|Native to||Northeast Vanuatu|
The Nafsan language, also known as South Efate, is a Southern Oceanic language spoken on the island of Efate in central Vanuatu. As of 2005[update], there are approximately 6,000 speakers who live in coastal villages from Pango to Eton. The language's grammar has been studied by Nick Thieberger, who is working on a book of stories and a dictionary of the language.
Nafsan is closely related to Nguna and to Lelepa. Based on shared features with southern Vanuatu languages (including echo–subject marking, and the free and preposed 1st-singular-possessive morphemes), Lynch (2001) suggests it could form part of a southern Vanuatu subgroup that includes New Caledonia.
- 1 Phonology
- 2 Numerals
- 3 Morphology
- 4 Pronoun and person marker
- 4.1 Free pronoun
- 4.2 Bound Pronoun
- 5 Access to resources
- 6 Notes
- 7 References
- 8 External links
Nafsan has a total of 20 phonemes consisting of 15 consonant and 5 vowel sounds.[GSE 1]
|Nasal||ŋ͡m (m̃)||m||n||ŋ (g)|
|Pre-nasalized trill||ndr (nr)|
As seen in the above chart, Nafsan's vowel phoneme inventory is that of a five-vowel system; this is one of the most commonly seen vowel inventories in any given language in the world and also especially evident in many Oceanic languages. There is a distinction between short and long vowels but it is currently in a process of change that makes its status unclear.[GSE 3]
The system of numerals in Nafsan is base-5 (quinary). Numbers two through five are distinct numerals that are then seen repeated in slight variation for the numbers seven to ten. The pattern of the numerals can be seen in the table below.[GSE 4]
|i-nru; nran; nru||two|
Ralim iskei can be used as an example to see the method for displaying numbers ten and above in South Efate; the numeral for ten ralim is followed by its multiplier, which in this case is iskei for one. The term for and atmat is added after the multiplier with an additional numeral to form a number such as thirty seven: [GSE 4]
ralim + itol + atmat + ilaru ten + three + and + seven thirty-seven
There are two ways of marking adnominal possession in Nafsan: through the use of a possessive pronoun (indirect possession), or directly on the noun (direct possession). Indirect possession is used for general possession, while direct possession is used for nouns that are closely associated items (e.g., body parts or products, kinship terms, etc.). [GSE 5]
When possession is marked by a possessive pronoun, the pronouns follow the possessed NP:
Nasum̃tap p̃ur nigmam nen i=tarp̃ek. church big 1p.exPOS REL 3sg.RS=fall down It was our church that fell down.[GSE 6]
ni possession: the preposition ni only occurs when the possessum is a noun. The NP follows the form of ‘possessed ni possessor’.
I=pi nawesien ni Atua. 3sgRS=be work of God It is God’s work.[GSE 6]
knen possession: This form is used as an inanimate referent, and often indicates a previously mentioned participant in the discourse. It is positioned following the referent noun.
Natrauswen karu i=pitlak nalag knen. story next 3sgRS=have song of.it The next story, it has its song.[GSE 7]
Direct possession is used for inalienably possessed nouns. This is similar to other languages of Vanuatu that denote inalienable nouns as those that refer to relationships of part-whole association such as kinship terms, body parts or products, and associated parts (such as leaf/stem). These nouns take directly suffixed possession markers, however they can also occur without possessive marking when the possessor is encoded by a noun. The directly possessed (DP) suffix only attaches to the class of directly possessed nouns. For sg and 3p forms, an unpredictable vowel (V) may be inserted to aid DP suffixation.[GSE 7]
Go ra=paos-ki-n ki, “Gag tm-a-m go rait-o-m wa?" and 3d.RS=ask-TR-3sgO PREP 2sgPOS father-V-2sgDP and mother-V-3sgDP where And they asked, “Where are your father and mother?”[GSE 8]
If the directly possessed noun has no possessive suffix, the referent is presumed unknown or disembodied. Lack of possession also occurs when possession is encoded by the possessed noun preceding the possessor. As in the following example, the directly possessed noun rait (mother) is preceded by the noun tesa (child).
Go rait tesa ke=fo tae toleg preg tete namrun ses. and mother child 3sgIRR=PSP:IR able stand.up make some thing small And the child’s mother can stand up and do some small things.[GSE 9]
Pronoun and person marker
There are mainly two classes of pronoun in Nafsan. The free pronoun and the bound pronoun. (Thieberger, 2006, p. 103)
The free pronouns incorporate three area, demonstrative pronouns, focal pronouns(function as both subject and object) and the oblique free pronoun(in either possessive or benefactive form).
