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Austronesian languages

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Not to be confused with Austroasiatic languages.
"Austronesian" redirects here. For other uses, see Austronesian (disambiguation).
Austronesian
Geographic
distribution		Maritime Southeast Asia, Oceania, Madagascar, Taiwan, Andaman archipelago
Linguistic classificationOne of the world's primary language families
Proto-languageProto-Austronesian
Subdivisions
Language codes
ISO 639-2 / 5map
Glottologaust1307
Distribution of Austronesian languages.

The Austronesian languages are a language family that is widely dispersed throughout Maritime Southeast Asia, Madagascar and the islands of the Pacific Ocean, with a few members in continental Asia.[1] Austronesian languages are spoken by about 386 million people, making it the fifth-largest language family by number of speakers, behind only the Indo-European languages, the Sino-Tibetan languages, the Niger-Congo languages, and the Afroasiatic languages. It is on par with Indo-European, Niger–Congo, and Afroasiatic as one of the best-established[clarification needed] language families. Major Austronesian languages with the highest number of speakers are Malay (Indonesian and Malaysian), Javanese, and Filipino (Tagalog).

Otto Dempwolff was the first researcher to extensively explore Austronesian using the comparative method. Another German, Wilhelm Schmidt, coined the German word austronesisch[2] which comes from Latin auster "south wind" plus Greek nêsos "island". The name Austronesian was formed from the same roots. The family is aptly named, as the vast majority of Austronesian languages are spoken on islands: only a few languages, such as Malay and the Chamic languages, are indigenous to mainland Asia[citation needed]. Many Austronesian languages have very few speakers, but the major Austronesian languages are spoken by tens of millions of people and one Austronesian language, Malay (incl. Indonesian and Malaysian), is spoken by 250 million people, making it the 8th most spoken language in the world. Twenty or so Austronesian languages are official in their respective countries (see the list of major and official Austronesian languages).

Different sources count languages differently, but Austronesian and Niger–Congo are the two largest language families in the world, each having roughly one-fifth of the total languages counted in the world. The geographical span of Austronesian was the largest of any language family before the spread of Indo-European in the colonial period, ranging from Madagascar off the southeastern coast of Africa to Easter Island in the eastern Pacific. Hawaiian, Rapa Nui, and Malagasy (spoken on Madagascar) are the geographic outliers of the Austronesian family.

According to Robert Blust (1999), Austronesian is divided in several primary branches, all but one of which are found exclusively on Taiwan. The Formosan languages of Taiwan are grouped into as many as nine first-order subgroups of Austronesian. All Austronesian languages spoken outside Taiwan (including its offshore Yami language) belong to the Malayo-Polynesian branch, sometimes called Extra-Formosan.

Most Austronesian languages lack a long history of written attestation, making the feat of reconstructing earlier stages – up to distant Proto-Austronesian – all the more remarkable. The oldest inscription in the Cham language, the Đông Yên Châu inscription, dated to the mid-6th century at the latest, is also the first attestation of any Austronesian language.

Structure

Banknote for 5 dollars, Hawaii, circa 1839, using Hawaiian language.

It is difficult to make generalizations about the languages that make up a family as diverse as Austronesian. Very broadly, one can divide the Austronesian languages into three groups: Philippine-type languages, Indonesian-type languages and post-Indonesian type (Ross 2002):

  • The first group includes, besides the languages of the Philippines, the Austronesian languages of Taiwan, Sabah, North Sulawesi and Madagascar. It is primarily characterized by the retention of the original system of Philippine-type voice alternations, where typically three or four verb voices determine which semantic role the "subject"/"topic" expresses (it may express either the actor, the patient, the location and the beneficiary, or various other circumstancial roles such as instrument and concomitant). The phenomenon has frequently been referred to as focus (not to be confused with the usual sense of that term in linguistics). Furthermore, the choice of voice is influenced by the definiteness of the participants. The word order has a strong tendency to be verb-initial.
  • In contrast, the more innovative Indonesian-type languages, which are particularly represented in Malaysia and western Indonesia, have reduced the voice system to a contrast between only two voices (actor voice and "undergoer" voice), but these are supplemented by applicative morphological devices (originally two: the more direct *-i and more oblique *-an/-[a]kən), which serve to modify the semantic role of the "undergoer". They are also characterized by the presence of preposed clitic pronouns. Unlike the Philippine type, these languages mostly tend towards verb-second word-orders. A number of languages, such as the Batak languages, Old Javanese, Balinese, Sasak and several Sulawesi languages seem to represent an intermediate stage between these two types.[3][4]
  • Finally, in some languages, which Ross calls "post-Indonesian", the original voice system has broken down completely and the voice-marking affixes no longer preserve their functions.

