowed to engage in polygyny.
A marriage of pleasure, where a man pays a sum of money to a woman or her family in exchange for a temporary spousal relationship, is found and considered legal among Shia sect of Islam, for example in Iran after 1979. Temporary marriages are forbidden among Sunni sect of Islam. Among Shia, the number of temporary marriages can be unlimited, for a duration that is less than an hour to few months, recognized with an official temporary marriage certificate, and divorce is unnecessary because the temporary marriage automatically expires on the date and time specified on the certificate. Payment to the woman by the man is mandatory, in every temporary marriage and considered as mahr. Its practitioners cite sharia law as permitting the practise. Women's rights groups have condemned it as a form of legalized prostitution.
Endogamy is common in Islamic countries. The observed endogamy is primarily consanguineous marriages, where the bride and the groom share a biological grandparent or other near ancestor. The most common observed marriages are first cousin marriages, followed by second cousin marriages. Consanguineous endogamous marriages are most common for women in Muslim communities in the Middle East, North Africa and Islamic Central Asia. About 1 in 3 of all marriages in Saudi Arabia, Iran and Pakistan are first cousin marriages; while overall consanguineous endogamous marriages exceed 65 to 80% in various Islamic populations of the Middle East, North Africa and Islamic Central Asia.
Do not marry women your fathers married to except that has passed; Indeed it was lewdness, disobedience and bad way. Prohibited to you are your mothers, your daughters, your sisters, your paternal aunts, your maternal aunts, brother's daughters, sister's daughters, your suckling-mothers, your sisters from suckling, mothers of your women, your step-daughters in your guardianship from your women you have entered into them but if you have not entered into them then there is no blame on you, women of your sons from your loins and that you add two sisters (in a wedlock) except that has passed; surely God is All-forgiving and all-merciful.
Some marriages are forbidden between Muslim women and Muslim men, according to sharia. In the Quran, Surah An-Nisa gives a list of forbidden marriages.[Quran 4:22] Examples include marrying one's biological father, biological son, biological brother, biological sister's son, milk son or milk brother she has nursed, husband of her biological daughter, and a step father who has had sexual relations with her biological mother. There are disputes between Hanafis, Malikis, Shafi'is and Hanabalis schools of Sunni Islamic jurisprudence on whether and which such marriages are irregular but not void if already in place (fasid), and which are void (batil) marriages.
Age of marriage
The age of marriage in Islam for women varies with country. Traditionally, Islam has permitted marriage of girls below the age of 10, because Sharia considers practices of Muhammad, the Prophet, as a basis for Islamic law. According to Sahih Bukhari and Sahih Muslim, the two Sunni hadiths, the Prophet married Aisha, his third wife when she was 6, and consummated the marriage before she reached the age of 10 (this version of events is rejected by Shia Muslims).
Narrated 'Aisha: that the Prophet married her when she was six years old and he consummated his marriage when she was nine years old, and then she remained with him for nine years (i.e., till his passing away).
There is a debate among Islamic scholars what the above sunnah means. Some scholars suggest that it is not the calendar age that matters, rather it is the biological age of the girl that determines when she can be married under Islamic law. According to these Islamic scholars, marriageable age in Islam is when a girl has reached sexual maturity, as determined by her nearest male guardian; this age can be, claim these Islamic scholars, less than 10 years, or 12, or another age depending on each girl. There is a strong belief among most Muslims and scholars, based on Sharia, that marrying a girl less than 15, or 12 years old is an acceptable practice for Muslims. Muslim communities in Yemen, Saudi Arabia, India, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Indonesia, Egypt, Nigeria and elsewhere have insisted that it is their Islamic right to marry girls below age 15.
"Ibni `Abbaas reported that a girl came to the Messenger of God, Muhammad (sws), and she reported that her father had forced her to marry without her consent. The Messenger of God gave her the choice [between accepting the marriage and invalidating it ,...., the girl said: "Actually I accept this marriage but I wanted to let women know that parents have no right [to force a husband on them]"
Interfaith marriages and Muslim women
In Islam, Muslim women may not marry non-Muslim men, a term that includes infidel, apostate, ex-Muslims, other monotheistic (Christian, Jewish, Zoroastrian), non-theistic and polytheistic men (Hindu, Buddhist, Jain and others). Further, a Muslim – either by birth or after conversion – is not allowed to leave Islam to marry a non-Muslim, because leaving Islam is a religious hudud crime of apostasy punishable with death. The Quran allows Muslim men to marry women of the People of the Book (Jews and Christians), however any children from such marriage automatically belong to Muslim father's faith. Many Islamic scholars explain this gender difference in marriage restrictions, where men can marry some non-Muslim women while Muslim women may never marry non-Muslim men, is that Islam considers marriage an unequal relationship, where a wife is subservient to her husband, and Islam forbids Muslim women who are superior because of their religion to place themselves in a subservient position as a wife of men with inferior religions. Sharia stipulates severe punishment for non-Muslim and dhimmi men who marry and consummate their relationship with Muslim women. Hadd punishments are also stipulated for women who marry non-Muslims on their own accord.
If after marriage, the husband leaves Islam or converts to another religion such as Christianity, Judaism, Hinduism or Buddhism, the marriage of the Muslim woman to him is automatically dissolved.
Behaviour and rights within marriage
Islamic law and practice recognize gender disparity, in part, by assigning separate rights and obligations to a woman in married life. A woman's space is in the private sphere of the home, and a man's is in the public sphere. Women must primarily fulfill marital and maternal responsibilities, whereas men are financial and administrative stewards of their families. According to Sayyid Qutb, the Qur'an "gives the man the right of guardianship or superiority over the family structure in order to prevent dissension and friction between the spouses. The equity of this system lies in the fact that God both favoured the man with the necessary qualities and skills for the 'guardianship' and also charged him with the duty to provide for the structure's upkeep."
Despite a primary position given to the men and women, Islam never binds the women by her position but binds the man by his. The women in Islam have the right to decline as well as accept work. Women can also support families on their own and will not be in any form of violation by the doctrine of Islam.
