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Undid revision 557710757 by 207.87.238.194 (talk)logically inconsistent assertion with respect to nominalism and history there was nothing called "fascism" before the case in point
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Deleting everything I have added to this article outside the intro that was agreed to, since TFD and N-HH have expressed zero confidence in my contributions, since there is no confidence in what I've written, I've wasted my time contributing them
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Roger Griffin describes fascism as "a genus of political ideology whose mythic core in its various permutations is a palingenetic form of populist ultranationalism".<ref>Roger Griffin. ''The Nature of Fascism''. New York, New York, USA: St. Martin's Press, 1991. Pp. 27.</ref> Griffin describes the ideology as having three core components: "(i) the rebirth myth, (ii) populist ultra-nationalism and (iii) the myth of decadence".<ref>Roger Griffin. ''The Nature of Fascism''. New York, New York, USA: St. Martin's Press, 1991. Pp. 201.</ref> Fascism is "a genuinely revolutionary, trans-class form of anti-liberal, and in the last analysis, anti-conservative nationalism" built on a complex range of theoretical and cultural influences. He distinguishes an inter-war period in which it manifested itself in elite-led but populist "armed party" politics opposing socialism and liberalism and promising radical politics to rescue the nation from decadence.<ref name="brookes"/>
Roger Griffin describes fascism as "a genus of political ideology whose mythic core in its various permutations is a palingenetic form of populist ultranationalism".<ref>Roger Griffin. ''The Nature of Fascism''. New York, New York, USA: St. Martin's Press, 1991. Pp. 27.</ref> Griffin describes the ideology as having three core components: "(i) the rebirth myth, (ii) populist ultra-nationalism and (iii) the myth of decadence".<ref>Roger Griffin. ''The Nature of Fascism''. New York, New York, USA: St. Martin's Press, 1991. Pp. 201.</ref> Fascism is "a genuinely revolutionary, trans-class form of anti-liberal, and in the last analysis, anti-conservative nationalism" built on a complex range of theoretical and cultural influences. He distinguishes an inter-war period in which it manifested itself in elite-led but populist "armed party" politics opposing socialism and liberalism and promising radical politics to rescue the nation from decadence.<ref name="brookes"/>

[[Emilio Gentile]] describes fascism within ten constituent elements:<ref name="paynenov">{{cite book |first=Stanley G|last=Payne |date=A History of Fascism, 1914–1945| publisher=University of Wisconsin Press|year=1995|pages=5–6}}</ref>
{{quote|
# a mass movement with multiclass membership in which prevail, among the leaders and the militants, the middle sectors, in large part new to political activity, organized as a party militia, that bases its identity not on social hierarchy or class origin but on a sense of comradeship, believes itself invested with a mission of national regeneration, considers itself in a state of war against political adversaries and aims at conquering a monopoly of political power by using terror, parliamentary politics, and deals with leading groups, to create a new regime that destroys parliamentary democracy;
# an 'anti-ideological' and pragmatic ideology that proclaims itself antimaterialist, anti-individualist, antiliberal, antidemocratic, anti-Marxist, is populist and anticapitalist in tendency, expresses itself aesthetically more than theoretically by means of a new political style and by myths, rites, and symbols as a lay religion designed to acculturate, socialize, and integrate the faith of the masses with the goal of creating a 'new man';
# a culture founded on mystical thought and the tragic and activist sense of life conceived of as the manifestation of the will to power, on the myth of youth as artificer of history, and on the exaltation of the militarization of politics as the model of life and collective activity;
# a totalitarian conception of the primacy of politics, conceived of as an integrating experience to carry out the fusion of the individual and the masses in the organic and mystical unity of the nation as an ethnic and moral community, adopting measures of discrimination and persecution against those considered to be outside this community either as enemies of the regime or members of races considered to be inferior or otherwise dangerous for the integrity of the nation;
# a civil ethic founded on total dedication to the national community, on discipline, virility, comradeship, and the warrior spirit;
# a single state party that has the task of providing for the armed defense of the regime, selecting its directing cadres, and organizing the masses within the state in a process of permanent mobilization of emotion and faith;
# a police apparatus that prevents, controls, and represses dissidence and opposition, even by using organized terror;
# a political system organized by hierarchy of functions named from the top and crowned by the figure of the 'leader,' invested with a sacred charisma, who commands, directs, and coordinates the activities of the party and the regime;
# corporative organization of the economy that suppresses trade union liberty, broadens the sphere of state intervention, and seeks to achieve, by principles of technocracy and solidarity, the collaboration of the 'productive sectors' under control of the regime, to achieve its goals of power, yet preserving private property and class divisions;
# a foreign policy inspired by the myth of national power and greatness, with the goal of imperialist expansion. |
Emilio Gentile}}

[[Stanley Payne]] describes fascism within three sectors of characteristics: its ideology and goals, its negations, and its style and organization.<ref name="paynenov2">Stanley G. Payne. ''A History of Fascism, 1914–1945''. University of Wisconsin Press, 1995. Pp. 7.</ref> They are the following:<ref name="paynenov2" />
* "A. Ideology and Goals:"
** "Espousal of an idealist, vitalist, and voluntaristic philosophy, normally involving the attempt to realize a new modern, self-determined, and secular culture"
** "Creation of a new nationalist authoritarian state not based on traditional principles or models"
** "Organization of a new highly regulated, multiclass, integrated national economic structure, whether called national corporatist, national socialist, or national syndicalist"
** "Positive evaluation and use of, or willingness to use violence and war"
** "The goal of empire, expansion, or a radical change in the nation's relationship with other powers"
* "B. The Fascist Negations:"
** "Antiliberalism"
** "Anticommunism"
** "Anticonservatism (though with the understanding that fascist groups were willing to undertake temporary alliances with other sectors, more commonly with the right)"
* "C. Style and Organization:"
** "Attempted mass mobilization with militarization of political relationships and style and with the goal of a mass single party militia"
** "Emphasis on aesthetic structure of meetings, symbols, and political liturgy, stressing emotional and mystical aspects"
** "Extreme stress on the masculine principle and male dominance, while espousing a strongly organic view of society"
** "Exaltation of youth above other phases of life, emphasizing the conflict of the generations, at least in effecting the initial political transformation"
** "Specific tentency toward an authoritarian, charismatic, personal style of command, whether or not the command is to some degree initially elective"<ref name="paynenov2" />


Paxton sees fascism as "a form of political behavior marked by obsessive preoccupation with community decline, humiliation, or victimhood and by compensatory cults of unity, energy, and purity, in which a mass-based party of committed nationalist militants, working in uneasy but effective collaboration with traditional elites, abandons democratic liberties and pursues with redemptive violence and without ethical or legal restraints goals of internal cleansing and external expansion."<ref name="anatomnyfascismo"/>
Paxton sees fascism as "a form of political behavior marked by obsessive preoccupation with community decline, humiliation, or victimhood and by compensatory cults of unity, energy, and purity, in which a mass-based party of committed nationalist militants, working in uneasy but effective collaboration with traditional elites, abandons democratic liberties and pursues with redemptive violence and without ethical or legal restraints goals of internal cleansing and external expansion."<ref name="anatomnyfascismo"/>
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Fascism, sitting on the right, could also have sat on the mountain of the center&nbsp;... These words in any case do not have a fixed and unchanged meaning: they do have a variable subject to location, time and spirit. We don't give a damn about these empty terminologies and we despise those who are terrorized by these words.<ref name="Gentile, Emilio 2005. p. 205"/></blockquote>
Fascism, sitting on the right, could also have sat on the mountain of the center&nbsp;... These words in any case do not have a fixed and unchanged meaning: they do have a variable subject to location, time and spirit. We don't give a damn about these empty terminologies and we despise those who are terrorized by these words.<ref name="Gentile, Emilio 2005. p. 205"/></blockquote>


A number of fascist movements described themselves as a "[[third position]]" outside the traditional political spectrum.<ref name="routeledge"/>
The accommodation of the political right into the Italian Fascist movement in the early 1920s led to the creation of internal factions. The "Fascist left" included [[Michele Bianchi]], [[Giuseppe Bottai]], [[Angelo Oliviero Olivetti]], [[Sergio Panunzio]] and [[Edmondo Rossoni]], who were committed to advancing [[national syndicalism]] as a replacement for parliamentary liberalism in order to modernize the economy and advance the interests of workers and the common people.<ref name="sgp112"/> The "Fascist right" included members of the paramilitary ''Squadristi'' and former members of the [[Italian Nationalist Association]] (ANI).<ref name=sgp112/> The ''Squadristi'' wanted to establish Fascism as a complete dictatorship, while the former ANI members, including [[Alfredo Rocco]], sought an authoritarian corporatist state to replace the liberal state in Italy, while retaining the existing elites.<ref name=sgp112/> However upon accommodating the political right, there arose a group of monarchist Fascists who sought to use Fascism to create an [[absolute monarchy]] under King [[Victor Emmanuel III of Italy]].<ref name=sgp112/>

After King Victor Emmanuel III forced Mussolini to resign as head of government and put him under arrest in 1943, Mussolini was rescued by German forces and now dependent on Germany for support, Mussolini and remaining loyal Fascists founded the [[Italian Social Republic]] with Mussolini as head of state. Mussolini sought to re-radicalize Italian Fascism, declaring that the Fascist state had been overthrown because Italian Fascism had been subverted by Italian conservatives and the bourgeoisie.<ref name="ballbellamy1">Terence Ball, Richard Bellamy. The Cambridge History of Twentieth-Century Political Thought. Pp. 133.</ref> Then the new Fascist government proposed the creation of workers' councils and profit-sharing in industry, however German authorities who effectively controlled northern Italy at this point, ignored these measures and did not seek to enforce them.<ref name="ballbellamy1" />

A number of fascist movements described themselves as a "[[third position]]" outside the traditional political spectrum.<ref name="routeledge"/> Spanish Falangist leader José Antonio Primo de Rivera said: "basically the Right stands for the maintenance of an economic structure, albeit an unjust one, while the Left stands for the attempt to subvert that economic structure, even though the subversion thereof would entail the destruction of much that was worthwhile".<ref name="nm54"/>


===''Fascist'' as insult===
===''Fascist'' as insult===
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==History==
==History==
{{further2|[[Fascism and ideology]]}}
{{further2|[[Fascism and ideology]]}}

===''Fin de siècle'' era and the fusion of Maurrasism with Sorelianism (1880–1914)===
The ideological roots of fascism have been traced to the 1880s, and in particular the ''[[fin de siècle]]'' theme of that time.<ref name="international"/><ref name="routledge12"/> The theme was based on revolt against [[materialism]], [[rationalism]], [[positivism]], bourgeois society and [[democracy]].<ref name="Sternhell, Zeev 1998 p. 170"/> The ''fin-de-siècle'' generation supported [[emotionalism]], [[irrationalism]], [[subjectivism]] and [[vitalism]].<ref name="routledge13"/> The ''fin-de-siècle'' mindset saw civilization as being in a crisis that required a massive and total solution.<ref name="Sternhell, Zeev 1998 p. 170"/> The ''fin-de-siècle'' intellectual school considered the individual as only one part of the larger collectivity, which should not be viewed as an atomized numerical sum of individuals.<ref name="Sternhell, Zeev 1998 p. 170"/> They condemned the rationalistic individualism of liberal society and the dissolution of social links in bourgeois society.<ref name="Sternhell, Zeev 1998 p. 170"/>

The ''fin-de-siècle'' outlook was influenced by various intellectual developments, including [[Darwinism|Darwinian]] [[biology]]; [[Richard Wagner|Wagnerian]] [[aesthetics]]; [[Arthur de Gobineau]]'s [[Racism|racialism]]; [[Gustave Le Bon]]'s [[psychology]]; and the philosophies of [[Friedrich Nietzsche]], [[Fyodor Dostoyevsky]] and [[Henri Bergson]].<ref name="Zeev 1998 p. 171"/> [[Social Darwinism]], which gained widespread acceptance, made no distinction between physical and social life, and viewed the human condition as being an unceasing struggle to achieve the [[survival of the fittest]].<ref name="Zeev 1998 p. 171"/> Social Darwinism challenged positivism's claim of deliberate and rational choice as the determining behaviour of humans, with social Darwinism focusing on heredity, race, and environment.<ref name="Zeev 1998 p. 171"/> Social Darwinism's emphasis on biogroup identity and the role of organic relations within societies fostered legitimacy and appeal for nationalism.<ref name="routledge14"/> New theories of social and political psychology also rejected the notion of human behaviour being governed by rational choice, and instead claimed that emotion was more influential in political issues than reason.<ref name="Zeev 1998 p. 171"/> Nietzsche's argument that "God is dead" coincided with his attack on the "herd mentality" of [[Christianity]], democracy and modern collectivism; his concept of the ''[[übermensch]]''; and his advocacy of the [[will to power]] as a primordial instinct, were major influences upon many of the ''fin-de-siècle'' generation.<ref name="routledge15"/> Bergson's claim of the existence of an "''élan vital''" or vital instinct centred upon free choice and rejected the processes of materialism and determinism, this challenged Marxism.<ref name="routledge16"/>

[[Gaetano Mosca]] in his work ''[[The Ruling Class (book, Mosca)|The Ruling Class]]'' (1896) developed the theory that claims that in all societies an "organized minority" will dominate and rule over the "disorganized majority".<ref name="William Outhwaite 2006. Pp. 442"/><ref name="Tracy H. Koon 1943. Pp. 6"/> Mosca claims that there are only two classes in society, "the governing" (the organized minority) and "the governed" (the disorganized majority).<ref name="Giuseppe Caforio 2006. Pp. 12"/> He claims that the organized nature of the organized minority makes it irresistible to any individual of the disorganized majority.<ref name="Giuseppe Caforio 2006. Pp. 12"/>

The rise of support for [[anarchism]] in this period of time was important in influencing the politics of fascism.<ref name="Stuart Joseph Woolf 1970. Pp. 282"/> The anarchist [[Mikhail Bakunin]]'s concept of [[propaganda of the deed]] that stressed the importance of [[direct action]] as the primary means of politics - including revolutionary violence, became popular amongst fascists who admired the concept and adopted it as a part of fascism.<ref name="Stuart Joseph Woolf 1970. Pp. 282"/>

{{Multiple image|direction=horizontal|align=left|image2=Georges Sorel.jpg|image1=Maurras.png|width=150|caption2=Georges Sorel|caption1=Charles Maurras.}}

[[French nationalism|French nationalist]] and reactionary monarchist [[Charles Maurras]] influenced fascism.<ref name="nationalism18"/> Maurras promoted what he called [[integral nationalism]], that called for organic unity of a nation, Maurras insisted that a powerful monarch was an ideal leader of a nation. Maurras distrusted what he considered the democratic mystification of the popular will that created an impersonal collective subject.<ref name="nationalism18"/> He claimed that a powerful monarch was a personified sovereign who could exercise authority to unite a nation's people.<ref name="nationalism18"/> Maurras' integral nationalism was idealized by fascists, but modified into a modernized revolutionary form that was devoid of Maurras' monarchism.<ref name="nationalism18"/>