The Austronesian languages tend to use reduplication (repetition of all or part of a word, as in wiki-wiki or agar-agar). Like many East and Southeast Asian languages, most Austronesian languages have highly restrictive phonotactics, with generally small numbers of phonemes and predominantly consonant–vowel syllables.

Lexicon

The Austronesian language family has been established by the linguistic comparative method on the basis of cognate sets, sets of words similar in sound and meaning which can be shown to be descended from the same ancestral word in Proto-Austronesian according to regular rules. Some cognate sets are very stable. The word for eye in many Austronesian languages is mata (from the most northerly Austronesian languages, Formosan languages such as Bunun and Amis all the way south to Māori). Other words are harder to reconstruct. The word for two is also stable, in that it appears over the entire range of the Austronesian family, but the forms (e.g. Bunun rusya, lusha; Amis tusa; Māori tahi, rua) require some linguistic expertise to recognise. The Austronesian Basic Vocabulary Database gives word lists (coded for cognateness) for approximately 1000 Austronesian languages.

Classification

The internal structure of the Austronesian languages is complex. The family consists of many similar and closely related languages with large numbers of dialect continua, making it difficult to recognize boundaries between branches. However, it is clear that the greatest genealogical diversity is found among the Formosan languages of Taiwan, and the least diversity among the islands of the Pacific, supporting a dispersal of the family from Taiwan or China. The first comprehensive classification to reflect this was Dyen (1965).

The seminal article in the classification of Formosan—and, by extension, the top-level structure of Austronesian—is Blust (1999). Prominent Formosanists (linguists who specialize in Formosan languages) take issue with some of its details, but it remains the point of reference for current linguistic analyses, and is shown below. The Malayo-Polynesian languages are frequently included within Blust's Eastern Formosan branch due to their shared leveling of proto-Austronesian *t, *C to /t/ and *n, *N to /n/, their shift of *S to /h/, and vocabulary such as *lima "five" which are not attested in other Formosan languages.

There appear to have been two great migrations of Austronesian languages that quickly covered large areas, resulting in multiple local groups with little large-scale structure. The first was Malayo-Polynesian, distributed across the Philippines, Indonesia, and Melanesia. The Central Malayo-Polynesian languages are similar to each other not because of close genealogical relationships, but rather because they reflect strong substratum effects from non-Austronesian languages. The second migration was that of the Oceanic languages into Polynesia and Micronesia (Greenhill, Blust & Gray 2008).

In addition to Malayo-Polynesian, thirteen Formosan families are broadly accepted. Debate centers primarily around the relationships between these families. Of the classifications presented here, Blust (1999) links two families into a Western Plains group, two more in a Northwestern Formosan group, and three into an Eastern Formosan group, while Lee (2008)[citation not found] also links five families into a Northern Formosan group. The Austronesian Basic Vocabulary Database (2008) accepts Northern, rejects Eastern, links Tsouic and Rukai (two highly divergent languages), and links Malayo-Polynesian with Paiwan in a Paiwanic group. Ross (2009) splits Tsouic, and notes that Tsou, Rukai, and Puyuma fall outside of reconstructions of Proto-Austronesian.