The Quran considers the love between men and women to be a Sign of God.[Quran 30:21] This said, the Quran also permits men to first admonish, then lightly tap or push and even beat her, if he suspects nushuz (disobedience, disloyalty, rebellion, ill conduct) in his wife.[Quran 4:34]
In Islam, there is no coverture, an idea central in European, American as well as in non-Islamic Asian common law, and the legal basis for the principle of marital property. An Islamic marriage is a contract between a man and a woman. A Muslim man and woman do not merge their legal identity upon marriage, and do not have rights over any shared marital property. The assets of the man before the marriage, and earned by him after the marriage, remain his during marriage and in case of a divorce. A divorce under Islamic law does not require redistribution of property. Rather, each spouse walks away from the marriage with his or her individual property. Divorcing Muslim women who did not work outside their home after marriage do not have a claim on the collective wealth of the couple under Islamic law, except for deferred mahr – an amount of money or property the man agrees to pay her before the woman signs the marriage contract.
And for you is half of what your wives left, if they do not have child; and if they have child yours is one-fourth of what they left; after the will they have bequeteth or debt. And for them is one fourth of what you leave, if you do not have child; but if you have child theirs is one-eighth; after the will you have bequeteth or debt. And if the man or woman, inherited from, is Kalalah(childless) and; he has brother or sister, for each of them is one-sixth; And if they are more than it they will share one-third; after the will he bequetteth or untroubling debt. It is ordianance from God; and God is All-knowing and Allbearing.
In case of husband's death, a portion of his property is inherited by his wife/wives according to a combination of sharia laws. If the man did not leave any children, his permanent wives will share a quarter of the movable property and the remaining three quarters is shared by the blood relatives of the husband (for example, parents, siblings). If he had children from any of his wives, his wife/wives share an eighth of the property and the rest is for his surviving children and blood relatives. The wives share as inheritance a part of movable property of her late husband, but they do not share anything from immovable property such as land, real estate, farm or such value. A woman's deferred mahr and the dead husband's outstanding debts are paid before any inheritance is applied. Sharia mandates that inheritance include male relatives of the dead person, that a daughter receive half the inheritance as a son, and a widow receives less than her daughters.
In Islam, a Muslim woman can only have sex after her "nikah" - a proper marriage contract – with one Muslim man; sex is permitted to her only with her husband. The woman's husband, may however, marry and have sex with more than one Muslim woman, as well as have sex with non-Muslim slave girls who are unmarried or married to non-Muslim men. However, this again is a very uncommon practice among Muslim men around the world especially after the abolishment of slavery in Islam. According to Quran and Sahih Muslim, two primary sources of Sharia, Islam permits only vaginal sex.
(…) "If he likes he may (have intercourse) being on the back or in front of her, but it should be through one opening (vagina)."
There is disagreement among Islamic scholars on proper interpretation of Islamic law on permissible sex between a husband and wife, with claims that non-vaginal sex within a marriage is disapproved but not forbidden. Anal intercourse and sex during menstruation are prohibited, as is violence and force against a partner's will. However, these are the only restrictions; as the Qu'ran says at 2:224 (Sūratu l-Baqarah): 'Your women are your fields; go to your women as you wish'.
After sex, as well as menstruation, Islam requires men and women to do ghusl (major ritual washing with water, ablutions), and in some Islamic communities xoslay (prayers seeking forgiveness and purification), as sex and menstruation are considered some of the causes that makes men and women religiously impure (najis). Some Islamic jurists suggest touching and foreplay, without any penetration, may qualify wudu (minor ritual washing) as sufficient form of religiously required ablution. A Muslim men and woman must also abstain from sex during a ritual fast, and during all times while on a pilgrimage to Mecca, as sexual act, touching of sexual parts and emission of sexual bodily fluids are considered ritually dirty.
Sexual intercourse is not allowed to a Muslim woman during menstruation, postpartum period, during fasting and certain religious activities, disability and in iddah after divorce or widowhood. Homosexual relations and same sex marriages are forbidden to women in Islam. In vitro fertilization (IVF) is acceptable in Islam; but ovum donation along with sperm donation, embryo donation and child adoption are prohibited by Islam. Some debated fatwas from Shia sect of Islam, however, allow third party participation.
Islam requires both husband and wife/wives to meet their conjugal duties. Religious qadis (judges) have admonished the man or women who fail to meet these duties.
Female genital mutilation
There is no mention of female or male circumcision in the Quran. Although its origins are pre-Islamic, female circumcision—also known as female genital mutilation (FGM)—became associated with Islam because of the high value placed on female chastity, and is found only within or near Islamic communities. Muḥammad did not subject any of his daughters to this practice. However, female circumcision is praised in several hadith (sayings attributed to Muhammad) as noble, but not required, along with advice that the milder forms are kinder to women.
According to UNICEF (2014), twenty-six of the twenty-nine countries in which female genital mutilation is classified as 'concentrated' are in sub-Saharan Africa: there is no recorded prevalence in any non-African OIC member state outside Yemen (19% prevalence) and Iraq (8%). A 2013 UNICEF report finds that there is a widespread belief in several countries, particularly Mali, Eritrea, Mauritania, Guinea and Egypt, that female genital mutilation is a religious requirement. A concerted effort is underway to end the practice of female genital mutilation. In Mauritania, where "health campaigners estimate that more than 70 percent of Mauritanian girls undergo the partial or total removal of their external genitalia for non-medical reasons", 34 Islamic scholars signed a fatwa banning the practice in January 2010. Their aim was to prevent people from citing religion as a justification for genital mutilation. After years of contradictory rulings on female genital mutilation by Egypt's Al-Azhar University, sometimes favoring and sometimes disfavoring FGM, it declared, in 2007, that FGM is a sin that should be avoided.
From very early times various methods of birth control have been practiced in Islam, and Muslim jurists of the two major sects of Islam, Sunni and Shia, generally agree that birth control and family planning is not forbidden by Sharia; the use of contraceptive devices is permitted if the marital partners agree. Some fatwas such as from Egypt and Turkey claim birth control is permitted, while others such as from Saudi Arabia discourage or forbid birth control. Large families and many children are considered assets for an Islamic woman. Islamic scholars who oppose birth control cite al-An’am (Sura 6:151), al-Isra' (Sura 17:31), al Takwir (Sura 81:8,9), and al-Mumtahana (Sura 60:12) to argue that even al-Azl (coitus interruptus) is infanticide. Islamic scholars who support birth control quote hadiths where al-Azl was practiced by companions of Muhammad on women who they had seized as captives of war, and with their female slaves. Muslim children are highly valued by Islam, and are considered gifts from God (al-Nahl, Sura 16:72). In practice, several Islamic nations such as Saudi Arabia forbid birth control for Muslim women, with contraception inaccessible; in some nations such as Qatar, the husband decides if his wife can use birth control.