One of the key persons who greatly influenced fascism, the French revolutionary syndicalist [[Georges Sorel]] was greatly influenced by anarchism and contributed to the fusion of anarchism and syndicalism together into [[anarcho syndicalism]].<ref name="mobilization"/> Sorel promoted the legitimacy of [[political violence]] in his work ''[[Reflections on Violence]]'' (1908) and other works in which he advocated radical syndicalist action to achieve a revolution to overthrow capitalism and the bourgeoisie through a [[general strike]].<ref name="mobilization21"/> In ''Reflections on Violence'', Sorel emphasized need for a revolutionary [[political religion]].<ref name="mobilization22"/> Also, in his work The Illusions of Progress, Sorel denounced democracy as reactionary, saying "nothing is more aristocratic than democracy".<ref name="mobilization23"/> By 1909 after the failure of a syndicalist general strike in France, Sorel and his supporters left the radical left and went to the radical right, where they sought to merge militant Catholicism and French patriotism with their views - advocating anti-republican Christian French patriots as ideal revolutionaries.<ref name="mobilization24"/> Initially Sorel had officially been a [[Revisionism (Marxism)|revisionist]] of Marxism, but by 1910 announced his abandonment of socialist literature and claimed in 1914, using an aphorism of [[Benedetto Croce]] that "socialism is dead" because of the "decomposition of Marxism".<ref name="Sternhell, Zeev 1994 p. 78"/> Sorel became a supporter of reactionary Maurrassian nationalism beginning in 1909 that influenced his works.<ref name="Sternhell, Zeev 1994 p. 78"/> Maurras held interest in merging his nationalist ideals with [[Sorelianism|Sorelian]] [[syndicalism]] as a means to confront [[democracy]].<ref name="revolution1994"/> Maurras famously stated "a socialism liberated from the democratic and cosmopolitan element fits nationalism well as a well made glove fits a beautiful hand".<ref name="multiculturalism"/>

[[File:EnricoCorradini.jpg|thumb|200px|right|[[Enrico Corradini]]]]
The fusion of Maurassian nationalism and Sorelian syndicalism influenced radical Italian nationalist [[Enrico Corradini]].<ref name="zs163"/> Corradini spoke of the need for a [[National syndicalism|nationalist-syndicalist]] movement, led by elitist aristocrats and anti-democrats who shared a revolutionary syndicalist commitment to direct action and a willingness to fight.<ref name=zs163/> Corradini spoke of Italy as being a "proletarian nation" that needed to pursue [[imperialism]] in order to challenge the "[[Plutocracy|plutocratic]]" French and British.<ref name="mb9"/> Corradini's views were part of a wider set of perceptions within the right-wing [[Italian Nationalist Association]] (ANI), which claimed that Italy's economic backwardness was caused by corruption in its political class, [[liberalism]], and division caused by "ignoble socialism".<ref name=mb9/> The ANI held ties and influence among [[Conservatism|conservatives]], Catholics, and the business community.<ref name=mb9/> Italian national syndicalists held a common set of principles: the rejection of [[bourgeois]] values, [[democracy]], liberalism, [[Marxism]], [[Internationalism (politics)|internationalism]], and [[pacifism]], and the promotion of [[heroism]], [[vitalism]], and violence.<ref name="revolution"/> The ANI claimed that liberal democracy was no longer compatible with the modern world, and advocated a strong state and [[imperialism]], claiming that humans are naturally predatory and that nations were in a constant struggle, in which only the strongest could survive.<ref name="nationalism25"/>

[[File:Manifesto of Futurism.jpg|thumb|left|300px|[[Filippo Tommaso Marinetti]], Italian modernist author of the ''[[Futurist Manifesto]]'' (1908) and later the co-author of the ''[[Fascist Manifesto]]'' (1919)]]
Futurism that was both an artistic-cultural movement and initially a political movement in Italy led by [[Filippo Tommaso Marinetti]] who founded the ''[[Futurist Manifesto]]'' (1908), that championed the causes of modernism, action, and political violence as necessary elements of politics while denouncing liberalism and parliamentary politics. Marinetti rejected conventional democracy for based on majority rule and egalitarianism while promoting a new form of democracy, that he described in his work "The Futurist Conception of Democracy" as the following: "We are therefore able to give the directions to create and to dismantle to ''numbers'', ''to quantity'', ''to the mass'', for with us ''number'', ''quantity and mass'' will never be—as they are in Germany and Russia—the number, quantity and mass of mediocre men, incapable and indecisive".<ref name="aesthetics"/>

Futurism influenced fascism in its emphasis on recognizing the virile nature of violent action and war as being necessities of modern civilization.<ref name="Gigliola Gori 2004. Pp. 14">Gigliola Gori. ''Italian Fascism and the Female Body: Submissive Women and Strong Mothers''. Oxfordshire, England, UK; New York, New York, USA: Routledge, 2004. Pp. 14.</ref> Marinetti promoted the need of physical training of young men, saying that in male education, gymnastics should take precedence over books, and he advocated segregation of the genders on this matter, in that womanly sensibility must not enter men's education whom Marinetti claimed must be "lively, bellicose, muscular and violently dynamic".<ref>Gigliola Gori. ''Italian Fascism and the Female Body: Submissive Women and Strong Mothers''. Oxfordshire, England, UK; New York, New York, USA: Routledge, 2004. Pp.&nbsp;20–21.</ref>

===World War I and aftermath (1914–1929)===
[[File:Benito Mussolini 1917.jpg|thumb|right|[[Benito Mussolini]] in 1917, as a soldier in [[World War I]]. In 1914, Mussolini founded the ''[[Fasci d'Azione Rivoluzionaria]]'' that he led. Mussolini promoted the Italian intervention in the war as a revolutionary nationalist action to liberate Italian-claimed lands from Austria-Hungary.]]
At the outbreak of World War I in August 1914, the Italian political left became severely split over its position on the war. The [[Italian Socialist Party]] (PSI) opposed the war on the grounds of [[internationalism (politics)|internationalism]], but a number of Italian revolutionary syndicalists supported intervention against Germany and Austria-Hungary on the grounds that their [[reactionary]] regimes needed to be defeated to ensure the success of socialism.<ref name="zs175"/> Corradini presented the same need for Italy as a "proletarian nation" to defeat a reactionary Germany from a nationalist perspective.<ref name="revolution26"/> The origins of Italian Fascism resulted from this split, first with [[Angelo Oliviero Olivetti]] forming an pro-interventionist [[fasci]] called the [[Fasci d'Azione Internazionalista|Fasci of International Action]] in October 1914.<ref name=zs175/> Benito Mussolini upon being expelled from his position as chief editor of the PSI's newspaper Avanti! for his pro-Entente stance, joined the interventionist cause in a separate fasci.<ref name="revolution27"/> The term "Fascism" was first used in 1915 by members of Mussolini's movement, the [[Fasci d'Azione Rivoluzionaria|Fasci of Revolutionary Action]].<ref name="journalist"/>

Mussolini accused conventional socialists for being [[Dogmatism|dogmatic]] and in December 1914 criticized the PSI for their association with Marxism that Mussolini declared had become obsolete.<ref name="Paul O Pp. 44">Paul O'Brien. Mussolini in the First World War: The Journalist, The Soldier, The Fascist. Pp. 44.</ref> Mussolini made a list of socialist figures ranging from the top of admirable socialist figures at the top like Mazzini, [[Pierre-Joseph Proudhon]], Mikhail Bakunin, [[Charles Fourier]], and [[Henri de Saint-Simon]]; while placing unadmirable socialists at the bottom, including [[Karl Marx]].<ref name="Paul O Pp. 44"/> The first meeting of the Fasci of Revolutionary Action was held on 24 January 1915.<ref name="Paul O Pp. 41">Paul O'Brien. Mussolini in the First World War: The Journalist, The Soldier, The Fascist. Pp. 41.</ref> At the meeting Mussolini declared that it was necessary for Europe to resolve its national problems - including national borders - of Italy and elsewhere "for the ideals of justice and liberty for which oppressed peoples must acquire the right to belong to those national communities from which they descended".<ref name="Paul O Pp. 41"/> Amidst discussion on the question of [[irredentism]], Mussolini noted from the proceedings of the members that "the difficult question of irredentism was posed and resolved in the ambit of ideals of socialism and liberty which do not however exclude the safeguarding of a positive national interest".<ref name="Paul O Pp. 41"/> Its attempts to hold mass meetings were ineffective and it was regularly harassed by government authorities and socialists.<ref name="intellectual"/> Antagonism between interventionists, including Fascists, and anti-interventionist socialists resulted in violence.<ref name="ajg196"/>

[[File:IR Lübeck 033 - EB.jpg|thumb|300px|left|German soldiers being cheered in Lubeck during their advance to the front lines in 1914 during World War I. The concept of the "[[Spirit of 1914]]" by Johann Plenge identified the outbreak of war as forging national solidarity of Germans.]]
Similar political ideas arose in Germany after the outbreak of the war. German sociologist [[Johann Plenge]] spoke of the rise of a "National Socialism" in Germany within what he termed the "ideas of 1914" that were a declaration of war against the "ideas of 1789" (the [[French Revolution]]).<ref name="Martin Kitchen 2006. p. 205"/> According to Plenge, the "ideas of 1789" that included rights of man, democracy, individualism and liberalism were being rejected in favour of "the ideas of 1914" that included "German values" of duty, discipline, law, and order.<ref name="Martin Kitchen 2006. p. 205"/> Plenge believed that racial solidarity (''[[volksgemeinschaft]]'') would replace class division and that "racial comrades" would unite to create a socialist society in the struggle of "proletarian" Germany against "capitalist" Britain.<ref name="Martin Kitchen 2006. p. 205"/> He believed that the "[[Spirit of 1914]]" manifested itself in the concept of the "People's League of National Socialism".<ref name="Bernd-Rüdiger Hüppauf 1997. p. 92"/> This National Socialism was a form of state socialism that rejected the "idea of boundless freedom" and promoted an economy that would serve the whole of Germany under the leadership of the state.<ref name="Bernd-Rüdiger Hüppauf 1997. p. 92"/> This National Socialism was opposed to capitalism because of the components that were against "the national interest" of Germany, but insisted that National Socialism would strive for greater efficiency in the economy.<ref name="Bernd-Rüdiger Hüppauf 1997. p. 92"/> Plenge advocated an authoritarian rational ruling elite to develop National Socialism through a hierarchical [[Technocracy|technocratic]] state.<ref name="Thomas Rohkrämer 2007. p. 130"/>

Fascists viewed World War I as bringing revolutionary changes in the nature of war, society, the state, and technology, as the advent of [[total war]] and mass mobilization had broken down the distinction between civilian and combatant, as civilians had become a critical part in economic production for the war effort, and thus arose a "military citizenship" in which all citizens were involved to the military in some manner during the war.<ref name="encyclopedia"/><ref name="mann65">Michael Mann. Fascists. Cambridge University Press, 2004. Pp. 65.</ref> World War I had resulted in the rise of a powerful state capable of mobilizing millions of people to serve on the frontlines or provide economic production and logistics to support those on the front lines, as well as having precedented authority to intervene in the lives of citizens.<ref name="encyclopedia"/><ref name="mann65" /> Fascists viewed technological developments of weaponry and the state's total mobilization of its population in the war as symbolizing the beginning of a new era fusing state power with [[mass politics]], technology, and particularly the mobilizing myth that they contended had triumphed over the myth of progress and the era of liberalism.<ref name="encyclopedia"/>

[[File:Italian Arditi.jpg|thumb|300px|Members of Italy's ''[[Arditi]]'' corps in 1918 holding daggers, a symbol of their group. The ''Arditi'' were founded in 1917 as groups of soldiers trained for: dangerous missions, refusal to surrender, and to be willing to fight to the death. The ''Arditi'''s black uniform and use of the fez, were adopted by the Italian Fascist movement in homage to the ''Arditi''.]]
A major event that greatly influenced the development of fascism was the [[October Revolution]] of 1917 in which [[Bolshevik]] communists led by [[Vladimir Lenin]] seized power in Russia.<ref name="Blamires, Cyprian 2006 p. 95-96"/> In 1917, Mussolini as leader of the [[Fasci d'Azione Rivoluzionaria|Fasci of Revolutionary Action]] praised the [[October Revolution]], however Mussolini later became unimpressed with Lenin, regarding him as merely a new version of Tsar Nicholas.<ref name="Peter Neville 2004. Pp. 36"/> After World War I fascists have commonly campaigned on anti-Marxist agendas.<ref name="Blamires, Cyprian 2006 p. 95-96"/> However both Bolshevism and fascism hold ideological similarities: both advocate a revolutionary ideology, both believe in the necessity of a vanguard elite, both have disdain for bourgeois values, and both had totalitarian ambitions.<ref name="Blamires, Cyprian 2006 p. 95-96"/> In practice, fascism and Bolshevism have commonly emphasized revolutionary action, proletarian nation theories, single-party states, and party-armies.<ref name="Blamires, Cyprian 2006 p. 95-96"/>

With the antagonism between anti-interventionist Marxists and pro-interventionist Fascists complete by the end of the war, the two sides became irreconcilable. The Fascists presented themselves as [[Anti-communism|anti-Marxists]] and as opposed to the Marxists.<ref name="revolution28"/> Benito Mussolini consolidated control over the Fascist movement in 1919 with the founding of the ''[[Fasci italiani di combattimento]]'', whose opposition to socialism he declared:

{{quote|We declare war against socialism, not because it is socialism, but because it has opposed nationalism. Although we can discuss the question of what socialism is, what is its program, and what are its tactics, one thing is obvious: the official Italian Socialist Party has been reactionary and absolutely conservative. If its views had prevailed, our survival in the world of today would be impossible.<ref name="littlefield29"/>}}

In 1919, [[Alceste De Ambris]] and [[Futurism|Futurist]] movement leader [[Filippo Tommaso Marinetti]] created ''[[Fascist Manifesto|The Manifesto of the Italian Fasci of Combat]]'' (a.k.a. the ''Fascist Manifesto'').<ref name="connecticut30"/> The Manifesto was presented on June 6, 1919 in the Fascist newspaper ''Il Popolo d'Italia''. The Manifesto supported the creation of [[universal suffrage]] for both men [[women's suffrage|and women]] (the latter being realized only partly in late 1925, with all opposition parties banned or disbanded<ref name="passmore"/>); [[proportional representation]] on a regional basis; government representation through a [[Corporatism|corporatist]] system of "National Councils" of experts, selected from professionals and tradespeople, elected to represent and hold legislative power over their respective areas, including labour, industry, transportation, public health, communications, etc.; and the abolition of the [[Italian Senate]].<ref name="massachusetts31"/> The Manifesto supported the creation of an [[Eight-hour day|eight-hour work day]] for all workers, a [[minimum wage]], worker representation in industrial management, equal confidence in labour unions as in industrial executives and public servants, reorganization of the transportation sector, revision of the draft law on invalidity insurance, reduction of the retirement age from 65 to 55, a strong [[progressive tax]] on capital, confiscation of the property of religious institutions and abolishment of bishoprics, and revision of military contracts to allow the government to seize 85% of their{{Who|date=January 2011}} profits.<ref name="massachusetts32"/> It also called for the creation of a short-service national militia to serve defensive duties, [[nationalization]] of the armaments industry, and a foreign policy designed to be peaceful but also competitive.<ref name="massachusetts33"/>

[[File:Fiume cheering D'Annunzio.jpg|thumb||300px|left|Residents of [[Rijeka|Fiume]] cheer the arrival of [[Gabriele d'Annunzio]] and his blackshirt-wearing nationalist raiders. D'Annunzio and Fascist [[Alceste De Ambris]] developed the quasi-fascist [[Italian Regency of Carnaro]], a city-state in Fiume, from 1919 to 1920. D'Annunzio's actions in Fiume inspired the Italian Fascist movement.]]
The next events that influenced the Fascists in Italy was the raid of [[Fiume (city)|Fiume]] by Italian nationalist [[Gabriele d'Annunzio]] and the founding of the [[Charter of Carnaro]] in 1920.<ref name="revolution34"/> D'Annunzio and De Ambris designed the Charter, which advocated national-syndicalist [[Corporatism|corporatist]] [[productionism]] alongside D'Annunzio's political views.<ref name="revolution35"/> Many Fascists saw the Charter of Carnaro as an ideal constitution for a Fascist Italy.<ref name="zs189"/> This behaviour of aggression towards Yugoslavia and [[South Slavs]] was pursued by Italian Fascists with their persecution of South Slavs - especially Slovenes and Croats.