Other studies have presented phonological evidence for a reduced Paiwanic family of Paiwanic, Puyuma, Bunun, Amis, and Malayo-Polynesian, but this is not reflected in vocabulary. The Eastern Formosan peoples Basay, Kavalan, and Amis share a homeland motif that has them coming originally from an island called Sinasay or Sanasay (Li 2004). The Amis, in particular, maintain that they came from the east, and were treated by the Puyuma, amongst whom they settled, as a subservient group (Taylor 1888).[5]

Blust (1999)

Families of Formosan languages before Minnanese colonization of Taiwan, per Blust (1999).
Distribution of the Austronesian languages, per Blust (1999).
Austronesian

(clockwise from the southwest)

  Tsouic (Formosan)
  Western Plains (Formosan)
  Northwest Formosan
  Atayalic (Formosan)
  East Formosan
  Bunun language (Formosan)
  Rukai language (Formosan)
  • Mantauran, Tona, and Maga dialects of Rukai are divergent.
  Puyuma language (Formosan)
  Paiwan language (southern tip of Formosa)
  Malayo-Polynesian

Li (2008)

Families of Formosan languages before Minnanese colonization, per Li (2008). The three languages in green (Bunun, Puyuma, Paiwan) may form a Southern Formosan branch, but this is uncertain.

This classification retains Blust's East Formosan, and unites the other northern languages. Li proposes a Proto-Formosan (F0) ancestor and equates it with Proto-Austronesian (PAN), following the model in Starosta (1995).[6][7] Rukai and Tsouic are seen as highly divergent,[6] although the position of Rukai is highly controversial.[8]

Austronesian Basic Vocabulary Database (2008)

Families of Formosan languages before Minnanese colonization, per the Austronesian Basic Vocabulary Database (Greenhill, Blust & Gray 2008).

This investigation keeps Li's Northern Formosan, but breaks up Blust's East Formosan, and suggests Paiwan may be the closest to Malayo-Polynesian. It also unites Tsouic and Rukai, the two most divergent languages in Li.

Austronesian
  Kavalanic

This is an obvious, low-level grouping

  Northern Formosan

These groups are linked with an estimated 97% probability.

  Ami

Another low-level grouping

  • Sakizaya
  • Nataoran (North Amis)
  • Amis
  Bunun
  Tsou–Rukai

Tsou and Rukai are connected with moderate confidence, estimated at 85% probability.

  Siraya
  • Siraya (Taivoan, Makatao dialects)
  Puyuma
  Paiwanic

Malayo-Polynesian and Paiwan are linked with a low level of confidence (74%).

Ross (2009)

Families of Formosan languages before Minnanese colonization, per Ross (2009).

In 2009, Malcolm Ross proposed a new classification of the Austronesian language family based on morphological evidence from various Formosan languages.[9] He proposed that the current reconstructions for Proto-Austronesian actually correspond to an intermediate stage, which he terms "Proto-Nuclear Austronesian". Notably, Ross' classification does not support the unity of the Tsouic languages, instead considering the Southern Tsouic languages of Kanakanavu and Saaroa to be a separate branch. This supports Chang's (2006) claim that Tsouic is not a valid group.[10]

Austronesian
  Rukai
  • (Mantauran and Tona–Maga dialects are divergent)
  Puyuma
  Tsou
  Nuclear Austronesian

Major languages

Main article: List of major and official Austronesian languages

Austronesian comparison chart

Below is a chart comparing list of numbers of 1-10 and thirteen words in Austronesian languages; spoken in Taiwan, the Philippines, the Mariana Islands, Indonesia, Malaysia, Chams or Champa in Thailand, Cambodia, and Vietnam, East Timor, Papua, New Zealand, Hawaii, Madagascar, Borneo and Tuvalu.