The focal pronoun (Lynch, 2000), also known as an independent pronoun (Crowley, 1998), functions as both the subject and object in an argument. It allows the pronoun itself to be the NP on their own unlike the bound pronouns which have to be attached to a verb. Focal pronouns express singular and plural but do not distinguish dual number.
1a) subject role
Me kineu a=tap nrogtesa-wes mau.
but 1sg 1sgRS=NEG fell.bad-3sgO NEG2
But I don't/feel bad about it. (Thieberger, 2006, p.104)
1b) object role
Ruk=fo wat kineu.
3p.RS=PSP:IR hit 1sg
They will hit me. (Thieberger, 2006, p.104)
The examples (1a)& (1b) show the 1st person singular pronoun kineu performed as the subject and object correspondingly. And the following is a list of the focal pronouns in Nafsan.
Table.1. Focal pronouns
Oblique free pronoun
2) Possessive pronouns follow the possessed NP
Nasum̃tap p̃ur nigmam nen i=tarp̃ek.
church big 1p.ex POS REL 3sgRS=fall.down
It was our church that fell down. (Thieberger, 2006, p.128)
There are variation forms of the suffix -nig , when it combines with an unstressed syllable, the high vowel will become lower. E.g. (niger → neger)
In the benefactive, the argument shares the same possessive morphology, yet the possessive morpheme is used in the pre-verbal position to express the beneficiary. The following example shows how beneficiary expressed by a pre-verbal position.
3a) Mlapuas kin i=min nalkis nl sokfal.
owl sp. COMP 3sgRS=drink herbs of owl sp.
Mlapuas who drank sokfal 's herbs. (Thieberger, 2006, p.279)
3b) Ki=ni sokfal ut nai.
3sglRR=of owl sp. pour water
He poured water for sokfal. (Thieberger, 2006, p.279)
Bound pronoun comprises subject proclitics, object suffix for direct object and direct possessive. For the subject proclitics, there is neither separate set of dual object, nor oblique form. The obligatory subject proclitic pronouns are being seen as the arguments of the verb. For the pronominal suffixes of bound pronouns, the plural form is used to express any number that is greater than one.
Bound subject pronouns
The proclitic subject pronoun cannot stand alone without attaching to the first element of the Verb compound. They are considered to be clitics since they can attach to any part of the Verb compound. Subject proclitics happened in three archetypes, realis, irrealis and perfect. The subject proclitic represents the subject argument since it is the only obligatory element in the sentence except for the verb.
Proclitic subjects distinguish realis and irrealis situation. The realis is unmarked, and the irrealis being marked in the subject to show the action is yet to be realised, including most of the future events but not all, all the imperatives and hortatives. There is a strong preference for the subject of desideratives, achievement and predicates to be using irrealis form.
4)realis and irrealis paradigm
A=nrik-i-n ki na ''He a=muri-n
1sgRS=tell-TS-3sgO PREP COMP hey 1sgRS=want-TS-3sgO
na p̃a=mai ni Kaltog preg nalkis,
COMP 2sglRR=come BEN p.name make medicine
i=wel ku=f tae preg-i-Ø."
3sgRS=thus 2sgRS=CND know make-TS-3sgO
I said to him, "Hey, I want you to bring some medicine for Kaltog, if you can do that." (Thieberger 2006 p. 110)
The examples(4) show all realis form of pronouns in all cases except the subject of the verb mai ‘to come’ which is appeared in a desiderative complement.
When dealing with aspectual past (event that is over), regarding the speaking event and past time reference, the perfect form of proclitic is used. Generally, perfect procitics directly followed by the perfective particle pe, yet it is not a necessary criterion. Notably, perfect proclitics never occur in imperatives. Perfect proclitics can be found in narratives that deal with long events like World War 2.
I=piatlak tete nen kin ru=weswes skot-i-r. Go,
3sgRS=have some that REL 3p.RS=work with-TS-3p.O and
ru=lap te-p̃ur rui=pe mat. Rukoi=pe mat.
3p.RS=many DET-big 3p.PS=PF dead 3p.RS=PF dead
There are some who worked with them (the Americans). And very many died. They died. (Thieberger 2006 p. 110)
The example(5) shows the perfect proclitics being used to refer to those who are long dead in a narrative sentence.
Traditional stories in Nafsan often use perfect proclitic form as they are set in the past. The example(6) of an extract of a custom story telling also shows that perfective particle pe is not necessary to appear in perfect proclitic sentence.