With the 1920, militant strike activity by industrial workers reached its peak in Italy, where 1919 and 1920 were known as the "Red Years".<ref name="massachusetts36"/> Mussolini and the Fascists took advantage of the situation by allying with industrial businesses and attacking workers and peasants in the name of preserving order and internal peace in Italy.<ref name="massachusetts37"/>

Fascists identified their primary opponents as the majority of socialists on the left who had opposed intervention in World War I.<ref name=zs189/> The Fascists and the Italian political right held common ground: both held Marxism in contempt, discounted class consciousness and believed in the rule of elites.<ref name="zs193"/> The Fascists assisted the anti-socialist campaign by allying with the other parties and the conservative right in a mutual effort to destroy the Italian Socialist Party and labour organizations committed to class identity above national identity.<ref name=zs193/>

Fascism sought to accommodate Italian [[Conservatism|conservatives]] by making major alterations to its political agenda;– abandoning its previous [[populism]], [[republicanism]], and [[anticlericalism]], adopting policies in support of [[free enterprise]], and accepting the [[Roman Catholic Church]] and the monarchy as institutions in Italy.<ref name="ga145"/> To appeal to Italian conservatives, Fascism adopted policies such as promoting family values, including promotion policies designed to reduce the number of women in the workforce limiting the woman's role to that of a mother. The fascists banned literature on birth control and increased penalties for abortion in 1926, declaring both crimes against the state.<ref name="conservatives"/> Though Fascism adopted a number of positions designed to appeal to [[Reactionary|reactionaries]], the Fascists sought to maintain Fascism's revolutionary character, with Angelo Oliviero Olivetti saying "Fascism would like to be conservative, but it will [be] by being revolutionary."<ref name="revolution38"/> The Fascists supported revolutionary action and committed to secure law and order to appeal to both conservatives and syndicalists.<ref name="conservatives39"/>

Prior to Fascism's accommodation of the political right, Fascism was a small, urban, northern Italian movement that had about a thousand members.<ref name="massachusetts40"/> After Fascism's accommodation of the political right, the Fascist movement's membership soared to approximately 250,000 by 1921.<ref name="massachusetts41"/>

Beginning in 1922, Fascist paramilitaries escalated their strategy from one of attacking socialist offices and homes of socialist leadership figures to one of violent occupation of cities. The Fascists met little serious resistance from authorities and proceeded to take over several northern Italian cities.<ref name="rop87"/> The Fascists attacked the headquarters of socialist and [[Roman Catholic Church|Catholic]] unions in Cremona and imposed forced Italianization upon the German-speaking population of Trent and Bolzano.<ref name=rop87/> After seizing these cities, the Fascists made plans to take [[Rome]].<ref name=rop87/>

[[File:March on Rome.jpg|thumb|right|300px|[[Benito Mussolini]] with 3 of the 4 [[quadrumvirs]] during the March on Rome: from left to right: unknown, [[Emilio de Bono|de Bono]], Mussolini, [[Italo Balbo|Balbo]] and [[Cesare Maria de Vecchi|de Vecchi]]]]
On 24 October 1922, the Fascist party held its annual congress in [[Naples]], where Mussolini ordered Blackshirts to take control of public buildings and trains and to converge on three points around Rome.<ref name=rop87/> The Fascists managed to seize control of several post offices and trains in northern Italy while the Italian government, led by a left-wing coalition, was internally divided and unable to respond to the Fascist advances.<ref name="rop88"/> King [[Victor Emmanuel III of Italy]] perceived the risk of bloodshed in Rome in response to attempting to disperse the Fascists to be too high.<ref name="rop90"/> Victor Emmanuel III decided to appoint Mussolini as [[Prime Minister of Italy]], and Mussolini arrived in Rome on 30 October to accept the appointment.<ref name=rop90/> Fascist propaganda aggrandized this event, known as "[[March on Rome]]", as a "seizure" of power because of Fascists' heroic exploits.<ref name=rop87/>

Upon being appointed Prime Minister of Italy, Mussolini had to form a coalition government, because the Fascists did not have control over the Italian parliament.<ref name="sgp110"/> Mussolini's coalition government initially pursued [[Economic liberalism|economically liberal]] policies under the direction of liberal finance minister [[Alberto De Stefani]], including balancing the budget through deep cuts to the civil service.<ref name=sgp110/> Initially, little drastic change in government policy had occurred and repressive police actions were limited.<ref name=sgp110/>

The Fascists began their attempt to entrench Fascism in Italy with the [[Acerbo Law]], which guaranteed a plurality of the seats in parliament to any party or coalition list in an election that received 25% or more of the vote.<ref name="sgp113"/> Through considerable Fascist violence and intimidation, the list won a majority of the vote, allowing many seats to go to the Fascists.<ref name=sgp113/> In the aftermath of the election, a crisis and political scandal erupted after Socialist Party deputy [[Giacomo Matteoti]] was kidnapped and murdered by a Fascist.<ref name=sgp113/> The liberals and the leftist minority in parliament walked out in protest in what became known as the [[Aventine Secession (20th century)|Aventine Secession]].<ref name="sgp114"/> On 3 January 1925, Mussolini addressed the Fascist-dominated Italian parliament and declared that he was personally responsible for what happened, but he insisted that he had done nothing wrong. He proclaimed himself dictator of Italy, assuming full responsibility over the government and announcing the dismissal of parliament.<ref name=sgp114/> From 1925 to 1929, Fascism steadily became entrenched in power: opposition deputies were denied access to parliament, censorship was introduced, and a December 1925 decree made Mussolini solely responsible to the King.<ref name="routledge42"/>

In 1929, the Fascist regime gained the political support and blessing of the Roman Catholic Church after the regime signed a concordat with the Church, known as the [[Lateran Treaty]], which gave the papacy state sovereignty and financial compensation for the seizure of Church lands by the liberal state in the nineteenth century.<ref name="routledge43"/>

The Fascist regime created a [[Corporatism|corporatist]] economic system in 1925 with creation of the [[Palazzo Vidioni Pact]], in which the Italian employers' association [[Confindustria]] and Fascist trade unions agreed to recognize each other as the sole representatives of Italy's employers and employees, excluding non-Fascist trade unions.<ref name="cb150"/> The Fascist regime first created a Ministry of Corporations that organized the Italian economy into 22 sectoral corporations, banned workers' strikes and lock-outs, and in 1927 created the [[Labour Charter of 1927|Charter of Labour]], which established workers' rights and duties and created labour tribunals to arbitrate employer-employee disputes.<ref name=cb150/> In practice, the sectoral corporations exercised little independence and were largely controlled by the regime, and employee organizations were rarely led by employees themselves but instead by appointed Fascist party members.<ref name=cb150/>

In the 1920s, Fascist Italy pursued an aggressive foreign policy that included an attack on the Greek island of [[Corfu]], aims to expand Italian territory in the [[Balkans]], plans to wage war against [[Turkey]] and [[Yugoslavia]], attempts to bring Yugoslavia into civil war by supporting Croat and Macedonian separatists to legitimize Italian intervention, and making [[Albania]] a ''[[de facto]]'' [[protectorate]] of Italy, which was achieved through diplomatic means by 1927.<ref name="expansionism"/> In response to revolt in the Italian colony of [[Libya]], Fascist Italy abandoned previous liberal-era colonial policy of cooperation with local leaders. Instead, claiming that Italians were a superior race to African races and thereby had the right to colonize the "inferior" Africans, it sought to settle 10 to 15 million Italians in Libya.<ref name="aaa134"/> This resulted in an aggressive military campaign known as the [[Pacification of Libya]] against natives in Libya, including mass killings, the use of [[concentration camp]]s, and the forced starvation of thousands of people.<ref name=aaa134/> Italian authorities committed [[ethnic cleansing]] by forcibly expelling 100,000 [[Bedouins|Bedouin]] Cyrenaicans, half the population of Cyrenaica in Libya, from their settlements that was slated to be given to Italian settlers.<ref name="mussolini"/><ref name="university44"/>

[[File:Bundesarchiv Bild 119-1486, Hitler-Putsch, München, Marienplatz.jpg|thumb|left|300px|Nazis in [[Munich]] during the Beer Hall Putsch.]]
The March on Rome brought Fascism international attention. One early admirer of the Italian Fascists was [[Adolf Hitler]], who, less than a month after the March, had begun to model himself and the [[Nazi Party]] upon Mussolini and the Fascists.<ref name="kershaw"/> The Nazis, led by Hitler and the German war hero [[Erich Ludendorff]], attempted a "March on Berlin" modeled upon the March on Rome, which resulted in the failed [[Beer Hall Putsch]] in [[Munich]] in November 1923.<ref name="dissolution"/>

===International surge of fascism and World War II (1929–45)===
[[File:Hitlermusso2 edit.jpg|thumb|right|[[Benito Mussolini]] (left) and [[Adolf Hitler]] (right).]]

The events of the [[Great Depression]] resulted in an international surge of fascism and the creation of several fascist regimes and regimes that adopted fascist policies. The most important new fascist regime was [[Nazi Germany]], under the leadership of Adolf Hitler. With the rise of Hitler and the Nazis to power in 1933, [[liberal democracy]] was dissolved in Germany, and the Nazis mobilized the country for war, with expansionist territorial aims against several countries. In the 1930s the Nazis implemented racial laws that deliberately discriminated against, disenfranchised, and persecuted Jews and other racial and minority groups.

Fascist movements grew in strength elsewhere in Europe. Hungarian fascist [[Gyula Gömbös]] rose to power as Prime Minister of [[Hungary]] in 1932 and attempted to entrench his [[Party of Hungarian Life|Party of National Unity]] throughout the country; created an eight-hour work day, a forty-eight hour work week in industry, and sought to entrench a corporatist economy; and pursued irredentist claims on Hungary's neighbors.<ref name="routledge45"/> The fascist [[Iron Guard]] movement in [[Romania]] soared in political support after 1933, gaining representation in the Romanian government, and an Iron Guard member assassinated Romanian prime minister [[Ion Duca]].<ref name="routledge46"/> During the [[6 February 1934 crisis]], [[France]] faced the greatest domestic political turmoil since the [[Dreyfus Affair]] when the fascist [[Mouvement Franciste|Francist Movement]] and multiple far right movements rioted ''[[en masse]]'' in Paris against the French government resulting in major political violence.<ref name="fascism"/> A variety of para-fascist governments that borrowed elements from fascism were formed during the Great Depression, including those of [[Greece]], [[Lithuania]], [[Poland]], and [[Yugoslavia]].<ref name="routledge47"/>

[[File:SaudacaoIntegralista1935.jpg|thumb|right|Integralists marching in Brazil.]]
[[File:Dainihon Seinento.jpg|300px|thumb|left|Rally of [[Great Japan Youth Party]] in 1940.]]
In the Americas, the [[Brazilian Integralism|Brazilian Integralists]] led by [[Plínio Salgado]], claimed as many as 200,000 members although following coup attempts it faced a crackdown from the [[Estado Novo (Brazil)|Estado Novo]] of [[Getúlio Vargas]] in 1937.<ref name="griffin"/> In the 1930s, the [[National Socialist Movement of Chile]] gained seats in [[Chile]]'s parliament and attempted a coup d'état that resulted in the [[Seguro Obrero massacre]] of 1938.<ref name="routledge48"/>

During the [[Great Depression]], Mussolini promoted active state intervention in the economy. He denounced the contemporary "[[Supercapitalism (concept in Italian Fascism)|supercapitalism]]" that he claimed began in 1914 as a failure because of its alleged [[decadence]], its support for unlimited [[consumerism]] and its intention to create the "standardization of humankind".<ref name="gb2000"/> Fascist Italy created the [[Istituto per la Ricostruzione Industriale|Institute for Industrial Reconstruction]] (IRI), a giant state-owned firm and holding company that provided state funding to failing private enterprises.<ref name="cb189"/> The IRI was made a permanent institution in Fascist Italy in 1937, pursued Fascist policies to create national [[autarky]], and had the power to take over private firms to maximize war production.<ref name=cb189/> In the late 1930s, Italy enacted manufacturing cartels, tariff barriers, currency restrictions, and massive regulation of the economy to attempt to balance payments.<ref name="Cyprian Blamires 2006. p. 72"/> However, Italy's policy of autarky failed to achieve effective economic autonomy.<ref name="Cyprian Blamires 2006. p. 72"/> Nazi Germany similarly pursued an economic agenda with the aims of autarky and rearmament and imposed [[Protectionism|protectionist]] policies, including forcing the German steel industry to use lower-quality German iron ore rather than superior-quality imported iron.<ref name="encyclopedia49"/>

In Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany both Mussolini and Hitler pursued territorial expansionist and interventionist foreign policy agendas from the 1930s through the 1940s culminating in [[World War II]]. Mussolini called for irredentist Italian claims to be reclaimed, establishing Italian domination of the [[Mediterranean Sea]] and securing Italian access to the [[Atlantic Ocean]], and the creation of Italian ''spazio vitale'' ("vital space") in the Mediterranean and [[Red Sea]] regions.<ref name="expansionism50"/> Hitler called for irredentist German claims to be reclaimed along with the creation of German ''[[lebensraum]]'' ("living space") in Eastern Europe, including territories held by the [[Soviet Union]], that would be colonized by Germans.<ref name="expansionism51"/>

[[File:Buchenwald Corpses 60623.jpg|thumb|right|Corpses of victims of the German [[Buchenwald concentration camp]].]]
[[Image:Inmate at the Rab concentration camp.jpg||thumb|left|[[Emaciation|Emaciated]] male inmate at the Italian [[Rab concentration camp]].]]
From 1935 to 1939 Germany and Italy escalated their demands for territorial claims and greater influence in world affairs. Italy invaded [[Ethiopia]] in 1935 resulting in condemnation by the League of Nations and widespread diplomatic isolation. In 1936 Germany [[Remilitarization of the Rhineland|remilitarized the industrial Rhineland]]; the region had been ordered demilitarized by the [[Treaty of Versailles]]. In 1938 Germany annexed Austria and Italy assisted in Germany in resolving the diplomatic crisis between Germany versus Britain and France over claims on Czechoslovakia by arranging the [[Munich Agreement]] that gave Germany the Sudetenland and was perceived at the time to have averted a European war, these hopes faded when Hitler violated the Munich Agreement by ordering the invasion and partition of Czechoslovakia between Germany and a client state of [[Slovakia]] in 1939. At the same time from 1938 to 1939, Italy was demanding territorial and colonial concessions from France and Britain.<ref name="university52"/> In 1939, Germany prepared for war with Poland, but attempted to gain territorial concessions from Poland through diplomatic means.<ref name="Eugene Davidson Pp. 371-372"/> The Polish government did not trust Hitler's promises and refused to accept Germany's demands.<ref name="Eugene Davidson Pp. 371-372"/>

The invasion of [[Poland]] by Germany was deemed unacceptable by Britain, France and their allies, resulting in their mutual declaration of war against Germany that was deemed the aggressor in the war in Poland, resulting in the outbreak of [[World War II]]. In 1940, Mussolini led Italy into [[World War II]] on the side of the [[Axis Powers|Axis]]. Mussolini was aware that Italy did not have the military capacity to carry out a long war with [[France]] or the [[United Kingdom]] and waited until France was on the verge of imminent collapse and surrender from German invasion before declaring war on France and the United Kingdom on 10 June 1940, on the assumption that the war would be short-lived following France's collapse.<ref name="university53"/> Mussolini believed that following a brief entry of Italy into war with France, followed by the imminent French surrender, Italy could gain some territorial concessions from France and then concentrate its forces on a major offensive in Egypt where British and Commonwealth forces were outnumbered by Italian forces.<ref name="university54"/> Plans by Germany to invade the UK in 1940 failed after Germany lost the aerial warfare campaign in the [[Battle of Britain]]. The war became prolonged contrary to Mussolini's plans resulting in Italy losing battles on multiple fronts and requiring German assistance. In 1941 the Axis campaign spread to the Soviet Union after Hitler launched [[Operation Barbarossa]]. Axis forces at the height of their power controlled almost all of continental Europe.