Austronesian List of Numbers 1-10 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Proto-Austronesian *əsa
*isa		 *duSa *təlu *Səpat *lima *ənəm *pito *walu *Siwa *(sa-)puluq
Formosan languages 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Amis cecay tosa tolo spat lima enem pito falo siwa mo^tep
Atayal qutux sazing cyugal payat magal mtzyu mpitu mspat mqeru mopuw
Paiwan ita drusa tjelu sepatj lima enem pitju alu siva tapuluq
Bunun tasʔa dusa tau paat hima nuum pitu vau siva masʔan
Puyuma isa zuwa telu pat lima unem pitu walu iwa pulu'
Rukai itha drusa tulru supate lrima eneme pitu valru bangate pulruku
Tsou coni yuso tuyu sʉptʉ eimo nomʉ pitu voyu sio maskʉ
Saisiyat 'aeihae' roSa' to:lo' Sopat haseb SayboSi: SayboSi: 'aeihae' maykaSpat hae'hae' lampez
Yami asa dora atlo apat lima anem pito wao siyam poo
Thao taha tusha turu shpat tarima katuru pitu kashpat tanathu makthin
Kavalan usiq uzusa utulu uspat ulima unem upitu uwalu usiwa rabtin
Truku kingal dha tru spat rima mataru empitu maspat mngari maxal
Sakizaya cacay tosa tolo sepat lima enem pito walo siwa cacay a bataan
Seediq kingal daha teru sepac rima mmteru mpitu mmsepac mngari maxal
Malayo-Polynesian languages 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Proto-Malayo-Polynesian *əsa
*isa		 *duha *təlu *əpat *lima *ənəm *pito *walu *hiwa *puluq
Nuclear Malayo-Polynesian (MP) languages 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Sunda–Sulawesi languages 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Acehnese sifar
soh		 sa duwa lhee peuet limong nam tujoh lapan sikureueng siploh
Balinesea