Islam condemns female infanticide.
When the female (infant), buried alive, is questioned – For what crime she was killed;
In some Islamic populations, sex selective female infanticide is of concern because of abnormally high boy to girl ratio at birth. In Islamic Azerbaijan, for example, the birth sex ratio was in the 105 to 108 range, before the collapse of Soviet Union in the early 1990s. After the collapse, the birth sex ratios in Azerbaijan has sharply climbed to over 115 and remained high for the last 20 years. The persistently observed 115 boys for every 100 girls born suggests sex-selective abortion of females in Azerbaijan in last 20 years. Other Muslim majority countries with high birth sex ratio, implying female sex selective abortion include Albania (112) and Pakistan (111).
In Islam, a woman has certain grounds for divorcing her husband. These are many and include neglect, not being supported financially, the husband's impotence, apostasy, madness, dangerous illness or some other defect in the marriage. Divorce by mutual consent has only to be agreed upon by both parties to become effective. If a Muslim woman wishes to divorce her husband she has two options under Sharia law: seek a tafriq, or seek a khul. A tafriq is a divorce for certain allowable reasons. This divorce is granted by a qadi, a religious judge, in cases where the qadi accepts her claims of abuse or abandonment. If a tafriq is denied by the qadi, she cannot divorce. If a tafriq is granted, the marriage is dissolved and the husband is obligated to pay her the deferred mahr in their marriage contract. The second method, by far more common in wife-initiated divorces, khul is a divorce without cause, by mutual consent. This divorce requires a husband's consent and it must be supported by consideration that passes from the wife to the husband. Often, this consideration almost always consists of the wife relinquishing her claim to the deferred mahr. In actual practice and outside of Islamic judicial theory, a woman’s right to divorce is often extremely limited compared with that of men in the Middle East.
In contrast to the comparatively limited methods of divorce available to a woman, Islam allows a Muslim husband to unilaterally divorce his wife, as talaq, with no requirement to show cause; however, in practice there is variance by country as to whether there are any additional legal processes when a husband divorces his wife by this method. For example, the Tunisian Law of Personal Status (1957) makes repudiation by a husband invalid until it has been ratified by a court, and provides for further financial compensation to the wife. Similar laws have been enacted elsewhere, both within an interpretive framework of traditional sharī'ah law, and through the operation of civil codes not based upon the sharī'ah. However, upon talaq, the husband must pay the wife her deferred mahr. Some Muslim-majority countries mandate additional financial contributions to be made to the wife on top of the mahr: for example, the Syrian Law of Personal Status (1953) makes the payment of maintenance to the wife by the husband obligatory for one year after the divorce, which is thus a legal recourse of the wife against the husband. The husband is free to marry again immediately after a divorce, but the woman must observe iddah, that is wait for 3 lunar months before she can remarry after divorce, to establish paternity, in case she discovers she is pregnant. In case of death of her husband, the iddah period is 4 lunar months and 10 days before she can start conjugal relations with another Muslim man.
Obligations during divorce
A key verse relating to obligation of women during divorce is 2:228:
And the divorced women should keep themselves in waiting until three periods. And it is not lawful for them to conceal what God has created in their wombs, if they believe in God and last day. And their husbands have most right of taking them back during this, if they want reconciliation. And for them are like against them in recognized manner. And men are a degree above them. And God is mighty and wise.
This verse not only explains the divorce rights of women in Islam, it sets out iddah to prevent illegal custody of divorcing husband's child by a woman, specifies that each gender has divorce rights, and that Muslim men are a degree above Muslim women.
Movement and travel
Although no limitation or prohibition against women's travelling alone is mentioned in the Quran, there is a debate in some Islamic sects, especially Salafis, regarding whether women may travel without a mahram (unmarriageable relative). Some scholars state that a woman may not travel by herself on a journey that takes longer than three days (equivalent to 48 miles in medieval Islam). According to the European Council for Fatwa and Research, this prohibition arose from fears for women's safety when travel was more dangerous. Some scholars relax this prohibition for journeys likely to be safe, such as travel with a trustworthy group of men or men and women, or travel via a modern train or plane when the woman will be met upon arrival.
Saudi Driving Ban
Saudi Arabia is currently the only Muslim country that bans women from driving as per a 1990 fatwa (religious ruling). Sheikh Ayed Al-Qarni, a Saudi Islamic scholar, has said that neither the Quran nor the sunnah prohibits women from driving and that it is better for a woman to drive herself than to be driven by a stranger without a legal escort. He also stated, however, that he "personally will not allow [his] wife or daughters or sisters to drive." John Esposito, professor of International Affairs and Islamic Studies at Georgetown University, has argued that these restrictions originate from cultural customs and not Islam.
- Cleanliness and travel restrictions
A Muslim woman may not move in a mosque, or perform salat, while she is menstruating or during postpartum period, because bodily fluids are considered ritually impure in Islam. Some Muslim scholars suggest that the woman should stay in her house, or near her house, during this state. Some Islamic jurists claim that this is an incorrect interpretation of sharia, and suggest the Islamic intent was about hygiene, not about religious ritual cleanliness.
Islam admonishes Muslim women to dress modestly in garments that does not reveal the extremities to any man other than their husband, father, certain male family members, small children and male slaves free of sexual needs. However, the Quran does not specify particulars, style or design of the clothing and other dress forms; clothing have varied widely across Islamic regions, styles have changed over the centuries, as do interpretation and regional requirements of Muslim dress codes. In some Muslim countries, some sort of head covering or veiling (hijab) is mandated for both Muslim women and men. In a handful of Islamic countries such as Iran and Saudi Arabia all women are required to veil in public. The forms of veiling vary between countries; for example, from hijab, burqa, khimar to other designs.