During World War II, the Axis Powers in Europe, led by Nazi Germany participated in the extermination of millions of Poles, Jews, Gypsies and others in the [[genocide]] known as the [[Holocaust]]. In Asia, Japan committed large massacres of Chinese civilians.

After 1942, Axis forces began to falter. By 1943, after Italy faced multiple military failures, complete reliance and subordination of Italy to Germany, and Allied invasion of Italy, and corresponding international humiliation, Mussolini was removed as head of government and arrested by the order of King Victor Emmanuel III who proceeded to dismantle the Fascist state and declared Italy's switching of allegiance to the Allied side. Mussolini was rescued from arrest by German forces and led the German client state, the [[Italian Social Republic]] from 1943 to 1945. Nazi Germany faced multiple losses and steady Soviet and Western Allied offensives from 1943 to 1945.

On 28 April 1945, Mussolini was captured and executed by Italian communist partisans. On 30 April 1945, Hitler committed suicide. Shortly afterwards Germany surrendered and the Nazi regime was dismantled and key Nazi members arrested to stand trial for [[crimes against humanity]] involving the Holocaust.

===Post-World-War II (1945–present)===
[[File:Franco0001.PNG|thumb|left|175px|[[Francisco Franco]], the quasi-fascist ''[[Caudillo]]'' of [[Spain]] from 1939 to 1975.]]
[[Image:Juan Peron con banda de presidente.jpg|thumb|right|175px|[[Juan Perón]], [[President of Argentina]] from 1946 to 1955 and 1973 to 1974. Perón admired Italian Fascism and modelled his economic policies on those pursued by Fascist Italy.]]

In the aftermath of [[World War II]], the victory of the Allies over the Axis powers led to the collapse of multiple fascist regimes in Europe. The [[Nuremberg Trials]] convicted multiple Nazi leaders of crimes against humanity involving the Holocaust.

However there remained multiple ideologies and governments that were ideologically related to fascism.

[[Francisco Franco]]'s [[Falangism|Falangist]] single-party state in Spain was officially neutral in World War II and survived the collapse of the Axis Powers. Franco's rise to power had been directly assisted by the militaries of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany during the Spanish Civil War, and had sent volunteers to fight on the side of Nazi Germany against the Soviet Union during World War II. After World War II and a period of international isolation, Franco's regime normalized relations with Western powers in the [[Cold War]], until Franco's death in 1975 and the transformation of Spain into a liberal democracy.

[[Peronism]] associated with the regime of [[Juan Peron]] in [[Argentina]] from 1946 to 1955 and 1973 to 1974, was strongly influenced by fascism.<ref name="Blamires, Cyprian 2006 p. 512"/> Prior to rising to power, from 1939 to 1941, Peron had developed a deep admiration of Italian Fascism and modelled his economic policies on Italian Fascist economic policies.<ref name="Blamires, Cyprian 2006 p. 512"/>

[[File:Baath Party founder Michel Aflaq with Iraqi President Saddam Hussein in 1988.jpg|thumb|left|[[Ba'ath Party]] founder [[Michel Aflaq]] (left) with Iraqi President [[Saddam Hussein]] (right) in 1988.]]

Another ideology strongly influenced by fascism is [[Ba'athism]].<ref name="Blamires, Cyprian 2006 p. 82-84"/> Ba'athism is a revolutionary [[Arab nationalism|Arab nationalist]] ideology that seeks the unification of all claimed Arab lands into a single Arab state.<ref name="Blamires, Cyprian 2006 p. 82-84"/> [[Zaki al-Arsuzi]], one of the principal founders of Ba'athism was strongly influenced by and supportive of fascism and Nazism.<ref name="transaction"/> Several close associates of Ba'athism's key ideologist [[Michel Aflaq]] have admitted that Aflaq had been directly inspired by certain fascist and Nazi theorists.<ref name="Blamires, Cyprian 2006 p. 82-84"/> Ba'athist regimes in power in Iraq and Syria have held strong similarities to fascism, they are radical authoritarian nationalist single-party states.<ref name="Blamires, Cyprian 2006 p. 82-84"/> Because of Ba'athism's anti-Western stances it preferred the [[Soviet Union]] in the [[Cold War]] and admired and adopted certain Soviet organizational structures for their governments, however the Iraqi Ba'athist regimes persecuted communists while the Syrian Ba'athist regime collaborated with them.<ref name="Blamires, Cyprian 2006 p. 82-84"/> Like fascist regimes, Ba'athism became heavily militarized in power.<ref name="Blamires, Cyprian 2006 p. 82-84"/> Ba'athist movements governed Iraq in 1963 and again from 1968 to 2003 and in Syria from 1963 to present. Ba'athist heads of state such as [[President of Syria|Syrian President]] [[Hafez al-Assad]] and [[President of Iraq|Iraqi President]] [[Saddam Hussein]] created [[personality cult]]s around themselves portraying themselves as the nationalist saviours of the Arab world.<ref name="Blamires, Cyprian 2006 p. 82-84"/>

[[Ba'athist Iraq]] under Saddam Hussein pursued [[ethnic cleansing]] or liquidation of minorities, pursued expansionist wars against Iran and Kuwait, and gradually replaced pan-Arabism with an [[Iraqi nationalism]] that emphasized Iraq's connection to the glories of ancient Mesopotamian empires, including [[Neo-Babylonian Empire|Babylonia]].<ref name="Stanley G. Payne 1995, Pp. 517"/> Ba'athist Iraq openly promoted [[Anti-Iranian sentiment|anti-Persian]] and [[Antisemitism|antisemitic]] racism, such as Ba'athist Iraq's endorsement of [[Khairallah Talfah]]'s ''[[Three Whom God Should Not Have Created: Persians, Jews, and Flies]]'' (1940) during the [[Iran-Iraq War]], including other works alleging of Jewish-Persian conspiracy against Iraq dating back to ancient times when [[Nebuchadnezzar II]] persecuted the Jews in Babylonia while the Persia allowed the Babylonian Jews to seek refuge in their lands.<ref>Arshin Adib-Moghaddam. The International Politics Of The Persian Gulf: A Cultural Genealogy. Oxon, England, UK; New York, New York, USA: Routledge, 2006. P.&nbsp;36–37.</ref> Historian of fascism [[Stanley Payne]] has said about Saddam Hussein's regime: "There will probably never again be a reproduction of the Third Reich, but Saddam Hussein has come closer than any other dictator since 1945".<ref name="Stanley G. Payne 1995, Pp. 517"/>


==Tenets==
==Tenets==
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Fascist states pursued policies of social [[indoctrination]] through [[propaganda]] in education and the media and regulation of the production of educational and media materials.<ref name="totalitarianism"/><ref name="google68"/> Education was designed to glorify the fascist movement and inform students of its historical and political importance to the nation. It attempted to purge ideas that were not consistent with the beliefs of the fascist movement and to teach students to be obedient to the state.<ref name="pauley"/>
Fascist states pursued policies of social [[indoctrination]] through [[propaganda]] in education and the media and regulation of the production of educational and media materials.<ref name="totalitarianism"/><ref name="google68"/> Education was designed to glorify the fascist movement and inform students of its historical and political importance to the nation. It attempted to purge ideas that were not consistent with the beliefs of the fascist movement and to teach students to be obedient to the state.<ref name="pauley"/>

===Third Position economics===

Fascism supports a state-controlled economy that accepts a mix of [[private ownership|private]] and [[public ownership]] over the [[means of production]].<ref name="Robert Millward 1990. P. 178">Robert Millward. Private and public enterprise in Europe: energy, telecommunications and transport, 1830-1990. Cambridge, England, UK: Cambridge University Press, P. 178.</ref> [[Economic planning]] is applied to both the public and private sector in a fascist economy, the prosperity of private enterprise depended on its acceptance of synchronizing itself with the fascist state's economic goals.<ref name="Cyprian Blamires 2006. P. 189">Cyprian Blamires. ''World Fascism: A Historical Encyclopedia, Volume 1''. Santa Barbara, California, USA: ABC-CLIO, 2006. P. 189.</ref> It supports the [[profit motive]]. However it emphasizes that industries must uphold the national interest as superior to private profit.<ref name="Cyprian Blamires 2006. P. 189"/>

Fascism promotes such economics as a "[[Third Position|third position]]" alternative to [[capitalism]] and [[Marxism]], as fascism declares both as being obsolete.<ref name="Frank Joseph 2010. Pp. 50"/> Such an economic system, is variously termed by fascists as "national corporatism", "national socialism" or "national syndicalism".<ref name="deff"/>

Benito Mussolini spoke of this as a "Third Alternative" in 1940 upon Italy's entry into World War II, saying:

{{quote|''This conflict must not be allowed to cancel out all our achievements of the past eighteen years, nor, more importantly, extinguish the hope of a Third Alternative held out by Fascism to mankind fettered between the pillar of capitalist slavery and the post of Marxist chaos.''|Benito Mussolini, 1940.<ref name="Frank Joseph 2010. Pp. 50"/>}}

While fascism accepts the importance of material wealth and power, it condemns materialism that it identifies as being present in both [[communism]] and [[capitalism]], and criticizes their materialist basis for lacking acknowledgement of the role of the [[spirit]].<ref name="Peter Davies 2002. P. 103">Peter Davies, Derek Lynch. The Routledge Companion to Fascism and the Far Right. Routledge, 2002. P. 103.</ref> In particular, fascism denounces capitalism not because of its competitive nature nor its support of private property that fascism supports; but due to its materialism, individualism, alleged bourgeois decadence, and alleged indifference to the nation.<ref name="Robert O. Paxton 2005. Pp. 10">Robert O. Paxton. ''The Anatomy of Fascism''. Vintage Books edition. Vintage Books, 2005. Pp. 10.</ref> Fascism denounces Marxism for its advocacy of materialist internationalist class identity that fascism regards as an attack upon the emotional and spiritual bonds of nationality and thwarting the achievement of genuine national solidarity.<ref>John Breuilly. Nationalism and the State. University of Chicago Press edition. University of Chicago, 1994. Pp. 290.</ref>

Fascism officially advocates resolution to domestic [[class conflict]] within a nation to secure national solidarity.<ref name="Griffin, Roger 1991 pp. 222"/> While fascism opposes domestic class conflict, fascism believes that bourgeois-proletarian conflict primarily exists in national conflict between [[proletarian nation]]s versus [[bourgeois nation]]s.<ref name="minneapolis"/>


Benito Mussolini promised a "social revolution" that would "remake" the [[Italian people]]. According to Patricia Knight, this was only achieved in part.<ref name="kp72"/> The people who primarily benefited from Italian fascist social policies were members of the [[middle class|middle]] and [[lower-middle class]]es, who filled jobs in the vastly expanded government workforce, which grew from about 500,000 to 1,000,000 jobs in 1930 alone.<ref name=kp72/> Health and welfare spending grew dramatically under Italian fascism, with welfare rising from 7% of the budget in 1930 to 20% in 1940.<ref name="experience"/>
Benito Mussolini promised a "social revolution" that would "remake" the [[Italian people]]. According to Patricia Knight, this was only achieved in part.<ref name="kp72"/> The people who primarily benefited from Italian fascist social policies were members of the [[middle class|middle]] and [[lower-middle class]]es, who filled jobs in the vastly expanded government workforce, which grew from about 500,000 to 1,000,000 jobs in 1930 alone.<ref name=kp72/> Health and welfare spending grew dramatically under Italian fascism, with welfare rising from 7% of the budget in 1930 to 20% in 1940.<ref name="experience"/>

The ''[[Opera Nazionale Dopolavoro]]'' (OND) or "National After-work Program" was one major social welfare initiative in Fascist Italy. Created in 1925, it was the state's largest recreational organisation for adults.<ref name="pauley3"/> The ''Dopolavoro'' was responsible for establishing and maintaining 11,000 sports grounds, over 6,400 libraries, 800 movie houses, 1,200 theatres, and over 2,000 orchestras.<ref name=pauley3/> Membership of the ''Dopolavoro'' was voluntary, but it had high participation because of its nonpolitical nature.<ref name=pauley3/> It is estimated that, by 1936, the OND had organised 80% of salaried workers<ref name="organizations"/> and, by 1939, 40% of the industrial workforce. The sports activities proved popular with large numbers of workers. The OND had the largest membership of any of the mass Fascist organisations in Italy.<ref name="aristotle99"/>

The enormous success of the ''Dopolavoro'' in Fascist Italy was the key factor in Nazi Germany's creation of its own version of the ''Dopolavoro'', the ''[[Kraft durch Freude]]'' (KdF) or "Strength through Joy" program of the Nazi government's [[German Labour Front]], which became even more successful than the ''Dopolavoro''.<ref name="pauley100"/> KdF provided government-subsidized holidays for German workers.<ref name="community"/> KdF was also responsible for the creation of the original [[Volkswagen]] ("People's Car"), a state-manufactured automobile that was meant to be cheap enough to allow all German citizens to be able to own one.