nul

besik
siki

dua

telu

papat

lime

nenem

pitu

kutus

sia		 dasa
Banjar asa dua talu ampat lima anam pitu walu sanga sapuluh
Batak, Toba sada dua tolu opat lima onom pitu ualu sia sampulu
Buginese ceddi dua tellu empa lima enneng pitu arua asera seppulo
Cia-Cia dise
ise		 rua
ghua		 tolu pa'a lima no'o picu walu
oalu		 siua ompulu
Cham sa dua klau pak lima nam tujuh dalapan salapan sapluh
Indonesian kosong
nol		 satu
suatu[11]		 dua tiga[12][13] empat lima[14] enam tujuh delapan[15] sembilan sepuluh
Javanese (Kawi)b[16] sunya
eka
dwi
tri
catur
panca
sad
sapta
asta
nawa		 dasa
Javanese (Kuna)[17] das sa
(sa' / sak)		 rwa tĕlu pāt lima nĕm pitu walu sanga sapuluh
Javanese (Krama) nol setunggal kalih tiga sekawan gangsal enem pitu wolu sanga sedasa
Javanese (Ngoko)[18] nol siji loro telu papat lima enem pitu wolu sanga sepuluh
Kelantan-Pattani kosong so duwo tigo pak limo ne tujoh lape smile spuloh
Madurese nol settong dhuwa' tello' empa' lema' ennem petto' ballu' sanga' sapolo
Makassarese ᨒᨚᨅ
lobbang
ᨊᨚᨒᨚ
nolo'		 ᨙᨔᨙᨑ
se're		 ᨑᨘᨕ
rua		 ᨈᨒᨘ
tallu		 ᨕᨄ
appa'		 ᨒᨗᨆ
lima		 ᨕᨊ
annang		 ᨈᨘᨍ
tuju		 ᨔᨂᨈᨘᨍ
sangantuju		 ᨔᨒᨄ
salapang		 ᨔᨄᨘᨒᨚ
sampulo
Malay kosong
sifar		 satu
suatu		 dua tiga[12] empat lima[19] enam tujuh lapan sembilan sepuluh
Minangkabau[20] ciek duo tigo ampek limo anam tujuah salapan sambilan sapuluah
Moken cha:? thuwa:? teloj
(təlɔy)		 pa:t lema:? nam luɟuːk waloj
(walɔy)		 chewaj
(cʰɛwaːy / sɛwaːy)		 cepoh
Sasak sekek due telo empat lime enam pituk baluk siwak sepulu
Sundanese ᮔᮧᮜ᮪
nol		 ᮠᮤᮏᮤ
hiji		 ᮓᮥᮃ
dua		 ᮒᮤᮜᮥ
tilu		 ᮇᮕᮒ᮪
opat		 ᮜᮤᮙ
lima		 ᮌᮨᮔᮨᮕ᮪
genep		 ᮒᮥᮏᮥᮂ
tujuh		 ᮓᮜᮕᮔ᮪
dalapan		 ᮞᮜᮕᮔ᮪
salapan		 ᮞᮕᮥᮜᮥᮂ
sapuluh
Terengganu Malay kosong se duwe tige pak lime nang tujoh lapang smilang spuloh
Tetun zero
nol		 ida rua tolu hat lima nen hitu ualu sia sanulu
Tsat (HuiHui)c sa³³ *,
ta¹¹ **		 tʰua¹¹ kiə³³ pa²⁴ ma³³ naːn³² su⁵⁵ paːn³² tʰu¹ paːn³² piu⁵⁵
There are two forms for numbers 'one' in Tsat (Hui Hui; Hainan Cham) :
^* The word sa³³ is used for serial counting.
^** The word ta¹¹ is used with hundreds and thousands and before qualifiers.
Borneo–Philippine languages 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Ilokano ibbong
awan
sero		 maysa duwa tallo uppat lima innem pito walo siyam sangapulo
Ibanag awan
sero		 tadday duwa tallu appa' lima annam pitu walu siyam mamfulu
Pangasinan sakey duwa talo apat lima anem pito walo siyam samplo
Kapampangan metung
isa		 aduwa atlu apat lima anam pitu walu siyam apulu
Tagalog wala
sero		 isa dalawa tatlo apat limá anim pito walo siyam sampu
Masbatenyo isad
usad		 duwa
duha		 tulo upat lima unom pito walo siyam napulo
Aklanon uwa
sero		 isaea
sambilog		 daywa tatlo ap-at lima an-om pito waeo siyam napueo
Karay-a wala
sero		 isara darwa tatlo apat lima anəm pito walo siyam napulo
Onhan isya darwa tatlo upat lima an-om pito walo siyam sampulo
Romblomanon isa duha tuyo upat lima onum pito wayo siyam napuyo
Hiligaynon wala
sero		 isa duha tatlo apat lima anom pito walo siyam napulo
Waray waray
sero		 usa duha tulo upat lima unom pito walo siyam napulo
Cebuano walay
sero		 usa duha tulo upat lima unom pito walo siyam napulo
pulo
Tausug isa duwa tū upat lima unum pitu walu siyam hangpu'
Maranao isa dua telu pat lima nem pitu ualu siau sapulu'
Benuaq (Dayak Benuaq) eray duaq toluu opaat limaq jawatn turu walo sie sepuluh
Dusun aiso iso duo tolu apat limo onom turu walu siam hopod
Malagasy aotra isa
iray		 roa telo efatra dimy enina fito valo sivy folo
Sangirese (Sangir-Minahasan) sembau darua tatelu epa lima eneng pitu walu sio mapulo
Oceanic languagesd 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Fijian saiva dua rua tolu vaa lima ono vitu walu ciwa tini
Hawaiian 'ole 'e-kahi 'e-lua 'e-kolu 'e-hā 'e-lima 'e-ono 'e-hiku 'e-walu 'e-iwa 'umi
Kiribati akea teuana uoua tenua aua nimaua onoua itua wanua ruaiwa tebwina
Māori kore tahi rua toru whā rima ono whitu waru iwa tekau
ngahuru
Marshallese[21] o̧o juon ruo jilu emān ļalem jiljino jimjuon ralitōk ratimjuon jon̄oul
Motue[22] ta rua toi hani ima tauratoi hitu taurahani taurahani-ta gwauta
Niuean nakai taha ua tolu fa lima ono fitu valu hiva hogofulu
Rapanui tahi rua toru hā rima ono hitu va'u iva angahuru
Rarotongan Māori kare ta'i rua toru 'ā rima ono 'itu varu iva nga'uru
Rotuman ta rua folu hake lima ono hifu vạlu siva saghulu
Sāmoan o tasi lua tolu fa lima ono fitu valu iva sefulu
Sāmoan
(K-type) 		o kasi lua kolu fa lima ogo fiku valu iva sefulu
Tahitian hō'ē
tahi		 piti toru maha pae ōno hitu va'u iva hō'ē 'ahuru