Historically, Muslim societies have used dress to distinguish social status, occupation, purity, believers from non-believers, male from female, and sometimes regional identity. Under Ottoman law, for example, dress of women from various religious communities within the empire was strictly regulated, with each religion allowed only specific colors, dress, shoes, and garments. In modern era, dress codes for Muslim women vary by region, and ranges from strict enforcement of mandatory dress code considered proper under Islam, to an optional personal choice that is partly based on pre-Islamic customs.
Islamic women’s dress code, and the veil in particular, has become controversial in many non-Muslim countries. It is viewed by many as a sign of oppression of Muslim women, a security threat, or double standards where non-Muslim women visiting Islamic countries are required to accept local dress codes while Muslim women visiting non-Islamic countries are unwilling to accept the same principle. Others, however, view attempts to ban burqa in public as a sign of disrespect, and double standards where a Christian nun may wear her religious dress but Islamic woman may not wear her religious dress. Controversy over discriminatory dress code for Muslim women, and for non-Muslim women or slave girls under Muslim rule, is not new under Islam; from Spanish Caliphate to West Asia to South Asia to North Africa, dress code for women in Islam has been debated for centuries. The Muslim veil has constituted a symbol of Muslim religious fanaticism and misogyny, as well as that of individual choice and free religious expression.
Deepening globalisation has resulted in a number of developments pertaining to clothing customs in Muslim-majority countries. Firstly, retail outlets for Western fashion labels are now commonly found in OIC member states: to give but one example, Calvin Klein has stores from the Citypark shopping mall in Tirana, Albania to the Plaza Indonesia mall in Jakarta. Secondly, fashion labels specialising in modest attire (particularly but not exclusively the hijab or headscarf worn by some Muslim women) have sprung up in a number of OIC states and observer countries: examples include Armine Moda of Istanbul, Bella Karéema by Dilara Sadriyeva (based in Kazan, Russia) and Dubai's Annah Hariri.
Thirdly, in addition to the many already existing fashion schools in Islamic world, branches of international fashion schools have opened across the OIC: most notably, the Paris-based École supérieure des arts et techniques de la mode or ESMOD has branch campuses in Beirut (established in 1999), Damascus (1995), Dubai (2006), Istanbul (2010), Kuala Lumpur (2012), Jakarta (1996), Sousse (1989) and Tunis (1989). Fourthly, numerous fashion weeks have been inaugurated in many Muslim-majority countries: some of the more prestigious ones include Cairo (first run in 2015), Jakarta (2008), Kuala Lumpur (2013), the Pakistan Fashion Design Council Fashion Week (2010), Fashion Week Dubai (2005, Arab Fashion Week as of 2015), and Fashion Week Istanbul (2009).
Fifthly, the fashion media sector within the Muslim world for both Western and Islamic fashion has grown tremendously from the 1990s onwards. Local editions of magazines from Marie Claire to Cosmopolitan are now published in a wide range of OIC member states, including Turkey, the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Malaysia and Indonesia, while fashion magazines specifically targeted at more overtly religious demographics are flourishing: the Turkish title Âlâ is reportedly outselling both Vogue and Elle within its home market, while Aquila Style has a purported total circulation of 30,000 in three ASEAN states.
The New York City-based Islamic Fashion and Design Council ('IFDC') was launched in Dubai in 2014. The CEO of this organisation has noted that there is a significant niche market for Islamic fashion, including Christian women who wish to purchase appropriate clothes in which to attend church.
The 2014-15 Thomson Reuters State of the Global Islamic Economy Report forecasts that expenditure on clothing in OIC member states will reach US$484 billion by 2019.
According to a saying attributed to Muhammad in the hadith Sahih Bukhari, women are allowed to go to mosques. However, as Islam spread, Muslim authorities stressed the fears of unchastity from interaction between sexes outside their home, including the mosque. By pre-modern period it was unusual for women to pray at a mosque. By late 1960s, women in urban areas of the Middle East increasingly began praying in the mosque, but men and women generally worship separately. (Muslims explain this by citing the need to avoid distraction during prayer prostrations that raise the buttocks while the forehead touches the ground.) Separation between sexes ranges from men and women on opposite sides of an aisle, to men in front of women (as was the case in the time of Muhammad), to women in second-floor balconies or separate rooms accessible by a door for women only. Women in the state of ritual impurity, such as menstruation, are forbidden from entering the prayer hall of the mosque.
Female religious scholars were relatively common from early Islamic history throughout the 16th century. Mohammad Akram Nadwi, a Sunni religious scholar, has listed 8,000 female jurists, and orientalist Ignaz Goldziher estimates 15 percent of medieval hadith scholars were women. Women, during early history of Islam, primarily obtained their knowledge through community study groups, ribat retreats and during hajj when the usual restrictions imposed on female education were more lenient. After the 16th century, however, female scholars became fewer. In the modern era, while female activists and writers are relatively common, there has not been a significant female jurist in over 200 years. Opportunities for women's religious education exist, but cultural barriers often keep women from pursuing such a vocation.
Women's right to become imams, however, is disputed by many. A fundamental role of an imam (religious leader) in a mosque is to lead the salat (congregational prayers). Generally, women are not allowed to lead mixed prayers. However, some argue that Muhammad gave permission to Ume Warqa to lead a mixed prayer at the mosque of Dar.
Hui women are self-aware of their relative freedom as Chinese women in contrast to the status of Arab women in countries like Saudi Arabia where Arab women are restricted and forced to wear encompassing clothing. Hui women point out these restrictions as "low status", and feel better to be Chinese than to be Arab, claiming that it is Chinese women's advanced knowledge of the Quran which enables them to have equality between men and women.
Sufi female mystics
Sufi Islam teaches the doctrine of tariqa, meaning following a spiritual path in daily living habits. To support followers of this concept, separate institutions for men (ta'ifa, hizb, rabita) and women (khanqa, rabita, derga) were created. Initiates to these groups pursued a progression of seven stages of spiritual discipline, called makamat (stations) or ahwal (spiritual states).
Current female religious scholars
There are a number of prominent female Islamic scholars. They generally focus on questioning gender-based interpretations of the Quran, the traditions of the Prophet and early Islamic history. Some notable Muslim women scholars are: Azizah al-Hibri, Amina Wadud-Muhsin, Fatima Mernissi, Riffat Hassan, Laila Ahmad, Farhat Hashmi, Aisha Abdul-Rahman, and Merryl Wyn Davies.