While fascists promoted social welfare to ameliorate economic conditions affecting their nation or race as whole, they did not support social welfare for [[Egalitarianism|egalitarian]] reasons. Fascists criticised egalitarianism as preserving the weak. They instead promoted [[Social Darwinism|social Darwinist]] views.<ref name="egalitarianism"/><ref name="university101"/>
Adolf Hitler was opposed to egalitarian and universal social welfare because, in his view, it encouraged the preservation of the degenerate and feeble.<ref name="hitler"/> While in power, the Nazis created social welfare programs to deal with the large numbers of unemployed. However, those programs were neither egalitarian nor universal, excluding many minority groups and other people whom they felt posed a threat to the future health of the German people.<ref name="evans102"/>

===Action===
Fascism emphasizes [[direct action]], including supporting the legitimacy of [[political violence]], as a core part of its politics.<ref name="Stanley G. Payne 1945. Pp. 106"/><ref>John Breuilly. Nationalism and the State. Pp. 294.</ref> Fascism views violent action as a necessity in politics that fascism identifies as being an "endless struggle".<ref name="Political Theory 2010. Pp. 106">Fascism and Political Theory: Critical Perspectives on Fascist Ideology. Routledge. Oxon, England, UK; New York, New York, USA: Routledge, 2010. Pp. 106.</ref>

The basis of fascism's support of violent action in politics is connected to [[social Darwinism]].<ref name="Political Theory 2010. Pp. 106"/> Fascist movements have commonly held [[Social Darwinism|social Darwinist]] views of nations, races, and societies.<ref name=psg485/> They argue that nations and races must purge themselves of socially and biologically weak or [[Degeneration|degenerate]] people, while simultaneously promoting the creation of strong people, in order to survive in a world defined by perpetual national and racial conflict.<ref name="university64"/>


===Age and gender roles===
===Age and gender roles===
Fascism emphasizes [[youth]] both in a physical sense of age and in a spiritual sense as related to virility and commitment to action.<ref name="Mark Antliff 2007. Pp. 171">Mark Antliff. ''Avant-Garde Fascism: The Mobilization of Myth, Art, and Culture in France, 1909–1939''. Duke University Press, 2007. Pp. 171.</ref> The Italian Fascists' political anthem was called ''[[Giovenezza]]'' ("The Youth").<ref name="Mark Antliff 2007. Pp. 171"/> Fascism identifies the physical age period of youth as a critical time for the moral development of people that will affect society.<ref>Maria Sop Quine. ''Population Politics in Twentieth Century Europe: Fascist Dictatorships and Liberal Democracies''. Routledge, 1995. Pp. 47.</ref>

Italian Fascism pursued what it called "moral hygiene" of youth, particularly regarding [[Human sexuality|sexuality]].<ref name="Maria Sop Quine 1995. Pp. 46-47">Maria Sop Quine. ''Population Politics in Twentieth Century Europe: Fascist Dictatorships and Liberal Democracies''. Routledge, 1995. Pp.&nbsp;46–47.</ref> Fascist Italy promoted what it considered normal sexual behaviour in youth while denouncing what it considered deviant sexual behaviour.<ref name="Maria Sop Quine 1995. Pp. 46-47"/> It condemned [[pornography]], most forms of [[birth control]] and contraceptive devices (with the exception of the [[condom]]), [[homosexuality]], and [[prostitution]] as deviant sexual behaviour, although enforcement of laws opposed to such practices was erratic and authorities often turned a blind eye.<ref name="Maria Sop Quine 1995. Pp. 46-47" /> Fascist Italy regarded the promotion of male sexual excitation before [[puberty]] as the cause of criminality amongst male youth.<ref name="Maria Sop Quine 1995. Pp. 46-47"/> Fascist Italy declared homosexuality to be a social disease.<ref name="Maria Sop Quine 1995. Pp. 46-47"/> Fascist Italy pursued an aggressive campaign to reduce prostitution of young women.<ref name="Maria Sop Quine 1995. Pp. 46-47"/>


Mussolini perceived women's primary role to be childbearers, while men were warriors, once saying, "war is to man what maternity is to the woman".<ref name="psychoanalysis"/> In an effort to increase birthrates, the Italian Fascist government gave financial incentives to women who raised large families, and initiated policies designed to reduce the number of women employed.<ref name="mussolini73"/> Italian Fascism called for women to be honoured as "reproducers of the nation", and the Italian Fascist government held ritual ceremonies to honour women's role within the Italian nation.<ref name="university74"/> In 1934, Mussolini declared that employment of women was a "major aspect of the thorny problem of unemployment" and that for women, working was "incompatible with childbearing". Mussolini went on to say that the solution to unemployment for men was the "exodus of women from the work force".<ref name="routledge75"/>
Mussolini perceived women's primary role to be childbearers, while men were warriors, once saying, "war is to man what maternity is to the woman".<ref name="psychoanalysis"/> In an effort to increase birthrates, the Italian Fascist government gave financial incentives to women who raised large families, and initiated policies designed to reduce the number of women employed.<ref name="mussolini73"/> Italian Fascism called for women to be honoured as "reproducers of the nation", and the Italian Fascist government held ritual ceremonies to honour women's role within the Italian nation.<ref name="university74"/> In 1934, Mussolini declared that employment of women was a "major aspect of the thorny problem of unemployment" and that for women, working was "incompatible with childbearing". Mussolini went on to say that the solution to unemployment for men was the "exodus of women from the work force".<ref name="routledge75"/>
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The Nazis argued that homosexuality was degenerate, effeminate, perverted, and undermined masculinity because it did not produce children.<ref name="evans78"/> They considered homosexuality curable through therapy, citing modern [[scientism]] and the study of [[sexology]], which said that homosexuality could be felt by "normal" people and not just an abnormal minority.<ref name="fascism79"/> Open homosexuals were interned in Nazi concentration camps.<ref name="Persecution of Homosexuals in the Third Reich"/>
The Nazis argued that homosexuality was degenerate, effeminate, perverted, and undermined masculinity because it did not produce children.<ref name="evans78"/> They considered homosexuality curable through therapy, citing modern [[scientism]] and the study of [[sexology]], which said that homosexuality could be felt by "normal" people and not just an abnormal minority.<ref name="fascism79"/> Open homosexuals were interned in Nazi concentration camps.<ref name="Persecution of Homosexuals in the Third Reich"/>


===Palingenesis and modernism===
===Economic policies===
Fascism emphasizes both [[palingenesis]] and [[modernism]].<ref name="Blamires168">Cyprian Blamires. ''World Fascism: A Historical Encyclopedia, Volume 1''. Santa Barbara, California, USA: ABC-CLIO, 2006 Pp. 168.</ref> In particular, fascism's nationalism has been identified as having a palingenetic character.<ref name="Cyprian Blamires 2006. Pp. 451-453" /> Fascism promotes the regeneration of the nation and purging it of [[decadence]].<ref name="Blamires168" /> Fascism accepts forms of modernism that it deems promotes national regeneration while rejecting forms of modernism that are regarded as antithetical to national regeneration.<ref>Cyprian Blamires. ''World Fascism: A Historical Encyclopedia, Volume 1''. Santa Barbara, California, USA: ABC-CLIO, 2006 Pp.&nbsp;168–169.</ref> Fascism aestheticized modern technology and its association with speed, power, and violence.<ref>Mark Neocleous. ''Fascism''. University of Minnesota Press, 1997. Pp. 63.</ref> Fascism admired advances in the economy in the early 20th century, particularly [[Fordism]] and [[scientific management]].<ref>Mark Neocleous. ''Fascism''. University of Minnesota Press, 1997. Pp. 65.</ref> Fascist modernism has been recognized to be inspired or developed by various figures such as [[Filippo Tommaso Marinetti]], [[Ernst Jünger]], [[Gottfried Benn]], [[Louis-Ferdinand Céline]], [[Knut Hamsun]], [[Ezra Pound]], and [[Wyndham Lewis]].<ref>"Fascist Modernism" by Jobst Welge. Astradur Eysteinsson (ed.), Vivian Liska (ed.). ''Modernism, Volumes 1-2''. John Benjamins Publishing, 2007. Pp. 547.</ref>

In Italy, such modernist influence was exemplified by Marinetti who advocated a palingenetic modernist society that condemned liberal-bourgeois values of tradition and psychology, while promoting a technological-martial religion of national renewal that emphasized militant nationalism.<ref>"Fascist Modernism" by Jobst Welge. Astradur Eysteinsson (ed.), Vivian Liska (ed.). ''Modernism, Volumes 1-2''. John Benjamins Publishing, 2007. Pp. 550.</ref> In Germany, it was exemplified by Jünger who was influenced by his observation of the technological warfare during World War I, and claimed that a new social class had been created that he described as the "warrior-worker".<ref name="jobstwelge">"Fascist Modernism" by Jobst Welge. Astradur Eysteinsson (ed.), Vivian Liska (ed.). ''Modernism, Volumes 1-2''. John Benjamins Publishing, 2007. Pp. 553.</ref> Jünger like Marinetti emphasized the revolutionary capacities of technology, and emphasized an "organic construction" between human and machine as a liberating and regenerative force in that challenged liberal democracy, conceptions of individual autonomy, bourgeois nihilism, and decadence.<ref name="jobstwelge" /> He conceived of a society based on a totalitarian concept of "total mobilization" of such disciplined warrior-workers.<ref name="jobstwelge" />
<!-- commenting out as this section needs to be reorganized into the article===Economic policies===
{{Further|Economics of fascism}}
{{Further|Economics of fascism}}


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Fascists pursued economic policies to strengthen state power and spread ideology, such as consolidating trade unions to be state- or party-controlled.<ref name="pauley86"/> Attempts were made by both Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany to establish "[[autarky]]" (self-sufficiency) through significant economic planning, but neither achieved economic self-sufficiency.<ref name="pauley87"/>
Fascists pursued economic policies to strengthen state power and spread ideology, such as consolidating trade unions to be state- or party-controlled.<ref name="pauley86"/> Attempts were made by both Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany to establish "[[autarky]]" (self-sufficiency) through significant economic planning, but neither achieved economic self-sufficiency.<ref name="pauley87"/>

====National corporatism, statism and national syndicalism====
Italian Fascism's economy was based on [[corporatism]], and a number of other fascist movements similarly promoted corporatism. [[Oswald Mosley]] of the [[British Union of Fascists]], describing fascist corporatism, said that "it means a nation organized as the human body, with each organ performing its individual function but working in harmony with the whole".<ref name="re208"/> Fascists were not hostile to the ''[[petit-bourgeoisie]]'' or to small businesses, and they promised these groups, alongside the proletariat, protection from the upper-class bourgeoisie, big business, and Marxism. The promotion of these groups is the source of the term "extremism of the centre" to describe fascism.<ref name="gr101"/>

Fascism blamed capitalist [[liberal democracies]] for creating class conflict and communists for exploiting it.<ref name="books.google.com"/> In Italy, the Fascist period presided over the creation of the largest number of state-owned enterprises in [[Western Europe]], such as the nationalisation of [[petroleum]] companies into a single state enterprise called the Italian General Agency for Petroleum (''Azienda Generale Italiani Petroli'', AGIP).<ref name="publishing88"/> Fascists made populist appeals to the [[middle class]], especially the lower middle class, by promising to protect small businesses and property owners from communism, and by promising an economy based on competition and profit while pledging to oppose big business.<ref name=gr101/>

In 1933, Benito Mussolini declared Italian Fascism's opposition to the "decadent capitalism" that he claimed prevailed in the world at the time, but he did not denounce capitalism entirely. Mussolini claimed that capitalism had degenerated in three stages, starting with dynamic or [[Heroic capitalism (concept in Italian Fascism)|heroic capitalism]] (1830–1870), followed by static capitalism (1870–1914), and reaching its final form of decadent capitalism or "[[Supercapitalism (concept in Italian Fascism)|supercapitalism]]" beginning in 1914.<ref name="fz136"/> Mussolini argued that Italian Fascism acknowledged the positive achievements of dynamic and heroic capitalism for its contribution to [[industrialism]] and its technical developments, but that it did not favour supercapitalism, which he claimed was incompatible with Italy's agricultural sector.<ref name=fz136/>

Thus Mussolini claimed that Italy under Fascist rule was not capitalist in the contemporary use of the term, which referred to supercapitalism.<ref name=fz136/> Mussolini denounced supercapitalism for causing the "standardization of humankind" and for causing excessive consumption.<ref name="aesthetics89"/> Mussolini claimed that at the stage of supercapitalism, "a capitalist enterprise, when difficulties arise, throws itself like a dead weight into the state's arms. It is then that state intervention begins and becomes more necessary. It is then that those who once ignored the state now seek it out anxiously."<ref name="establishing"/> He saw Fascism as the next logical step to solve the problems of supercapitalism and claimed that "our path would lead inexorably into [[state capitalism]], which is nothing more nor less than [[state socialism]] turned on its head. In either event, the result is the bureaucratization of the economic activities of the nation."<ref name="mb158-159"/> Mussolini claimed that dynamic or heroic capitalism and the [[bourgeoisie]] could be prevented from degenerating into static capitalism and then supercapitalism if the concept of economic [[individualism]] were abandoned and if state supervision of the economy was introduced.<ref name="salvemini"/> [[Private enterprise]] would control production but it would be supervised by the state.<ref name="Salvemini. Pp. 134"/> By the late 1930s and the 1940s, Italian Fascism completely denounced capitalism as an obsolete and oppressive system, Mussolini in 1940 at the entry of Italy into World War II, said:
{{quote|''This conflict must not be allowed to cancel out all our achievements of the past eighteen years, nor, more importantly, extinguish the hope of a Third Alternative held out by Fascism to mankind fettered between the pillar of capitalist slavery and the post of Marxist chaos. The proponents of these obsolete doctrines must understand that the Fascist sword has been unsheathed twice before, in Ethiopia and in Spain, with known results.''|Benito Mussolini, 1940.<ref name="mediterranean"/>}}

Italian Fascism presented the economic system of [[corporatism]] as the solution that would preserve private enterprise and property while allowing the state to intervene in the economy when private enterprise failed.<ref name="Salvemini. Pp. 134"/>

Other fascist regimes were indifferent or hostile to [[corporatism]]. The Nazis initially attempted to form a corporatist economic system like that of Fascist Italy, creating the National Socialist Institute for Corporatism in May 1933, which included many major economists who argued that corporatism was consistent with National Socialism.<ref name="minneapolis90"/><ref name="routledge91"/> In ''[[Mein Kampf]]'', Hitler spoke enthusiastically about the "National Socialist corporative idea" as one which would eventually "take the place of ruinous class warfare".<ref name="aristotle92"/> However, the Nazis later came to view corporatism as detrimental to Germany and institutionalizing and legitimizing social differences within the German nation. Instead, the Nazis began to promote economic organisation that emphasized the biological unity of the German national community.<ref name="minneapolis93"/>

Hitler continued to refer to corporatism in propaganda, but it was not put into place, even though a number of Nazi officials such as [[Walther Darré]], [[Gottfried Feder]], [[Alfred Rosenburg]], and [[Gregor Strasser]] were in favour of a [[Neo-medievalism|neo-medievalist]] form of corporatism, since corporations had been influential in German history in the [[medieval]] era.<ref name="ideologies"/>

Spanish Falangist leader José Antonio Primo de Rivera did not believe that corporatism was effective and denounced it as a propaganda ploy, saying "this stuff about the corporative state is another piece of windbaggery".<ref name="ideologies94"/>


====Economic planning====
====Economic planning====
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According to historian Tibor Ivan Berend, ''[[dirigisme]]'' was an inherent aspect of fascist economies.<ref name="university98"/> The [[Labour Charter of 1927]], promulgated by the [[Grand Council of Fascism]], stated in article 7: "The corporative State considers private initiative, in the field of production, as the most efficient and useful instrument of the Nation", then continued in article 9: "State intervention in economic production may take place only where private initiative is lacking or is insufficient, or when are at stakes the political interest of the State. This intervention may take the form of control, encouragement or direct management."<ref name="corporativo"/> -->
According to historian Tibor Ivan Berend, ''[[dirigisme]]'' was an inherent aspect of fascist economies.<ref name="university98"/> The [[Labour Charter of 1927]], promulgated by the [[Grand Council of Fascism]], stated in article 7: "The corporative State considers private initiative, in the field of production, as the most efficient and useful instrument of the Nation", then continued in article 9: "State intervention in economic production may take place only where private initiative is lacking or is insufficient, or when are at stakes the political interest of the State. This intervention may take the form of control, encouragement or direct management."<ref name="corporativo"/> -->

==Criticism of fascism==
Fascism has been widely criticized and condemned in popular culture since the defeat of the Axis Powers in World War II.