Tongan noa taha ua tolu fa nima ono fitu valu hiva hongofulu
taha noa
Trukese eet érúúw één fáán niim woon fúús waan ttiw engoon
Tuvaluan tahi
tasi		 lua tolu fa lima ono fitu valu iva sefulu
English one two three four person house dog road day new we what fire
Tetum ida rua tolu haat ema uma asu dalan loron foun ita saida ahi
Amis cecay tosa tolo sepat tamdaw luma wacu lalan cidal faroh kita uman namal
Puyuma sa dua telu pat taw rumah soan dalan wari vekar mi amanai apue,
asi
Tagalog isa dalawa tatlo apat tao bahay aso daan araw bago tayo / kami ano apoy
Rinconada Bikol əsad darwā tolō əpat tawō baləy ayam raran aldəw bāgo kitā onō kalayō
Cebuano usa,
isa 		duha tulo upat tawo balay iro dalan adlaw bag-o kita unsa kalayo
Waray usa duha tulo upat tawo balay ayam,
ido 		dalan adlaw bag-o kita anu kalayo
Hiligaynon isa duha tatlo apat tawo balay ido dalan adlaw bag-o kita ano kalayo
Aklanon isaea,
sambilog 		daywa tatlo ap-at tawo baeay ayam daean adlaw bag-o kita ano kaeayo
Kinaray-a sara darwa tatlo apat tawo balay ayam dalan adlaw bag-o kita ano kalayo
Tausug hambuuk duwa tu upat tau bay iru' dan adlaw ba-gu kitaniyu unu kayu
Maranao isa dowa t'lo phat taw walay aso lalan gawi'e bago tano tonaa apoy
Kapampangan metung adwa atlu apat tau bale asu dalan aldo bayu ikatamu nanu api
Pangasinan sakey dua,
duara 		talo,
talora 		apat,
apatira 		too abong aso dalan ageo balo sikatayo anto pool
Ilokano maysa dua tallo uppat tao balay aso dalan aldaw baro datayo ania apoy
Ivatan asa dadowa tatdo apat tao vahay chito rarahan araw va-yo yaten ango apoy
Ibanag tadday dua tallu appa' tolay balay kitu dalan aggaw bagu sittam anni afi
Yogad tata addu tallu appat tolay binalay atu daddaman agaw bagu sikitam gani afuy
Gaddang antet addwa tallo appat tolay balay atu dallan aw bawu ikkanetam sanenay afuy
Tboli sotu lewu tlu fat tau gunu ohu lan kdaw lomi tekuy tedu ofih
Malay/Indonesian satu dua tiga[23] empat orang rumah,
balai 		anjing jalan hari baru kita apa,
anu 		api
Old Javanese esa,
eka 		rwa,
dwi 		tĕlu,
tri 		pat,
catur[24] 		wwang umah asu dalan dina hañar, añar[25] kami[26] apa,
aparan 		apuy,
agni
Javanese siji,
setunggal 		loro,
kalih 		tĕlu,
tiga[27] 		papat,
sekawan 		uwong,
tiyang,
priyantun[27] 		omah,
griya,
dalem[27] 		asu,
sĕgawon 		dalan,
gili[27] 		dina,
dinten[27] 		anyar,
énggal[27] 		awaké dhéwé,
kula panjenengan[27] 		apa,
punapa[27] 		gĕni,
latu,
brama[27]
Sundanese hiji dua tilu opat urang imah anjing jalan poe anyar,
enggal 		arurang naon seuneu
Acehnese sa duwa lhèë peuët ureuëng rumoh,
balè,
seuëng 		asèë röt uroë barô (geu)tanyoë peuë apui
Minangkabau ciek duo tigo ampek urang rumah anjiang labuah,
jalan 		hari baru awak apo api
Lampungese sai khua telu pak jelema lamban kaci ranlaya khani baru kham api apui
Buginese sedi dua tellu eppa tau bola asu lalen esso baru idi aga api
Temuan satuk duak tigak empat uwang,
eang 		gumah,
umah 		anying,
koyok 		jalan aik,
haik 		bahauk kitak apak apik
Bataknese sada dua tolu opat halak jabu biang dalan ari baru hita aha api
Kelantan-Pattani so duwo tigo pak oghe ghumoh,
dumoh 		anjing jale aghi baghu kito gapo api
Chamorro håcha,
maisa 		hugua tulu fatfat taotao guma ga'lågu[28] chålan ha'åni nuebu[29] hita håfa guafi
Motu ta,
tamona 		rua toi hani tau ruma sisia dala dina matamata ita,
ai 		dahaka lahi
Māori tahi rua toru whā tangata whare kurī ara rā hou tāua, tātou/tātau
māua, mātou/mātau 		aha ahi
Tuvaluan tasi lua tolu fá toko fale kuli ala,
tuu 		aso fou tāua a afi
Hawaiian kahi lua kolu hā kanaka hale 'īlio ala ao hou kākou aha ahi
Banjarese asa duwa talu ampat urang rūmah hadupan heko hǎri hanyar kami apa api
Malagasy isa roa telo efatra olona trano alika lalana andro vaovao isika inona afo
Dusun iso duo tolu apat tulun walai,
lamin 		tasu ralan tadau wagu tokou onu/nu tapui
Kadazan iso duvo tohu apat tuhun hamin tasu lahan tadau vagu tokou onu,
nunu 		tapui
Rungus iso duvo tolu,
tolzu 		apat tulun,
tulzun 		valai,
valzai 		tasu dalan tadau vagu tokou nunu tapui,
apui
Sungai/Tambanuo ido duo tolu opat lobuw waloi asu ralan runat wagu toko onu apui
Iban satu, sa,
siti, sigi 		dua tiga empat orang,
urang 		rumah ukui,
uduk 		jalai hari baru kitai nama api
Sarawak Malay satu,
sigek 		dua tiga empat orang rumah asuk jalan ari baru kita apa api
Terengganuan se duwe tige pak oghang ghumoh,
dumoh 		anjing jalang aghi baghu kite mende, ape,
gape, nape 		api
Kanayatn sa dua talu ampat urakng rumah asu' jalatn ari baru kami',
diri' 		ahe api