Many classical Islamic scholars, such as al-Tabari, supported female leadership. In early Islamic history, women including Aisha, Ume Warqa, and Samra Binte Wahaib took part in political activities. Abdurrahman ibn `Awf consulted with women in their rooms when he was charged of choosing `Uthman or Ali as the third caliphate after the death of Umar. The Caliph Umar appointed Samra Bint Nuhayk Al-Asadiyya as a market inspector in Mecca and Ash-Shifa bint Abdullah as an administrator in Medina. Ash-Shifa would later on become the head of Health and Safety in Basra, Iraq. Other historical Muslim female leaders include Razia Sultana, who ruled the Sultanate of Delhi from 1236 to 1239, and Shajarat ad-Durr, who ruled Egypt from 1250 to 1257.
Female heads of state in Muslim-majority countries during the modern era
In the modern era, Pakistan became the first Muslim-majority state with an elected female head of government (1988). In the past several decades, a number of countries in which Muslims are a majority, including Indonesia (President Megawati Sukarnoputri, 2001), Kosovo (President Atifete Jahjaga, 2011), Pakistan, Bangladesh (prime ministers Begum Khaleda Zia (1991) and Sheikh Hasina (1996, 2009), Turkey (Prime Minister Tansu Çiller, 1993), and Kyrgyzstan (President Roza Otunbayeva, 2010) have been led by women.
Female legislators in Muslim-majority countries in the twenty-first century
According to Sheikh Zoubir Bouchikhi, Imam of the Islamic Society of Greater Houston’s Southeast Mosque, nothing in Islam specifically allows or disallows voting by women. Until recently most Muslim nations were non-democratic, but most today allow their citizens to have some level of voting and control over their government. However, some Muslim countries gave women suffrage in the early 20th century. For example, Azerbaijan extended voting rights to women in 1918, two years before it became part of Soviet Union. Females in Turkey similarly gained the right to vote in municipal and parliamentary elections in 1930 and 1934 respectively.
Several Muslim-majority nations have passed laws to incorporate more women in their parliaments and political processes. For example, Indonesia passed a law in 2013 that required political parties to field at least 30% women candidates in elections or pay penalty; Tunisia's mandated electoral lists composed of 50% women in both the 2011 and 2014 legislative elections; and in 2012, Algeria set a minimum parliamentary female membership requirement of 30%. Following the May 2012 legislative elections, women constitute 31.6% of Algerian MPs. In Senegal, 50% of local and national electoral lists have to be female as of 2012.
In 2012, among all regions of the world, the Gulf Arab region had the lowest overall percentage of women in parliament, and no women in the parliaments of Saudi Arabia and Qatar. However, since 2012 Saudi women have been allowed to vote in some elections. The Shura Council of Saudi Arabia now includes female members after a January 2013 decree by the Saudi King that created reserved parliamentary seats for women. Kuwait granted its women the right to vote in the first half of the 1980s; this right was later rescinded, and then reintroduced in 2005.
In the Islamic conception, every human being has a responsibility towards oneself. Since human life is sacred and initially created by divine rather than human agency, people are responsible for trying to keep their bodies and souls healthy, and not causing themselves spiritual or physical harm. Consequently, sport has obvious attractions in Islam: traditions record that Muḥammad raced with his wife 'Ā'ishah, and that he encouraged parents to teach their children swimming, riding and archery. Persian miniatures show Muslim women jointly playing polo with men in the same field. In the twenty-first century, some Muslim sociologists even argue that it should be obligatory for Muslim females to participate in sport of some kind.
In the second decade of the twenty-first century, women's club volleyball has come to be dominated by teams from two OIC member states: Turkey and Azerbaijan. Between 2010 and 2015, Fenerbahçe, Vakıfbank İstanbul, Eczacıbaşı VitrA and Rabita Baku won four out of six titles at the FIVB Volleyball Club World Championship, the most prestigious global club volleyball competition. During the same period, in the CEV Women's Champions League – which is the premier competition in women's European club volleyball – Turkish club sides have enjoyed massive success, winning every edition bar one from 2010 to 2015; the only edition they failed to win was claimed by Dinamo Kazan, a team from the Republic of Tatarstan in Russia, an OIC observer state. In the 2012-13 season, VakıfBank İstanbul were victorious in all 52 official games (Perfect season#Volleyball), and they extended this sequence into the 2014 calendar year.
The Turkish women's national volleyball team has also enjoyed significant success in the twenty-first century. It won gold at the Mediterranean Games in 2005; finished first in the 2014 European League; and beat Poland 3-0 in the final of the inaugural European games (2015). Other notable women's national volleyball teams from the OIC include Azerbaijan, Algeria (who were African champions in 2009 and gold medallists at the 2011 All-Africa Games), and three-times African champions Tunisia.
The Kazakh volleyball player Sabina Altynbekova became an Internet sensation in 2014 when appearing for her national team at the Asian Under-19 Championships in Taipei. Deemed 'too beautiful to play' as her striking looks proved a distraction from the actual event, she gained hundreds of thousands of social media followers virtually overnight and had the #LoveSabinaltynbekova hashtag dedicated to her.
Comparison with other religions
The Marxist writer Valentine Moghadam argues that the position of Muslim women is mostly influenced by the extent of urbanization, industrialization, proletarization and political ploys of the state managers rather than culture or intrinsic properties of Islam; Islam, per Moghadam, is neither more nor less patriarchal than other world religions, such as Hinduism, Christianity and Judaism. William Montgomery Watt claims that Muhammad, in the historical context of his time, can be seen as a figure who improved women's rights among those who were free and Muslim.