===Fascism as a form of tyranny===
One of the most common and strongest criticisms of fascism is that it is a [[tyranny]] in practice.<ref>Roger Boesche. Theories of Tyranny, from Plato to Arendt. Pp. 11.</ref>

Fascism is commonly regarded as deliberately and entirely non-democratic and anti-democratic.<ref>Paul Barry Clarke, Joe Foweraker. ''Encyclopedia of Democratic Thought''. Routledge, 2001. Pp. 540.</ref><ref>John Pollard. The Fascist Experience in Italy. Routledge, 1998. Pp. 121.</ref><ref>Roger Griffin. ''The Nature of Fascism''. New York, New York, USA: St. Martin's Press, 1991. Pp. 42.</ref> Scholar on democracy, Anthony Arblaster has recorded fascists' policy claim about the ideology supporting a form of democracy, but Arblaster regards the claim as a deliberate lie and empty rhetoric, claiming that fascism never intended to put such claims of democracy into practice, and thus he categorizes fascism as non-democratic and anti-democratic in practice.<ref name="Arblaster">Anthony Arblaster. "Democracy", ''Concepts in social thought''.Minneapolis, Minnesota, USA: University of Minnesota Press, 1994. Pp. 48.</ref>

However, some scholars have rebuked this common critical view. [[Walter Laqueur]] says that fascists "would not necessarily accept the label of 'anti-democratic'. In fact many of them argued that they were fighting for a purer and more genuine democracy in which the participation of the individual in politics would not be mediated by professional politicians, clerical influences, the availability of the mass media, but through personal, almost full time involvement in a political movement and through identification with the leader who would represent the feelings and sentiments of the whole people."<ref>Walter Laqueur (ed.). ''Fascism, a Reader's Guide: Analyses, Interpretations, Bibliography''. First paperback edition. Berkeley and Los Angeles, California, USA: University of California Press, 1978. Pp. 21.</ref>

Scholar on fascism, Dylan J. Riley has investigated the possibility of fascism being an [[authoritarian democracy]], a term used by Italian Fascist theorist and policymaker Giovanni Gentile to describe fascism.<ref name="Dylan J. Riley 1945. Pp. 4-5">Dylan J. Riley. The civic foundations of fascism in Europe: Italy, Spain, and Romania, 1870–1945. Pp.&nbsp;4–5.</ref> Gentile explicitly rejected the conventional form of democracy, [[parliamentary democracy]] for being based on [[majority rule]] and thus an inherent assumption of the equality of citizens, while fascism rejects the concept of universal egalitarianism.<ref name="Arblaster"/> But Gentile claimed that fascism supported what he called [[authoritarian democracy]].<ref name="Arblaster"/> Riley in analysis accepts that fascism can be identified as an authoritarian democracy, and claims that in particular the fascist and quasi-fascist regimes in Italy, Spain, and Romania, replaced multi-party based democracy with [[Corporatism|corporatist]] representation of state-sanctioned [[corporate group]]s.<ref name="Dylan J. Riley 1945. Pp. 4-5"/> It was claimed that this system would unite people into interest groups to address the state that would act in the interest of the [[general will]] of the nation and thus exercise an orderly form of popular rule.<ref name="Dylan J. Riley 1945. Pp. 4-5"/> Riley notes that fascists argued that this authoritarian democracy is capable of representing the different interests of society that advise the state and the state acts in the interest of the nation.<ref name="Riley">Dylan J. Riley. The civic foundations of fascism in Europe: Italy, Spain, and Romania, 1870–1945. Pp. 4.</ref> Riley also notes that in contrast, fascists denounced liberal democracy for not being a true democracy but in fact being un-democratic because from the fascist perspective, elections and parliaments are unable to represent the interests of the nation because it lumps together individuals who have little in common into geographical districts to vote for an array of parties to represent them that results in little unanimity in terms of interests, projects, or intentions, and that liberal democracy's multi-party elections merely serve as a means to legitimize elite rule without addressing the interests of the general will of the nation.<ref name="Riley"/>

===Unprincipled opportunism===
A common criticism of the original version of fascism, Italian Fascism, has been the accusation that much of the ideology was merely a by-product of unprincipled [[opportunism]] by Mussolini, whom they claimed changed his political stances merely to bolster his personal ambitions while he disguised them as being purposeful to the public.<ref name="Gerhard Schreiber 1995. Pp. 111">Gerhard Schreiber, Bernd Stegemann, Detlef Vogel. ''Germany and the Second World War: Volume III: The Mediterranean, South-East Europe, and North Africa 1939–1941 (From Italy's Declaration of Non-Belligerence to the Entry of the United States into the War)''. Oxford University Press, 1995. Pp. 111.</ref> The American ambassador to Italy [[Richard Washburn Child]] who became a personal friend and admirer of Mussolini and worked with Mussolini to translate and write an English language autobiography; directly addressed the issue of opportunism in Mussolini's behaviour in the preface of the English language autobiography of Mussolini.<ref name="Benito Mussolini 1998">Benito Mussolini. ''My Rise And Fall, Volumes 1-2''. Da Capo Press edition. Da Capo Press, 1998. Pp. ix. (Note: Mussolini wrote the second volume about his fall from power as head of government of the Kingdom of Italy in 1943, though he was restored to power in northern Italy by the German military.)</ref> Child said "''Opportunist is a term of reproach used to brand men who fit themselves to conditions for the reasons of self-interest. Mussolini, as I have learned to know him, is an opportunist in the sense that he believed that mankind itself must be fitted to changing conditions rather than to fixed theories, no matter how many hopes and prayers have been expended on theories and programmes.''".<ref name="Benito Mussolini 1998"/> Child quoted Mussolini as saying, "''The sanctity of an ism is not in the ism; it has no sanctity beyond its power to do, to work, to succeed in practice. It may have succeeded yesterday and fail to-morrow. Failed yesterday and succeed to-morrow. The machine first of all must run!''".<ref name="Benito Mussolini 1998"/>

Mussolini's actions at the time of the outbreak of World War I were then, and have since, been commonly criticized for being completely opportunist for allegedly suddenly abandoning Marxist egalitarian internationalism he had formerly held in favour of non-egalitarian nationalism. Furthermore such criticisms have noted that upon Mussolini endorsing Italy's intervention in the war against Germany and Austria-Hungary, that he and the new Fascist movement received financial support from foreign sources. Such as receiving funds from [[Italian Ansaldo company|Ansaldo]] (an armaments firm) and other companies.<ref>Dennis Mack Smith. 1997. ''Modern Italy; A Political History''. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press. p. 284.</ref> Mussolini was supported by the British Security Service [[MI5]], and was being paid a £100 weekly wage from MI5; this help was authorised by [[Samuel Hoare, 1st Viscount Templewood|Sir Samuel Hoare]].<ref name="Guardian2009-10-13">{{Cite news |url=http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2009/oct/13/benito-mussolini-recruited-mi5-italy |work=Guardian |location=UK |title=Recruited by MI5: the name's Mussolini. Benito Mussolini&nbsp;– Documents reveal Italian dictator got start in politics in 1917 with help of £100 weekly wage from MI5 |date=13 October 2009 |accessdate=14 October 2009 |first=Tom |last=Kington}}</ref> However such criticism has been challenged even by Mussolini's socialist critics at the time who noted that regardless of the financial support he accepted for his pro-interventionist stance, that Mussolini was free to write whatever he wished in his newspaper ''Il Popolo d'Italia'', without prior sanctioning by his financial backers.<ref>Paul O'Brien. Mussolini in the First World War: The Journalist, The Soldier, The Fascist. Pp. 37.</ref> Furthermore, the major source that Mussolini and the Fascist movement received in World War I was not from capitalists who sought to use Mussolini's new movement, but rather it came from France and is widely believed to have come from French socialists who supported the French government's war against Germany and were sending support to Italian socialists who wanted Italian intervention on France's side. {{sfn|Gregor|1979|p=200}}

Furthermore Mussolini's transformation away from Marxism into eventually what became fascism, began prior to World War I, as Mussolini had grown increasingly pessimistic of Marxism and egalitarianism while at the same time he had become increasingly supportive of figures who opposed [[egalitarianism]], such as Nietzsche.{{sfn|Golomb|2002|p=249}} By 1902 Mussolini was studying Sorel, Nietzsche, and the [[Sociology|sociologist]] [[Vilfredo Pareto]].<ref name=autogenerated1>Mediterranean Fascism by Charles F. Delzel page 96</ref> Sorel's emphasis on the need for overthrowing decadent [[liberal democracy]] and [[capitalism]] by the use of violence, [[direct action]], the [[general strike]], and the use of [[Machiavellianism|neo-Machiavellian]] appeals to emotion, impressed Mussolini deeply.<ref name="Mediterranean3">Mediterranean Fascism 1919–1945 Edited by Charles F. Delzel, Harper Rowe 1970, page 3</ref> His use of Nietzsche made him a highly unorthodox socialist, due to Nietzsche's promotion of elitism and anti-egalitarian views.{{sfn|Golomb|2002|p=249}} Prior to World War I, Mussolini's writings over time indicated that he had abandoned Marxism and egalitarianism that he had previously supported, in favour of Nietzsche's ''übermensch'' concept and anti-egalitarianism.{{sfn|Golomb|2002|p=249}} In 1908, Mussolini wrote a short essay called "Philosophy of Strength" based on his Nietzschean influence, in which Mussolini openly spoke fondly of the ramifications of an impending war in Europe in challenging both religion and [[nihilism]], saying:
{{quote|''a new kind of free spirit will come, strengthened by the war,&nbsp;... a spirit equipped with a kind of sublime perversity,&nbsp;... a new free spirit will triumph over God and over Nothing.''|Benito Mussolini, "Philosophy of Strength", 1908.<ref name="Gigliola Gori 2004. Pp. 14"/>}}

===Ideological dishonesty===
Fascism has been criticized for being ideologically dishonest.

Major examples of ideological dishonesty have been identified in Italian Fascism's changing relationship with German Nazism.<ref name="Aaron Gillette 2001. Pp. 17">Aaron Gillette. ''Racial Theories in Fascist Italy''. London, England, UK; New York, New York, USA: Routledge, 2001. Pp. 17.</ref><ref name="John Pollard 1998. Pp. 129">John Pollard. The Fascist Experience in Italy. Routledge, 1998. Pp. 129.</ref> Fascist Italy's official foreign policy positions were known to commonly utilize rhetorical ideological [[hyperbole]] to justify its actions, although during Dino Grandi's tenure as Italy's foreign minister, the country engaged in ''[[realpolitik]]'' free of such fascist hyperbole.<ref>H. James Burgwyn. ''Italian Foreign Policy in the Interwar Period, 1918–1940''. Greenwood Publishing Group, 1997. Pp. 58.</ref> Italian Fascism's stance towards German Nazism fluctuated from support from the late 1920s to 1934 involving praising Hitler's rise to power and meeting with Hitler in 1934; to opposition from 1934 to 1936 after the assassination of Italy's ally leader in Austria, [[Engelbert Dollfuss]] by Nazis in Austria; and again back to support after 1936 when Germany was the only significant power that did not denounce Italy's invasion and occupation of Ethiopia.

Upon antagonism exploding between Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy over the assassination of Austrian Chancellor Dollfuss in 1934, Mussolini and Italian Fascists denounced and ridiculed Nazism's racial theories, particularly by denouncing its [[Nordic race|Nordicism]], while promoting [[Mediterranean race|Mediterraneanism]].<ref name="John Pollard 1998. Pp. 129"/> Mussolini himself responded to Nordicists' claims of Italy being divided into Nordic and Mediterranean racial areas due to Germanic invasions of Northern Italy, by claiming that while Germanic tribes such as the Lombards took control of Italy after the fall of ancient Rome, that they arrived in small numbers of about 8,000 and quickly assimilated into Roman culture and spoke the Latin language within fifty years.<ref>Aaron Gillette. ''Racial Theories in Fascist Italy''. London, England, UK; New York, New York, USA: Routledge, 2001. Pp. 93.</ref> Italian Fascism was influenced by the tradition of Italian nationalists scornfully looking down upon Nordicists' claims, and taking pride in comparing the age and sophistication of ancient Roman civilization as well as the classical revival in the [[Renaissance]], to that of Nordic societies that Italian nationalists described as "newcomers" to civilization in comparison.<ref name="Aaron Gillette 2001. Pp. 17"/> At the height of antagonism between the Nazis and Italian Fascists over race, Mussolini claimed that the Germans themselves were not a pure race and noted with irony that Nazi theory on German superiority was based on the theory of non-German foreigners, such as Frenchman [[Arthur de Gobineau]].<ref>Gillette, Aaron. ''Racial theories in fascist Italy''. London, England, UK; New York, New York, USA: Routledge, 2002. p. 45.</ref> However after German-Italian relations reduced in tension in the late 1930s, Italian Fascism sought to harmonize its ideology with German Nazism and combined Nordicist and Mediterranean racial theories, noting that Italians were members of the Aryan Race of a mixed Nordic-Mediterranean subtype.<ref name="John Pollard 1998. Pp. 129"/>

Mussolini declared in 1938 that Italian Fascism had always been antisemitic, upon Italy adopting antisemitic laws in 1938.<ref name="John Pollard 1998. Pp. 129"/> When in fact Italian Fascism did not endorse antisemitism until the late 1930s when Mussolini feared alienating antisemitic Nazi Germany whose power and influence was growing in Europe, prior to then there had been notable Jewish Italians who had been senior Italian Fascist officials prior to this, including [[Margherita Sarfatti]], who had also been Mussolini's mistress.<ref name="John Pollard 1998. Pp. 129"/> Also, contrary to Mussolini's claim in 1938, only a small number of Italian Fascists were staunchly antisemitic such as [[Roberto Farinacci]] and [[Giuseppe Preziosi]] while other members, such as [[Italo Balbo]] who came from [[Ferrara]], which had one of Italy's largest Jewish communities, were disgusted with the antisemitic laws and opposed them.<ref name="John Pollard 1998. Pp. 129"/> However fascism scholar [[Mark Neocleous]] notes that while Italian Fascism did not have a clear commitment to antisemitism, there were occasional antisemitic statements issued prior to 1938, such as Mussolini in 1919 declaring that the Jewish bankers in London and New York were connected by race to the Russian Bolsheviks, and claimed that eight percent of the Russian Bolsheviks were Jews.<ref>Mark Neocleous. ''Fascism''. Open University Press, 1997. Pp.&nbsp;35–36.</ref>


== See also ==
== See also ==

Revision as of 20:49, 31 May 2013

For the original version of the ideology developed in Italy, see Italian Fascism.
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Fascism /ˈfæʃɪzəm/ is a form of radical authoritarian nationalism[1][2] that came to prominence in mid-20th century Europe. Fascists seek to unify their nation through a totalitarian state that promotes the mass mobilization of the national community,[3][4] relying on a vanguard party to initiate a revolution to organize the nation on fascist principles.[5] Hostile to liberal democracy, socialism, and communism, fascist movements share certain common features, including the veneration of the state, a devotion to a strong leader, and an emphasis on ultranationalism, ethnocentrism, and militarism. Fascism views political violence, war, and imperialism as a means to achieve national rejuvenation[3][6][7][8] and asserts that nations and races deemed superior should attain living space by displacing ones deemed weak or inferior.[9]

Fascist ideology consistently invoked the primacy of the state. Leaders such as Benito Mussolini in Italy and Adolf Hitler in Germany embodied the state and claimed indisputable power. Fascism borrowed theories and terminology from socialism but applied them to what it saw as the more significant conflict between nations and races rather than to class conflict, and focused on ending the divisions between classes within the nation.[10] It advocated a mixed economy, with the principal goal of achieving autarky to secure national self-sufficiency and independence through protectionist and interventionist economic policies.[11] Fascism supports what is sometimes called a Third Position between capitalism and Marxist socialism.[12] Fascist movements emphasized a belligerent, virulent form of nationalism (chauvinism) and a fear of foreign people (xenophobia), which they frequently linked to an exaggerated ethnocentrism. The typical fascist state also embraced militarism, a belief in the rigors and virtues of military life as an individual and national ideal, meaning much of public life was organized along military lines and an emphasis put on uniforms, parades, and monumental architecture.