History

Further information: Austronesian peoples § Migration and dispersion

The protohistory of the Austronesian people can be traced farther back through time than can that of the Proto-Austronesian language. From the standpoint of historical linguistics, the home (in linguistic terminology, Urheimat) of the Austronesian languages is the main island of Taiwan, also known as Formosa; on this island the deepest divisions in Austronesian are found, among the families of the native Formosan languages. According to Robert Blust, the Formosan languages form nine of the ten primary branches of the Austronesian language family Blust (1999). Comrie (2001:28) noted this when he wrote:

Austronesian languages expansion map. Periods are based on archeological studies, though the association of the archeological record and linguistic reconstructions is disputed.

... the internal diversity among the... Formosan languages... is greater than that in all the rest of Austronesian put together, so there is a major genetic split within Austronesian between Formosan and the rest... Indeed, the genetic diversity within Formosan is so great that it may well consist of several primary branches of the overall Austronesian family.

At least since Sapir (1968), linguists have generally accepted that the chronology of the dispersal of languages within a given language family can be traced from the area of greatest linguistic variety to that of the least. For example, English in North America has large numbers of speakers, but relatively low dialectal diversity, while English in Great Britain has much higher diversity; such low linguistic variety by Sapir's thesis suggests a more recent origin of English in North America. While some scholars suspect that the number of principal branches among the Formosan languages may be somewhat less than Blust's estimate of nine (e.g. Li 2006), there is little contention among linguists with this analysis and the resulting view of the origin and direction of the migration. For a recent dissenting analysis, see (Peiros 2004).