In contrast, for slave women who accepted Islam and women who refused to accept Islam, women’s rights were severely limiting. Slaves are mentioned in at least twenty-nine verses of the Quran. including references to slave women, slave concubinage, and when to free slaves. Quran and hadiths recommended the institution of slavery, using the words 'abd' (slave) and the phrase ma malakat aymanukum ("that which your right hands own") to refer to women slaves, seized as captives of war. The Qur'an recognizes the basic inequality between master and women slave, between free women and slave women, as well as their unequal rights. According to Muslim theologians, it has been lawful for male masters to have sexual relations with female captives and slaves without her consent; the purchase of female slaves for sex was lawful from the perspective of Islamic law, and this was a motive for the purchase of slaves throughout Islamic history. Slave women did not have a right to free movement or consent, nor did they have a right to bride price or property such as a ‘‘mahr’’. Sikainga claims women slavery was widespread and "female slaves in many Muslim societies were prey for members of their owners' household, their neighbors, and their guests."
Eve's Role in the Fall
In contrast with the biblical account of the Fall, in Islamic tradition Eve (Ḥawwā) did not tempt Adam (Ādam) to eat the forbidden fruit; instead, they were tempted together by the Devil. This means that Eve was not the cause of Adam's expulsion from paradise: he was also responsible, and therefore both men and women are faced equally with its consequences. This has a number of important implications for the Islamic understanding of womanhood and women's roles in both religious and social life. For one, in Islam, women are not seen as a source of evil (or as St. Paul said, 'a vessel of wrath') as a result of the Fall.
Moreover, the Biblical statement that Eve was created from Adam's rib (the famous 'third rib') finds no echo in the Qur'anic account: both male and female were created 'from one soul' (Sūrah 4:1). Similarly, the concept that (as per Genesis 3:16) the pains of childbirth are a punishment for Eve's sin is alien to the Qu'ran.
The Virgin Mary
The Virgin Mary (Maryām) is considered by the Qu'ran to hold the most exalted spiritual position amongst women. A chapter of the Qu'ran (Sūrat Maryam, the nineteenth sura) is named after her, and she is the only woman mentioned by name Islam's sacred scripture; Maryām is mentioned more times in the Qu'ran than in the New Testament. Furthermore, the miraculous birth of Christ from a virgin mother is recognised in the Qu'ran.
Notable women in Islam
Women have played an integral part in the development and spiritual life of Islam since the inception of Islamic civilisation in the seventh century AD. Khadijah, a businesswoman who became the Prophet Muhammad's employer and first wife, was also the first Muslim. There have been a large number of female saints throughout the Islamic world spanning the highest social classes (a famous example being Princess Jahānārā, the daughter of the Moghul emperor Shāh Jahān) and the lowest (such as Lallā Mīmūna in Morocco); some of them, such as Rābi'a of Basra (who is cited reverentially in Muḥammad al-Ghazālī's classic The Revival of Religious Sciences) and Fāṭima of Cordoba (who deeply influenced the young Ibn 'Arabī) have been pivotal to the conceptualisation of Islamic mysticism.
Today, some notable personalities of the Islamic world include the Turkish Sufi teacher Cemalnur Sargut – a disciple of the novelist and mystic Samiha Ayverdi (1905-1993), Camille Adams Helminski, the first woman to translate a substantial portion of the Qu'ran into English, and Shaykha Fariha al Jerrahi, the guide of the Nur Ashki Jerrahi Sufi Order.
The Hala Sultan Tekke complex in Larnaca, Cyprus – a shrine to the Prophet Muḥammad's wet nurse, who according to Sunni tradition is buried there – is deemed to be the third or fourth most significant Islamic holy site in the world.
Notable recent female converts to Islam include the German former MTV VJ and author Kristiane Backer, American singer and cultural icon Janet Jackson, Malaysian model Felixia Yeap, the Belgian model and former Miss Belgium candidate Lindsey van Gele, and Lithuanian model-turned-actress Karolina 'Kerry' Demirci; the Serbian model and fashion designer Ivana Sert stated her intention to become a Muslim in 2014 after she read the Qur'an in English. Notable recent women born in a Muslim family who became atheist or converted to another religion include Dutch feminist Ayaan Hirsi Ali, Bangladeshi writer Taslima Nasrin, Indian actress Nakhat Khan and Iranian-American women's right activist Parvin Darabi.
Women make up a disproportionately large and/or rising share of converts to Islam in numerous Western countries. According to researchers based at Swansea University, of the approximately 100,000 people who entered the Muslim faith in the United Kingdom between 2001 and 2011, 75% were women. In the United States, more Hispanic women convert to Islam than Hispanic men; the share of overall female converts to Islam in the USA rose from 32% in 2000 to 41% in 2011. Young females constitute an estimated 80% of converts to Islam in Lithuania. According to Susanne Leuenberger of the Institute of Advanced Study in the Humanities and the Social Sciences at the University of Bern, females make up around 60-70% of conversions to Islam in Europe.
Modern debate on the status of women in Islam
Within the Muslim community, conservatives and Islamic feminists have used Islamic doctrine as the basis for discussion of women's rights, drawing on the Quran, the hadith, and the lives of prominent women in the early period of Muslim history as evidence. Where conservatives have seen evidence that existing gender asymmetries are divinely ordained, feminists have seen more egalitarian ideals in early Islam. Still others have argued that this discourse is essentialist and ahistorical, and have urged that Islamic doctrine not be the only framework within which discussion occurs.
Conservatives and the Islamic movement
Conservatives reject the assertion that different laws prescribed for men and women imply that men are more valuable than women. Ali ibn Musa Al-reza reasoned that at the time of marriage a man has to pay something to his prospective bride, and that men are responsible for both their wives' and their own expenses but women have no such responsibility.
The nebulous revivalist movement termed Islamism is one of the most dynamic movements within Islam in the 20th and 21st centuries. The experience of women in Islamist states has been varied. Women in Taliban-controlled Afghanistan faced treatment condemned by the international community. Women were forced to wear the burqa in public, not allowed to work, not allowed to be educated after the age of eight, and faced public flogging and execution for violations of the Taliban's laws. The position of women in Iran, which has been a theocracy since its 1979 revolution, is more complex. Iranian Islamists are ideologically in favour of allowing female legislators in Iran's parliament and 60% of university students are women.
Liberal Islam, Islamic feminism, and other progressive criticism
Liberal Muslims have urged that ijtihad, a form of critical thinking, be used to develop a more progressive form of Islam with respect to the status of women. In addition, Islamic feminists have advocated for women's rights, gender equality, and social justice grounded in an Islamic framework. Although rooted in Islam, pioneers of Islamic feminism have also used secular and western feminist discourses and have sought to include Islamic feminism in the larger global feminist movement. Islamic feminists seek to highlight the teachings of equality in Islam to question patriarchal interpretations of Islamic teachings. Others point out the incredible amount of flexibility of shariah law, which can offer greater protections for women if the political will to do so is present.