Kaltog i=kel ntak Selwin tefla=n go rakai=ler mai pak esum̃
Kaltag 3sgRS=hold back Selwin thus=DST and 3d.PS=return come to LOC-house
Kaltog rubbed Selwin's back like that and they returned to the house. (Thieberger 2006 p. 111)
Bound Object pronoun
There are two separate types of object suffix, can be distinguished by the roles they encoded and the host they attached to. One type is for direct objects, the direct object suffixes attached to the object of the predicator to encode it. The other type is for oblique objects, the oblique object suffixes encode typically the location and the case of semitransitive verbs. Based on the semantics of the semitransitive verbs in the oblique case, the oblique object suffixes apply to movement to, at, or from a location. There are list of distinctive bound suffix being used in two types of object in table.2.
|Direct Object||Oblique Object||Direct Possessive|
|3sg||(transitivisor) -ø/ -n||-wes||-n|
Table.2. Bound pronouns
The direct object
Object suffixes encode the object of derived transitive verbs, ambitransitive verbs, ditransitive verbs and of the preposition -ki. To reference an object in Nafsan can be either by an object suffix or a lexical NP. Therefore, object suffix cannot appeared in the Verb Complex while there is a referential lexical NP for object indication.
7) transitive verb/ preposition -ki
Ke=fo pes-kerai-ki-k tete nrak, tete nrak,
3sgIRR=PSP:IR talk-strong-TR-2sgO some time some time,
masta nen kin i=wi, i=pes-kerkerai-ki ag m̃as.
boss that REL 3sgRS=good 3sgRS=talk-strong-TR 2sg only
He will speak harshly to you, sometimes, sometimes a good boss will just speak harshly to you. (as opposed to beating you) (Thieberger, 2006, p. 116)
This is an example(7) showing how object suffix used in transitive verb. The intransitive verb pes-kerai takes the transitivising suffix -ki to become transitive which allows it to take the object suffix -k in the first use. However, to emphasis the object, the last clause used the focal pronoun ag ‘you(singular)’ instead of the object suffix.
8) ambitransitive verb
I=f wel ku=f tae trok-wes go
3sgRS=CND thus 2sgRS=CND know agree-3sg0BL and
ka=fo plak-e-r ler.
1sgIRR=PSP:IR with-TS-3p.O return
If you agree with it, then I will go back with them. (Thieberger, 2006, p. 116)
In general, ambitransitive verbs requires a transitive suffix before the addition of the object suffix. The example(8) shows that transitive suffix -e is added before the object suffix -r occurred.
Or ka=fo mer nrik-i-r ki i=skei.
yes 1sgIRR=PSP:IR in.turn tell-TS-3p.O PREP 3sgRS=one
Yes, I will now tell them one (story). (Thieberger, 2006, p. 116)
The object suffix indicates the recipient when it is with a ditransitive verb. The example (9)shows when the suffix -r is used to encode the addresses.
The oblique suffix has a locational meaning. The oblique case can also be indicating temporal and spatial references. The example shows the suffix -wes encoded the day that the race was held.
10) oblique suffix
Naliati nen rak=fo res-wes me
day this 3d.IRR=PSP:IR race-3sg0BL but
katom i=pei usrek-ki ser nagis.
hermit.crab 3sgRS=first go.round-TR every point
That day they would race, but the hermit crab was first around every point. (Thieberger, 2006, p. 119)
Bound direct possessive pronouns
The direct possessive suffix can only be attached to direct possessed nouns and reflexive/reciprocal morpheme yet not being a clitic. The 3 person singular is the most common form of direct possessive pronoun being found, even though there is other direct possessive pronoun see table.2. The following example(11) shows the 3sg direct possessive suffix -r.
11) direct possessive suffix
Gar nen ru=lek-a-Ø ki namt-e-r.
3p. REL 3p.RS=see-TS-3sgO PREP eye-V-3p.DP
It was they who saw it with their own eyes. (Thieberger, 2006, p. 122)
Access to resources
- summary of the collection of materials in Nafsan
- listing of all material available via the Open Language Archives Community for Nafsan.
- General notes:
- Pages from: Thieberger, Nick (2006). A Grammar of South Efate: An Oceanic Language of Vanuatu. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. ISBN 9780824830618.
- Thieberger (2006: 45).
- Thieberger (2006: 46).
- Thieberger (2006: 54).
- Thieberger (2006: 77).
- Thieberger (2006: 127).
- Thieberger (2006: 128).
- Thieberger (2006: 129).
- Thieberger (2006: 130).
- Thieberger (2006: 131).
- Anon. 1868. Nalag nig Efat. Trans. D. Morrison. Sydney: Mason, Firt, nigar asler (Mason, Firth and Co).
- Anon. 1892. Tusi nalag Efate Niu Ebrites. Sydney: F. Cunninghame and Co.