Influenced by national syndicalism, the first fascist movements emerged in Italy around World War I, combining elements of left-wing politics with more typically right-wing positions, in opposition to socialism, communism, liberal democracy and, in some cases, traditional right-wing conservatism. Although fascism is usually placed on the far right on the traditional left-right spectrum, fascists themselves and some commentators have argued that the description is inadequate.[13][14] Following the Second World War, few parties openly describe themselves as fascist and the term is more usually used pejoratively by political opponents. The term neo-fascist or post-fascist is sometimes applied more formally to describe parties of the far right with ideological similarities to, or roots in, 20th century fascist movements respectively.

Etymology

The term fascismo is derived from the Latin word fasces.[15] The fasces, which consisted of a bundle of rods that were tied around an axe,[16] was an ancient Roman symbol of the authority of the civic magistrate.[17] They were carried by his lictors and could be used for corporal and capital punishment at his command.[18][19] The word fascismo also relates to political organizations in Italy known as fasci, groups similar to guilds or syndicates.

The symbolism of the fasces suggested strength through unity: a single rod is easily broken, while the bundle is difficult to break.[20] Similar symbols were developed by different fascist movements. For example the Falange symbol is five arrows joined together by a yoke.[21]

Definitions

Main article: Definitions of fascism

Historians, political scientists and other scholars have long debated the exact nature of fascism.[22] Each form of fascism is distinct, leaving many definitions too wide or narrow.[23][24]

Roger Griffin describes fascism as "a genus of political ideology whose mythic core in its various permutations is a palingenetic form of populist ultranationalism".[25] Griffin describes the ideology as having three core components: "(i) the rebirth myth, (ii) populist ultra-nationalism and (iii) the myth of decadence".[26] Fascism is "a genuinely revolutionary, trans-class form of anti-liberal, and in the last analysis, anti-conservative nationalism" built on a complex range of theoretical and cultural influences. He distinguishes an inter-war period in which it manifested itself in elite-led but populist "armed party" politics opposing socialism and liberalism and promising radical politics to rescue the nation from decadence.[27]

Paxton sees fascism as "a form of political behavior marked by obsessive preoccupation with community decline, humiliation, or victimhood and by compensatory cults of unity, energy, and purity, in which a mass-based party of committed nationalist militants, working in uneasy but effective collaboration with traditional elites, abandons democratic liberties and pursues with redemptive violence and without ethical or legal restraints goals of internal cleansing and external expansion."[28]

One common definition of fascism focuses on three groups of ideas:

  • The Fascist Negations of anti-liberalism, anti-communism and anti-conservatism.
  • Nationalist, authoritarian goals for the creation of a regulated economic structure to transform social relations within a modern, self-determined culture.
  • A political aesthetic using romantic symbolism, mass mobilisation, a positive view of violence, promotion of masculinity and youth and charismatic leadership.[29][30][31]

Position in the political spectrum

Fascism is commonly described as "extreme right"[32][33] although some writers have found placing fascism on a conventional left-right political spectrum difficult.[34][35][36][37][38] Fascism was influenced by both left and right, conservative and anti-conservative, national and supranational, rational and anti-rational.[36] A number of historians have regarded fascism either as a revolutionary centrist doctrine, as a doctrine which mixes philosophies of the left and the right, or as both of those things.[37][38] Fascism was founded during World War I by Italian national syndicalists who combined left-wing and right-wing political views.

Fascism is considered by certain scholars to be right-wing because of its social conservatism and authoritarian means of opposing egalitarianism.[39][40] Roderick Stackleberg places fascism—including Nazism, which he says is "a radical variant of fascism"—on the right, explaining that "the more a person deems absolute equality among all people to be a desirable condition, the further left he or she will be on the ideological spectrum. The more a person considers inequality to be unavoidable or even desirable, the further to the right he or she will be."[41]

Italian Fascism gravitated to the right in the early 1920s.[42][43] A major element of fascism that has been deemed as clearly far-right is its goal to promote the right of claimed superior people to dominate while purging society of claimed inferior elements.[44]

Benito Mussolini in 1919 described fascism as a movement that would strike "against the backwardness of the right and the destructiveness of the left".[45][46] Later the Italian Fascists described fascism as a right-wing ideology in the political program The Doctrine of Fascism, stating: "We are free to believe that this is the century of authority, a century tending to the 'right,' a fascist century."[47][48] However Mussolini clarified that fascism's position on the political spectrum was not a serious issue to fascists and stated that:

Fascism, sitting on the right, could also have sat on the mountain of the center ... These words in any case do not have a fixed and unchanged meaning: they do have a variable subject to location, time and spirit. We don't give a damn about these empty terminologies and we despise those who are terrorized by these words.[49]

A number of fascist movements described themselves as a "third position" outside the traditional political spectrum.[50]

Fascist as insult

Main article: Fascist (insult)

Following the defeat of the Axis powers in World War II, the term fascist has been used as a pejorative word,[51] often referring to widely varying movements across the political spectrum.[52] George Orwell wrote in 1944 that "the word 'Fascism' is almost entirely meaningless ... almost any English person would accept 'bully' as a synonym for 'Fascist'".[52] Richard Griffiths argued in 2005 that "fascism" is the "most misused, and over-used word, of our times".[24] "Fascist" is sometimes applied to post-war organizations and ways of thinking that academics more commonly term "neo-fascist".[53]

Contrary to the common mainstream academic and popular use of the term, Communist states have sometimes been referred to as "fascist", typically as an insult. Marxist interpretations of the term have, for example, been applied in relation to Cuba under Fidel Castro and Vietnam under Ho Chi Minh.[54] Herbert Matthews, of the New York Times asked "Should we now place Stalinist Russia in the same category as Hitlerite Germany? Should we say that she is Fascist?"[55] J. Edgar Hoover wrote extensively of "Red Fascism".[56] Chinese Marxists used the term to denounce the Soviet Union during the Sino-Soviet Split, and likewise, the Soviets used the term to identify Chinese Marxists.[57]

History

Further information: Fascism and ideology

Tenets

Nationalism

Nationalism is the main foundation of fascism.[58] The fascist view of a nation is of a single organic entity which binds people together by their ancestry and is a natural unifying force of people.[59] Fascism seeks to solve economic, political, and social problems by achieving a millenarian national rebirth, exalting the nation or race above all else, and promoting cults of unity, strength and purity.[28][60][61][62][63] European fascist movements all typically espouse a racist conception of non-Europeans being inferior to Europeans.[64] However beyond this, fascists in Europe have not held a unified set of racial views.[64]

Historically most fascists promoted imperialism, however there were several fascist movements that were uninterested in the pursuit of new imperial ambitions.[64]

Totalitarianism

Fascism promotes the establishment of a totalitarian state.[65] The Doctrine of Fascism states, "The Fascist conception of the State is all-embracing; outside of it no human or spiritual values can exist, much less have value. Thus understood, Fascism is totalitarian, and the Fascist State—a synthesis and a unit inclusive of all values—interprets, develops, and potentiates the whole life of a people."[66] In The Legal Basis of the Total State, Nazi political theorist Carl Schmitt described the Nazi intention to form a "strong state which guarantees a totality of political unity transcending all diversity" in order to avoid a "disastrous pluralism tearing the German people apart".[67]

Fascist states pursued policies of social indoctrination through propaganda in education and the media and regulation of the production of educational and media materials.[68][69] Education was designed to glorify the fascist movement and inform students of its historical and political importance to the nation. It attempted to purge ideas that were not consistent with the beliefs of the fascist movement and to teach students to be obedient to the state.[70]

Benito Mussolini promised a "social revolution" that would "remake" the Italian people. According to Patricia Knight, this was only achieved in part.[71] The people who primarily benefited from Italian fascist social policies were members of the middle and lower-middle classes, who filled jobs in the vastly expanded government workforce, which grew from about 500,000 to 1,000,000 jobs in 1930 alone.[71] Health and welfare spending grew dramatically under Italian fascism, with welfare rising from 7% of the budget in 1930 to 20% in 1940.[72]

Age and gender roles

Mussolini perceived women's primary role to be childbearers, while men were warriors, once saying, "war is to man what maternity is to the woman".[73] In an effort to increase birthrates, the Italian Fascist government gave financial incentives to women who raised large families, and initiated policies designed to reduce the number of women employed.[74] Italian Fascism called for women to be honoured as "reproducers of the nation", and the Italian Fascist government held ritual ceremonies to honour women's role within the Italian nation.[75] In 1934, Mussolini declared that employment of women was a "major aspect of the thorny problem of unemployment" and that for women, working was "incompatible with childbearing". Mussolini went on to say that the solution to unemployment for men was the "exodus of women from the work force".[76]

The German Nazi government strongly encouraged women to stay at home to bear children and keep house.[77] This policy was reinforced by bestowing the Cross of Honor of the German Mother on women bearing four or more babies. The unemployment rate was cut substantially, mostly through arms production and sending women home so that men could take their jobs. Nazi propaganda sometimes promoted premarital and extramarital sexual relations, unwed motherhood and divorce, but at other times the Nazis opposed such behaviour.[78] The growth of Nazi power, however, was accompanied by a breakdown of traditional sexual morals with regard to extramarital sex and licentiousness.[79]

The Nazis decriminalized abortion in cases where fetuses had hereditary defects or were of a race the government disapproved of, while the abortion of healthy "pure" German, "Aryan" fetuses remained strictly forbidden.[80] For non-Aryans, abortion was often compulsory. Their eugenics program also stemmed from the "progressive biomedical model" of Weimar Germany.[81] In 1935 Nazi Germany expanded the legality of abortion by amending its eugenics law, to promote abortion for women with hereditary disorders.[80] The law allowed abortion if a woman gave her permission and the fetus was not yet viable,[82][83] and for purposes of so-called racial hygiene.[84][85]

The Nazis argued that homosexuality was degenerate, effeminate, perverted, and undermined masculinity because it did not produce children.[86] They considered homosexuality curable through therapy, citing modern scientism and the study of sexology, which said that homosexuality could be felt by "normal" people and not just an abnormal minority.[87] Open homosexuals were interned in Nazi concentration camps.[88]

Economic policies

Further information: Economics of fascism

According to Bruce Pauley, Fascist governments exercised control over private property but did not nationalize it.[89] However, according to Patricia Knight, they did, with the Italian Fascist government coming to own the highest percentage of industries outside the Soviet Union.[90] The Nazis also nationalized some business.[91] In fact, the "Twenty-Five Point Programme" of the Nazi party, adopted in 1920, demanded "the nationalization of all businesses which have been formed into corporations."[92] Other scholars noted that big business developed an increasingly close partnership with the Nazi and Fascist governments as it became increasingly organized. Business leaders supported the government's political and military goals, and in exchange, the government pursued economic policies that maximized the profits of its business allies.[93] Nazi Germany transferred public ownership and public services into the private sector, while other Western capitalist countries strove for increased state ownership of industry.[94] In his book, Big Business in the Third Reich, Arthur Schweitzer notes that, "Monopolistic price fixing became the rule in most industries, and cartels were no longer confined to the heavy or large-scale industries. ... Cartels and quasi-cartels (whether of big business or small) set prices, engaged in limiting production, and agreed to divide markets and classify consumers in order to realize a monopoly profit.[95]

Fascists pursued economic policies to strengthen state power and spread ideology, such as consolidating trade unions to be state- or party-controlled.[96] Attempts were made by both Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany to establish "autarky" (self-sufficiency) through significant economic planning, but neither achieved economic self-sufficiency.[97]

Economic planning

Fascists opposed the laissez-faire economic policies that were dominant in the era prior to the Great Depression.[98] After the Great Depression began, many people from across the political spectrum blamed laissez-faire capitalism, and fascists promoted their ideology as a "third way" between capitalism and communism.[99]

Fascists declared their opposition to finance capitalism, interest charging, and profiteering.[100] Nazis and other antisemitic fascists considered finance capitalism a "parasitic" "Jewish conspiracy".[101] Fascist governments introduced price controls, wage controls and other types of economic interventionist measures.[102]

Fascists thought that private property should be regulated to ensure that "benefit to the community precedes benefit to the individual."[103] Private property rights were supported but were contingent upon service to the state.[104] For example, "an owner of agricultural land may be compelled to raise wheat instead of sheep and employ more labour than he would find profitable."[105] However, they promoted the interests of successful small businesses.[106] Mussolini wrote approvingly of the notion that profits should not be taken away from those who produced them by their own labour, saying "I do not respect — I even hate — those men that leech a tenth of the riches produced by others".[107]

According to historian Tibor Ivan Berend, dirigisme was an inherent aspect of fascist economies.[108] The Labour Charter of 1927, promulgated by the Grand Council of Fascism, stated in article 7: "The corporative State considers private initiative, in the field of production, as the most efficient and useful instrument of the Nation", then continued in article 9: "State intervention in economic production may take place only where private initiative is lacking or is insufficient, or when are at stakes the political interest of the State. This intervention may take the form of control, encouragement or direct management."[109] -->