After the September 11, 2001, attacks, international attention was focused on the condition of women in the Muslim world. Critics asserted that women are not treated as equal members of Muslim societies and criticized Muslim societies for condoning this treatment. Some critics have gone so far as to make allegations of gender apartheid due to women's status. Phyllis Chesler has alleged that Western academics, especially feminists, have ignored the plight of Muslim women in order to be considered "politically correct". However, one survey has found that most Muslim women do not see themselves as oppressed.
The Indonesian Islamic professor Nasaruddin Umar is at the forefront of a reform movement from within Islam that aims at giving women equal status. Among his works is a book The Qur'an for Women, which provides a new feminist interpretation.
Some Muslim women exposed to the growth in civil rights accessible to secular or non-Muslim women have protested to strengthen their own rights within Islamic communities. One example is Malaysia, where 60% of the population is Muslim, and where there are separate parallel legal systems for secular law and sharia law. In 2006, Marina Mahathir, the daughter of Malaysia's former Prime Minister, Mahathir Mohamad, published an editorial in the Malaysia Star newspaper to denounce what she termed "a growing form of apartheid" for Malaysia's Muslim women:
Non-Muslim Malaysian women have benefited from more progressive laws over the years while the opposite has happened for Muslim women.
She pointed out that polygamy was illegal in Malaysia for non-Muslims but not for Muslims, and that child custody arrangements for Muslims were biased towards fathers as opposed to the shared-custody arrangements of non-Muslim parents. Women's groups in Malaysia began campaigning in the 1990s to have female sharia judges appointed to the sharia legal system in the country, and in 2010 two female judges were appointed.
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- Sunan Abu Dawud Sunan Abu Dawood, 38:4366
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- Afghanistan: Surge in Women Jailed for 'Moral Crimes' Human Rights Watch (May 21, 2013)
- In Pakistan, Rape Victims Are the 'Criminals', Seth Mydans, New York Times (May 17, 2002)
- Fatima-Zahra Lamrani, Rape as Loss of Honor in the Discourse of Moroccan Rape Trials, Language and Law, June 2004
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- Freedom House. "Women's Rights in the Middle East and North Africa 2010".
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- Engineer, A. (2008). The rights of women in Islam. Sterling Publishers Pvt. Ltd.; ISBN 978-8120739338; page 73-74
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- Percentage of women aged 15–49 who think that a husband/partner is justified in hitting or beating his wife/partner under certain circumstances UNICEF (2013)
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- Following verses of Quran and Hadiths are most cited by secondary and tertiary sources on permissibility of domestic violence under Islamic law:
- Steps recommended to Muslim husband for chastising his Muslim wife[Quran 4:34]
- Aisha discusses wife beating with Allah’s messenger: Sahih al-Bukhari, 7:72:715
- The Prophet hit A’isha on chest which caused her pain: Sahih Muslim, 4:2127
- Prophet’s statement that a man should not be questioned for beating his wife: Sunan Abu Dawood, 11:2142
- Bakhtiar, Laleh. Verse in Koran on beating wife gets a new translation. New York Times (March 25, 2007)
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- Maghraoui, Abdeslam. "Political authority in crisis: Mohammed VI's Morocco."Middle East Report 218 (2001): 12-17.
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- UAE: Spousal Abuse never a Right, Human Rights Watch (2010)
- Lebanon - IRIN, United Nations Office of Humanitarian Affairs (2009)
- Lebanon: Enact Family Violence Bill to Protect Women, Human Rights Watch (2011)
- Afghanistan - Ending Child Marriage and Domestic Violence Human Rights Watch (September 2013), pages 11-13
- Moha Ennaji and Fatima Sadiq, Gender and Violence in the Middle East, Routledge (2011), ISBN 978-0-415-59411-0; see pages 162-247
- Domestic violence against women in Turkey Jansen, Uner, Kardam, et al.; Turkish Republic Prime Minister Directorate General Office (2009); see Chapter 6
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- "Mahr." Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition. Edited by: P. Bearman, Th. Bianquis, C.E. Bosworth, E. van Donzel, W.P. Heinrichs. Brill Online
- Gruenbaum, Ellen. The Female Circumcision Controversy, University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001.
- William G. Clarence-Smith (2012), Female Circumcision in Southeast Asia since the Coming of Islam, in Chitra Raghavan and James P. Levine (eds.), Self-Determination and Women’s Rights in Muslim Societies, Brandeis University Press; ISBN 978-1611682809; see pages 124-146
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- Consanguineous marriages Brecia Young (2006)
- Hamamy, H., & Alwan, A. (1994). Hereditary disorders in the Eastern Mediterranean Region. Bulletin of the World Health Organization, 72(1), 145-151
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- Shaw, A. (2001), Kinship, cultural preference and immigration: consanguineous marriage among British Pakistanis, Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 7(2), 315-334
- Leila Ahmed (1993), Women and Gender in Islam: Historical Roots of a Modern Debate, ISBN 978-0300055832;[page needed] See also: [Quran 4:23]
- J. N. D. Anderson, Invalid and Void Marriages in Hanafi Law, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol. 13, No. 2 (1950), pp. 357-366
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- Ali, Kecia (2010), Marriage and slavery in early Islam, Harvard University Press, ISBN 978-0-674-05059-4, pages 35-77
- A.A. Ali, Child Marriage in Islamic Law, The Institute of Islamic Studies, McGill University (Canada), August 2000; see pages 16-18
- Saudi judge refuses to annul 8-year-old's marriage, CNN World, April 12, 2009
- "How Come You Allow Little Girls to Get Married?" - Child Marriage in Yemen Human Rights Watch, (2011); pages 15-23
- YEMEN: Deep divisions over child brides IRIN, United Nations News Service, (March 28, 2010)
- "Top Saudi cleric: OK for young girls to wed". CNN. 17 January 2009.
- Haviland, Charles (5 September 2002). "Battle over India's marriage age". BBC News.