- Anon. 1979. Natus nalag (213 pp).
- Bible. 1864. Nadus iskei nig Fat. Aneityum: Mission Press.
- Bible. 1866. Nafsanwi nig Iesu Krist nag Mark. Trans. D. Morrison. Sydney: Sheriff and Downing.
- Bible. 1874. Kenesis natus a bei nag Moses ki mtir i. Trans. Cosh, J. Sydney: British and Foreign Bible Society.
- Bible. 1875? Nafisan nafousien. Sydney: F. Cunninghame and Co.
- Bible. 1883. The Gospel according to Luke. Trans. Macdonald, D.D. Melbourne: M.L. Hutchinson.
- Bible. 1885. The Gospel according to John, Tus Nanrognrogona Uia ni Iesu Kristo nag Ioane i mitiria. Trans. Mackenzie, J., Macdonald, D.D. Sydney: F. Cunninghame and Co.
- Bible. 1919. Natus bei ni nafisan ni Efate. Sydney: Epworth Press.
- Bible. 1919. Tusi tab fao (New Testament). Trans. Mackenzie, J., Macdonald, D.D. Melbourne: British and Foreign Bible Society.
- Bible. 1923. Scripture History. Sydney: Epworth Printing and Publishing House.
- Bible. 1923. Nafakoron ni aliat. Erakor Efate, New Hebrides. Nouméa: Imprimerie A.-L. Laubreaux.
- Bible. n.d. Nawisien nig Nagmer Apostol. Sydney: F. Cunninghame and Co.
- Clark, Ross. 1973. Transitivity and case in eastern Oceanic languages. Oceanic Linguistics 12(1–2). 559–606.
- ––––– 1978. The New Hebridean outliers. In Wurm, S.A. and L.Carrington, (eds.), Second International Conference on Austronesian Linguistics: proceedings. Fascicle 2: eastern Austronesian. (Pacific Linguistics Series) Department of Linguistics, Research School of Pacific Studies, The Australian National University. 911–928.
- ––––– 1982. “Necessary” and “unnecessary” borrowing. In Halim, A. (ed.), Papers from the Third International Conference on Austronesian Linguistics. Vol.3: Accent on variety. C 76 ed. (Pacific Linguistics Series): Department of Linguistics, Research School of Pacific Studies, The Australian National University. 137–143.
- ––––– 1985. The Efate dialects. Te Reo 28.:3–35.
- ––––– 1996. Linguistic consequences of the Kuwae eruption. In J. M. Davidson, G. Irwin, B. F. Leach, A. Pawley and D. Brown (eds.), Oceanic culture history: essays in honour of Roger Green. New Zealand Journal of Archaeology Special Publication. 275–285.
- ––––– n.d. The Efate-Tongoa dialects (Ms).
- Codrington, Robert Henry (R. H.). 1885. The Melanesian Languages. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
- Crowley, Terry. 1998. An Erromangan (Sye) Grammar. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press.
- Lynch, John. 2000. South Efate phonological history. Oceanic Linguistics 39(2):320–338.
- ––––– 2000. A grammar of Anejom. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics. ––––– 2001. The linguistic history of Southern Vanuatu. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics, Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, Australian National University.
- ––––– 2004. The Efate-Erromango Problem in Vanuatu Subgrouping. Oceanic Linguistics 43(2):311–338.
- Thieberger, Nicholas. 2006a. A Grammar of South Efate: An Oceanic Language of Vanuatu Oceanic Linguistics Special Publication, No. 33. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press.
- ––––– 2006b. The benefactive construction in South Efate. Oceanic Linguistics, Volume 45, no. 2, 297-310.
- ––––– 2007. The demise of serial verbs in South Efate. Diana Eades, John Lynch and Jeff Siegel (eds.), Language Description, History and Development: Linguistic Indulgence in Memory of Terry Crowley. Amsterdam: Benjamins. 237-251.
- ––––– 2011a. Natrauswen nig Efat. Melbourne: The author. ISBN 978-1-921775-50-5.
- ––––– 2011b. A dictionary of South Efate. Melbourne: The author. ISBN 978-1-921775-51-2.
- ––––– 2012. Mood and Transitivity in South Efate. Oceanic Linguistics. Volume 51, no. 2, 387-401.
- Thieberger, Nicholas and Chris Ballard. 2008. Daniel Macdonald and the 'compromise literary dialect' in Efate, central Vanuatu. Oceanic Linguistics, Volume 47, no.2: 365-382
- Payne, Thomas Edward. 1997. Describing morphosyntax: a guide for field linguists. Cambridge, U.K.; New York: Cambridge University Press.