See also

References

Notes

  1. ^ Turner, Henry Ashby, Reappraisals of Fascism. New Viewpoints, 1975. p. 162. States fascism's "goals of radical and authoritarian nationalism".
  2. ^ Larsen, Stein Ugelvik, Bernt Hagtvet and Jan Petter Myklebust, Who were the Fascists: Social Roots of European Fascism, p. 424, "organized form of integrative radical nationalist authoritarianism"
  3. ^ a b Grčić, Joseph. Ethics and Political Theory (Lanham, Maryland: University of America, Inc, 2000) p. 120
  4. ^ Blamires, Cyprian, World Fascism: a Historical Encyclopedia, Volume 1 (Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO, Inc., 2006) p. 140–141, 670.
  5. ^ Eatwell, Roger, Fascism: a History (Allen Lane, 1996) pp. 215.
  6. ^ Griffin, Roger and Matthew Feldman, eds., Fascism: Fascism and Culture (London and New York: Routledge, 2004) p. 185.
  7. ^ Stanley G. Payne. A History of Fascism, 1914–1945. Pp. 106.
  8. ^ Jackson J. Spielvogel. Western Civilization. Wadsworth, Cengage Learning, 2012. P. 935.
  9. ^ Cyprian P. Blamires. World Fascism: A Historical Encyclopedia, Volume 2. Santa Barbara, California, USA: ABC-CLIO, 2006. P. 331.
  10. ^ Griffin, Roger. The Nature of Fascism (New York: St. Martins Press, 1991) pp. 222–223.
  11. ^ Blamires, Cyprian, World Fascism: a Historical Encyclopedia, Volume 1 (Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO, Inc., 2006) p. 188–189.
  12. ^ Frank Joseph. Mussolini's War: Fascist Italy's Military Struggles from Africa and Western Europe to the Mediterranean and Soviet Union 1935–45. West Midlands, England, UK: Helion & Company, 2010. Pp. 50.
  13. ^ Roger Griffin. Fascism. Oxford, England, UK: Oxford University Press, 1995. Pp. 8, 307.
  14. ^ Aristotle A. Kallis. The fascism reader. New York, New York, USA: Routledge, 2003. Pp. 71
  15. ^ "Definition of FASCISM". Merriam-Webster. April 27, 2013. {{cite web}}: Italic or bold markup not allowed in: |publisher= (help)
  16. ^ Oklahoma Wesleyan University (April 12, 2013). "The Rule of Law: Symbols of Power". okwu.edu. {{cite web}}: Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help)
  17. ^ Tom Watkins (2013). "Policing Rome: Maintaining Order in Fact and Fiction". stockton.edu. {{cite web}}: Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help)
  18. ^ New World, Websters (2005). Webster's II New College Dictionary. Houghton Mifflin Reference Books. ISBN 0-618-39601-2.
  19. ^ Payne, Stanley (1995). A History of Fascism, 1914–45. University of Wisconsin Press. ISBN 0-299-14874-2.
  20. ^ Doordan, Dennis P (1995). In the Shadow of the Fasces: Political Design in Fascist Italy. The MIT Press. ISBN 0-299-14874-2.
  21. ^ Parkins, Wendy (2002). Fashioning the Body Politic: Dress, Gender, Citizenship. Berg Publishers. ISBN 1-85973-587-8.
  22. ^ Gregor, A. James (2002). Phoenix: Fascism in Our Time. Transaction Publishers. ISBN 0-7658-0855-2.
  23. ^ Payne, Stanley G (1983). Fascism, Comparison and Definition. University of Wisconsin Press. ISBN 0-299-08064-1.
  24. ^ a b Griffiths, Richard. An Intelligent Person's Guide to Fascism. Duckworth. ISBN 0-7156-2918-2. Cite error: The named reference "intelligentguide" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
  25. ^ Roger Griffin. The Nature of Fascism. New York, New York, USA: St. Martin's Press, 1991. Pp. 27.
  26. ^ Roger Griffin. The Nature of Fascism. New York, New York, USA: St. Martin's Press, 1991. Pp. 201.
  27. ^ Roger Griffin, The palingenetic core of generic fascist ideology, Chapter published in Alessandro Campi (ed.), Che cos'è il fascismo? Interpretazioni e prospettive di ricerche, Ideazione editrice, Roma, 2003, pp. 97–122.
  28. ^ a b Paxton, Robert. The Anatomy of Fascism. Vintage Books. ISBN 1-4000-4094-9.
  29. ^ Griffin, Roger and Matthew Feldman Fascism: Critical Concepts in Political Science pp. 420–421, 2004 Taylor and Francis.
  30. ^ Kallis, Aristotle, ed. (2003). The Fascism Reader, London: Routledge, pages 84–85.
  31. ^ Renton, David. Fascism: Theory and Practice, p. 21, London: Pluto Press, 1999.
  32. ^ Eatwell, Roger: "A Spectral-Syncretic Approach to Fascism", The Fascism Reader, Routledge, 2003, p 79. Books.Google.com
  33. ^ "Fascism". Oxford English Dictionary. Oxford Dictionaries Online. Retrieved 18 May 2011.
  34. ^ Turner, Stephen P., Käsler, Dirk: Sociology Responds to Fascism, Routledge. 2004, p. 222
  35. ^ Horst, Junginger, The Study of Religion Under the Impact of Fascism vol. 117 of Numen Book Series (BRILL, 2008) p. 273.
  36. ^ a b Griffin, Roger: "The Palingenetic Core of Fascism", Che cos'è il fascismo? Interpretazioni e prospettive di ricerche, Ideazione editrice, Rome, 2003 AH.Brookes.ac.uk
  37. ^ a b Stackleberg, Rodney Hitler's Germany, Routeledge, 1999, pp. 3–5.
  38. ^ a b Eatwell, Roger: "A 'Spectral-Syncretic Approach to Fascism', The Fascism Reader (Routledge, 2003) pp. 71–80 Books.google.com Cite error: The named reference "er71" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
  39. ^ Davies, Peter (2002). The Routledge companion to fascism and the far right. Psychology Press. pp. 126–127. {{cite book}}: Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help)
  40. ^ Zafirovski, Milan (2008). Modern Free Society and Its Nemesis: Liberty Versus Conservatism in the New Millennium. Lexington Books. pp. 137–138.
  41. ^ Stackelberg, Roderick Hitler's Germany, Routledge, 1999, pp. 4–6
  42. ^ Sternhell, Zeev, Mario Sznajder and Maia Ashéri, The Birth of Fascist Ideology: From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution (Princeton University Press, 1994) p. 161.
  43. ^ Borsella, Cristogianni and Adolph Caso. Fascist Italy: A Concise Historical Narrative (Wellesley, Massachusetts: Branden Books, 2007) p. 76.
  44. ^ Oliver H. Woshinsky. Explaining Politics: Culture, Institutions, and Political Behavior. Oxon, England, UK; New York, New York, USA: Routledge, 2008.Pp. 156.
  45. ^ http://varldenshistoria.se/stine-overbye/fascismen-borjar-gro
  46. ^ Stanislao G. Pugliese. Fascism, anti-fascism, and the resistance in Italy: 1919 to the present. Oxford, England, UK: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2004. 43–44.
  47. ^ Schnapp, Jeffrey Thompson, Olivia E. Sears and Maria G. Stampino, A Primer of Italian Fascism (University of Nebraska Press, 2000) p. 57, "We are free to believe that this is the century of authority, a century tending to the 'right,' a fascist century,"
  48. ^ Benito Mussolini. Fascism: Doctrine and Institutions. (Rome, Italy: Ardita Publishers, 1935) p. 26. "We are free to believe that this is the century of authority, a century tending to the 'right,' a fascist century."
  49. ^ Mussolini quoted in: Gentile, Emilio. The origins of Fascist ideology, 1918–1925. Enigma Books, 2005. p. 205
  50. ^ Mosse, G: "Toward a General Theory of Fascism", Fascism, ed. Griffin (Routeledge) 2003
  51. ^ Gregor. Mussolini's Intellectuals: Fascist Social and Political Thought, Princeton University Press, 2005 ISBN 0-691-12009-9 p. 4
  52. ^ a b "George Orwell: 'What is Fascism?'". Orwell.ru. 8 January 2008.
  53. ^ Woolf, Stuart (1981). Fascism in Europe. Methuen. ISBN 978-0-416-30240-0.
  54. ^ Roger Griffin, Matthew Feldman. Fascism: The nature of fascism. Routledge, 2004. p. 231.
  55. ^ Matthews, Claudio. Fascism Is Not Dead ..., Nation's Business, 1946.
  56. ^ Hoover, J. Edgar. Testimony before the House Un-American Activities Committee, 1947.
  57. ^ Quarantotto, Claudio. Tutti Fascisti, 1976.
  58. ^ Cyprian Blamires. World Fascism: A Historical Encyclopedia, Volume 1. Santa Barbara, California, USA: ABC-CLIO, 2006. Pp. 451–453.
  59. ^ Oliver Zimmer, Nationalism in Europe, 1890–1940 (London, Palgrave, 2003), chapter 4, pp. 80–107.
  60. ^ Passmore, Kevin (2002). Fascism: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-280155-4.
  61. ^ Griffin, Roger (1991). The Nature of Fascism. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 0-312-07132-9.
  62. ^ Laqueuer, Walter (1997). Fascism: Past, Present, Future. Oxford University Press. p. 223. ISBN 0-19-511793-X.
  63. ^ "Fascism". Encyclopædia Britannica. 8 January 2008.
  64. ^ a b c Stanley G. Payne. A history of fascism, 1914–1945. Digital printing edition. Oxon, England, UK: Routledge, 1995, 2005. Pp. 11.
  65. ^ Roger Griffin. Fascism, Totalitarianism, and Political Religion. Routledge. Pp. 1–6.
  66. ^ Mussolini, Benito. 1935. Fascism: Doctrine and Institutions. Rome: Ardita Publishers. p 14.
  67. ^ Griffen, Roger (ed). 1995. "The Legal Basis of the Total State" – by Carl Schmitt. Fascism. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 72.
  68. ^ Pauley, Bruce F. (2003). Hitler, Stalin, and Mussolini: Totalitarianism in the Twentieth Century Italy. Wheeling: Harlan Davidson, Inc. Pauley. p. 117.
  69. ^ Payne, Stanley G. 1996. A History of Fascism, 1914–1945. Routledge p. 220
  70. ^ Pauley, 2003. 117–119.
  71. ^ a b Knight, Patricia, Mussolini and Fascism, p. 72, Routledge, 2003.
  72. ^ Pollard, John Francis, The Fascist Experience in Italy, p. 80 Routledge 1998
  73. ^ Bollas, Christopher, Being a Character: Psychoanalysis and Self-Experience (Routledge, 1993) ISBN 978-0-415-08815-2, p. 205.
  74. ^ McDonald, Harmish, Mussolini and Italian Fascism (Nelson Thornes, 1999) p. 27.
  75. ^ Mann, Michael. Fascists (Cambridge University Press, 2004) p. 101.
  76. ^ Durham, Martin, Women and Fascism (Routledge, 1998) p. 15.
  77. ^ Evans, pp. 331–332
  78. ^ Allen, Ann Taylor, Review of Dagmar Herzog, Sex after Fascism: Memory and Morality in Twentieth-Century Germany H-German, H-Net Reviews, January 2006
  79. ^ Hau, Michael, Sex after Fascism: Memory and Morality in Twentieth-Century Germany (review) Modernism/modernity – Volume 14, Number 2, April 2007, pp. 378–380, (The Johns Hopkins University Press)
  80. ^ a b Friedlander, Henry (1995). The origins of Nazi genocide: from euthanasia to the final solution. Chapel Hill, North Carolina: University of North Carolina Press. p. 30. ISBN 0-8078-4675-9. OCLC 60191622.
  81. ^ McLaren, Angus, Twentieth-Century Sexuality p. 139 Blackwell Publishing 1999
  82. ^ Proctor, Robert E. (1989). Racial Hygiene: Medicine Under the Nazis. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. p. 366. ISBN 0-674-74578-7. OCLC 20760638. This emendation allowed abortion only if the woman granted permission, and only if the fetus was not old enough to survive outside the womb. It is unclear if either of these qualifications was enforced.
  83. ^ Arnot, Margaret (1999). Gender and Crime in Modern Europe. New York City: Routledge. p. 241. ISBN 1-85728-745-2. OCLC 249726924. {{cite book}}: Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help)
  84. ^ Proctor, Robert E. (1989). Racial Hygiene: Medicine Under the Nazis. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. pp. 122–123. ISBN 0-674-74578-7. OCLC 20760638. Abortion, in other words, could be allowed if it was in the interest of racial hygiene ... the Nazis did allow (and in some cases even required) abortions for women deemed racially inferior ... On November 10, 1938, a Luneberg court declared abortion legal for Jews.
  85. ^ Tierney, Helen (1999). Women's studies encyclopedia. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 589. ISBN 0-313-31072-6. OCLC 38504469. In 1939, it was announced that Jewish women could seek abortions, but non-Jewish women could not.
  86. ^ Evans, p. 529
  87. ^ Allen, Ann Taylor, Review of Dagmar Herzog, Sex after Fascism January 2006
  88. ^ "Persecution of Homosexuals in the Third Reich". Ushmm.org. Retrieved 2010-06-04.
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Primary sources

Secondary sources

  • Cyprian Blamires. World fascism: a historical encyclopedia, Volume 1. Santa Barbara, California, US: ABC-CLIO, Inc., 2006.
  • Costa Pinto, Antonio, ed. Rethinking the Nature of Fascism: Comparative Perspectives (Palgrave Macmillan; 2011) 287 pages
  • Evans, Richard J, The Third Reich in Power: 1933–1939, The Penguin Press HC, 2005
  • De Felice, Renzo. 1976. Fascism: An Informal Introduction to Its Theory and Practice. Transaction Books. ISBN 0-87855-619-2
  • De Felice, Renzo. 1977. Interpretations of Fascism. Harvard University Press. ISBN 0-674-45962-8.
  • Kitsikis, Dimitri. 2005. Pour une étude scientifique du fascisme. Ars Magna Editions. ISBN 2-912164-11-7.
  • Kitsikis, Dimitri. 2006. Jean-Jacques Rousseau et les origines françaises du fascisme. Ars Magna Editions. ISBN 2-912164-46-X.
  • Ben-Am, Shlomo. 1983. Fascism from Above: The Dictatorship of Primo de Rivera in Spain, 1923–1930. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-822596-2
  • Payne, Stanley G. 1987. The Franco Regime, 1936–1975. University of Wisconsin Press. ISBN 0-299-11070-2
  • Vatikiotis, Panayiotis J. 1988. Popular Autocracy in Greece, 1936–1941: A Political Biography of General Ioannis Metaxas. Routledge. ISBN 0-7146-4869-8
  • Payne, Stanley G. 1995. A History of Fascism, 1914–45. University of Wisconsin Press. ISBN 0-299-14874-2
  • Costa Pinto, António. 1995. Salazar's Dictatorship and European Fascism: Problems of Interpretation. Social Science Monographs. ISBN 0-88033-968-3
  • Golomb, Jacob; Wistrich, Robert S. 2002. Nietzsche, godfather of fascism?: on the uses and abuses of a philosophy. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press.
  • Griffiths, Richard. 2001. An Intelligent Person's Guide to Fascism. Duckworth. ISBN 0-7156-2918-2
  • Lewis, Paul H. 2002. Latin Fascist Elites: The Mussolini, Franco, and Salazar Regimes. Greenwood Publishing Group. ISBN 0-275-97880-X
  • Payne, Stanley G. 2003. Falange: A History of Spanish Fascism. Textbook Publishers. ISBN 0-7581-3445-2
  • Paxton, Robert O. 2005. The Anatomy of Fascism. Vintage Books. ISBN 1-4000-3391-8
  • Eatwell, Roger. 1996. Fascism: A History. New York: Allen Lane.
  • Nolte, Ernst The Three Faces of Fascism: Action Française, Italian Fascism, National Socialism, translated from the German by Leila Vennewitz, London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1965.
  • Reich, Wilhelm. 1970. The Mass Psychology of Fascism. New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux.
  • Seldes, George. 1935. Sawdust Caesar: The Untold History of Mussolini and Fascism. New York and London: Harper and Brothers.
  • Seldes, George. Facts and Fascism. New York: In Fact. 1943, reprinted 2009. p. 288. ISBN 0-930852-43-5. {{cite book}}: Check date values in: |year= (help)CS1 maint: year (link)
  • Alfred Sohn-Rethel Economy and Class Structure of German Fascism, London, CSE Bks, 1978 ISBN 0-906336-00-7
  • Kallis, Aristotle A.," To Expand or Not to Expand? Territory, Generic Fascism and the Quest for an 'Ideal Fatherland'" Journal of Contemporary History, Vol. 38, No. 2. (Apr., 2003), pp. 237–260.
  • Fritzsche, Peter. 1990. Rehearsals for Fascism: Populism and Political Mobilization in Weimar Germany. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-505780-5
  • Griffin, Roger. 2000. "Revolution from the Right: Fascism," chapter in David Parker (ed.) Revolutions and the Revolutionary Tradition in the West 1560–1991, Routledge, London.
  • Laqueur, Walter. 1966. Fascism: Past, Present, Future, New York: Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997. ISBN 0-19-511793-X
  • Sauer, Wolfgang "National Socialism: totalitarianism or fascism?" pages 404–424 from The American Historical Review, Volume 73, Issue #2, December 1967. + -
  • Sternhell, Zeev with Mario Sznajder and Maia Asheri. [1989] 1994. The Birth of Fascist Ideology, From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution., Trans. David Maisei. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. + *Baker, David. "The political economy of fascism: Myth or reality, or myth and reality?" New Political Economy, Volume 11, Issue 2 June 2006, pp. 227 – 250
  • Baker, David. "The political economy of fascism: Myth or reality, or myth and reality?" New Political Economy, Volume 11, Issue 2 June 2006, pages 227 – 250
  • Griffin, Roger. 1991. The Nature of Fascism. New York: St. Martin's Press.
  • Weber, Eugen. [1964] 1985. Varieties of Fascism: Doctrines of Revolution in the Twentieth Century, New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold Company, (Contains chapters on fascist movements in different countries.)
  • Gentile, Emilio. 2005. The Origins of Fascist Ideology, 1918–1925: The First Complete Study of the Origins of Italian Fascism, New York: Enigma Books, ISBN 978-1-929631-18-6
  • Alexander J. De Grand Routledge, 2004. Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany: the 'fascist' style of rule
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