- Muslim groups oppose ban on child marriage The Hindu (September 22, 2013)
- Muslim Family Law: The Latest Assault on Society Khaled Ahmed, Muslim Women League (2011)
- Indonesian cleric arrested over child bride Al Arabiya News, Indonesia (March 18, 2009)
- Shariah’s Limits New York Times (October 18, 2012)
- More on child brides: After a political fight, Nigeria will continue allowing them, Max Fisher, The Washington Post (July 24, 2013)
- Bunting, A. (2005), Stages of development: marriage of girls and teens as an international human rights issue, Social & Legal Studies, 14(1), pages 17-38
- Ouattara, M., Sen, P., & Thomson, M. (1998). Forced marriage, forced sex: the perils of childhood for girls. Gender & Development, 6(3), pp 27-33
- Warner, Elizabeth (2004), Behind the wedding veil: Child marriage as a form of trafficking in girls. American Univ Journal Gender Soc. Pol'y & Law, 12, pp 233-270
- Yohanan Friedmann, Tolerance and Coercion in Islam: Interfaith Relations in the Muslim Tradition, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-82703-4, pages 161–175
- [Quran 60:10]
- [Quran 2:221]
- Saeed, A., & Saeed, H. (Eds.). (2004). Freedom of religion, apostasy and Islam. Ashgate Publishing; ISBN 0-7546-3083-8
- See Sahih al-Bukhari, Sahih al-Bukhari, 4:52:260 * Sahih al-Bukhari, 9:83:17 * Sahih al-Bukhari, 9:89:271
- [Quran 3:90] * [Quran 9:66] * [Quran 16:88]
- Fluehr-Lobban, C., & Bardsley-Sirois, L. (1990). "Obedience (Ta'a) in Muslim Marriage: Religious Interpretation and Applied Law in Egypt." Journal of Comparative Family Studies, 21(1), pp 39–53
- Leeman, A. B. (2009), "Interfaith Marriage in Islam: An Examination of the Legal Theory Behind the Traditional and Reformist Positions." Indiana Law Journal, 84, pp 743–746
- Yohanan Friedmann, Tolerance and Coercion in Islam: Interfaith Relations in the Muslim Tradition, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-82703-4, pp. 144–165
- Hessini, L., 1994, "Wearing the Hijab in Contemporary Morocco: Choice and Identity," in Göçek, F. M. & Balaghi, S., Reconstructing Gender in the Middle East: Tradition, Identity & Power, New York, Columbia University Press
- Suad Joseph and Afsāna Naǧmābādī, Encyclopedia of Women & Islamic Cultures: Family, Body, Sexuality, Volume 3, pp 224–227 and 250–281
- Ahmed, L., 1992, Women and Gender in Islam: Historical Roots of a Modern Debate, New Haven, Yale University Press.
- Qur'an, [Quran 4:34]
- Amherst Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad and John L. Esposito (1998), Islam, Gender, and Social Change, Oxford University Press, pp 20–38
- Hajjar, Lisa, "Religion, state power, and domestic violence in Muslim societies: A framework for comparative analysis." Law & Social Inquiry 29.1 (2004); pp 1–38
- Ahmad v. Ahmad, No. L-00-1391, 2001 WL 1518116 (Ohio Ct. App. Nov. 30, 2001)
- Sameena Nazir and Leigh Tomppert, Ed., Women’s Rights in the Middle East and North Africa, Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, 2005)
- Dahlgren, Susanne (2010). Contesting realities the public sphere and morality in southern Yemen. Syracuse, N.Y: Syracuse University Press. pp. 158–159 and footnote. ISBN 978-0-8156-3246-7.
- Emadi, Hafizullah (2002). Repression, resistance, and women in Afghanistan. Westport, Conn: Praeger. p. 37. ISBN 978-0-275-97671-2.
- Roald, Anne (2001). Women in Islam : the Western experience. London New York: Routledge. p. 142. ISBN 978-0-415-24895-2.
- see also: [Quran 23:5] and [Quran 23:6], [Quran 70:29] and [Quran 70:30]
- see also, slaves were traditionally referred to by the phrase – the righthand owns: [Quran 23:5] with [Quran 23:6]; [Quran 70:29] with [Quran 70:30]; Sahih al-Bukhari, 5:59:459; Sahih Muslim, 8:3432 with introduction to Chapter 29 of Kitab Al-Nikah, on the same page, by University of Southern California scholars
- Editor: Susan Crocklin (1996). "Religious views regarding gamete donation", in Family Building Through Egg and Sperm Donation. Boston: Jones and Bartlett, ISBN 978-0-86720-483-4, pp 242–250
- Schenker, Joseph (2000). "Women's reproductive health: Monotheistic religious perspectives." International Journal of Gynecology & Obstetrics, 70(1), 77-86
- G I Serour (1995), "Traditional sexual practices in Islamic world", Global Bioethics, Issue 1, pp. 35–47
- Glassé, Cyril (1989). The Concise Encyclopaedia of Islam. London: Stacey International. pp. 357–358.
- Janet L. Bauer, "Sexuality and the Moral 'Construction' of Women in an Islamic Society", Anthropological Quarterly, Vol. 58, No. 3. (Jul., 1985), pp. 120–129
- Muḥammad ibn al-Ḥasan Ṭūsī, Concise Description of Islamic Law and Legal Opinions, ICAS Press London, ISBN 978-1-904063-29-2, pp 17–24
- Brannon Wheeler, "Touching The Penis in Islamic Law", History of Religions, Vol. 44, No. 2 (November 2004), pp. 89–119
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- Husain, Fatima A. (2000). "Reproductive issues from the Islamic perspective." Human fertility, 3(2), pp 124–128; doi:10.1080/1464727002000198831
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- Glassé, Cyril (1989). The Concise Encyclopaedia of Islam. London, England: Stacey International. pp. 357–358.
- Nilüfer Göle, Snapshots of Islamic Modernities, Daedalus, Vol. 129, No. 1 (Winter, 2000), pp. 91-117
- "Ending Footbinding and Infibulation: A Convention Account", Gerry Mackie, American Sociological Review, Vol. 61, No. 6 (Dec., 1996), pp. 999–1017, Quote: "FGM is found only in or adjacent to Islamic groups".
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