To get an idea of the original homeland of the Austronesian people, scholars can probe evidence from archaeology and genetics. Studies from the science of genetics have produced conflicting outcomes. Some researchers find evidence for a proto-Austronesian homeland on the Asian mainland (e.g., Melton et al. 1998), while others mirror the linguistic research, rejecting an East Asian origin in favor of Taiwan (e.g., Trejaut et al. 2005). Archaeological evidence (e.g., Bellwood 1997) is more consistent, suggesting that the ancestors of the Austronesians spread from the South Chinese mainland to Taiwan at some time around 8,000 years ago. Evidence from historical linguistics suggests that it is from this island that seafaring peoples migrated, perhaps in distinct waves separated by millennia, to the entire region encompassed by the Austronesian languages (Diamond 2000). It is believed that this migration began around 6,000 years ago (Blust 1999). However, evidence from historical linguistics cannot bridge the gap between those two periods. The view that linguistic evidence connects Austronesian languages to the Sino-Tibetan ones, as proposed for example by Sagart (2002), is a minority one. As Fox (2004:8) states:

Implied in... discussions of subgrouping [of Austronesian languages] is a broad consensus that the homeland of the Austronesians was in Taiwan. This homeland area may have also included the P'eng-hu (Pescadores) islands between Taiwan and China and possibly even sites on the coast of mainland China, especially if one were to view the early Austronesians as a population of related dialect communities living in scattered coastal settlements.

Linguistic analysis of the Proto-Austronesian language stops at the western shores of Taiwan; any related mainland language(s) have not survived. The only exceptions, the Chamic languages, derive from more recent migration to the mainland (Thurgood 1999:225).

Hypothesized relations

Genealogical links have been proposed between Austronesian and various families of East and Southeast Asia.

Austric

Main article: Austric languages

A link with the Austroasiatic languages in an 'Austric' phylum is based mostly on typological evidence. However, there is also morphological evidence of a connection between the conservative Nicobarese languages and Austronesian languages of the Philippines. Paul K. Benedict extended the Austric proposal to include the Tai–Kadai and Hmong–Mien families, but this has not been followed by other linguists.

Austro-Tai

Main article: Austro-Tai languages

A competing Austro-Tai proposal linking Austronesian and Tai–Kadai is supported by Weera Ostapirat, Roger Blench, and Laurent Sagart, and is based on the traditional comparative method. Ostapirat (2005) proposes a series of regular correspondences linking the two families and assumes a primary split, with Tai–Kadai speakers being the Austronesians who stayed behind in their Chinese homeland. Blench (2004) suggests that, if the connection is valid, the relationship is unlikely to be one of two sister families. Rather, he suggests that proto-Tai–Kadai speakers were Austronesians who migrated to Hainan Island and back to the mainland from the northern Philippines, and that their distinctiveness results from radical restructuring following contact with Hmong–Mien and Sinitic.

Sino-Austronesian

Main article: Sino-Austronesian languages

French linguist and Sinologist Laurent Sagart considers the Austronesian languages to be related to the Sino-Tibetan languages, and also groups the Tai–Kadai languages as more closely related to the Malayo-Polynesian languages.[30] He also groups the Austronesian languages in a recursive-like fashion, placing Tai–Kadai as a sister branch of Malayo-Polynesian. His methodology has been found to be spurious by his peers.

Japanese

Several linguists have proposed that Japanese may be a relative of the Austronesian family, a claim countered by others.[31] Some linguists think it is more plausible that Japanese might have instead been influenced by Austronesian languages, perhaps by an Austronesian substratum. Those who propose this scenario suggest that the Austronesian family once covered the islands to the north of Formosa as well as to the south.

Ongan

It has recently been proposed that the Austronesian and the Ongan protolanguage are the descendants of an Austronesian–Ongan protolanguage (Blevins 2007) harvcol error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFBlevins2007 (help).[32]

Writing systems

See also: Writing systems of Southeast Asia
Sign in Balinese and Latin script at a Hindu temple in Bali.
Manuscript from early 1800s using Batak alphabet.

Most Austronesian languages have Latin-based writing systems today. Some non-Latin-based writing systems are listed below.

See also

Notes

  1. ^ "Austronesian Languages". Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved 26 October 2016.
  2. ^ John Simpson; Edmund Weiner, eds. (1989). Official Oxford English Dictionary (OED2) (Dictionary). Oxford University Press. p. 22000. {{cite book}}: Cite has empty unknown parameter: |media_type= (help)
  3. ^ Adelaar, K. Alexander and Nikolaus Limmelmann. 2005. The Austronesian Languages of Asia and Madagascar. P.6-7
  4. ^ Croft, William. 2012 Verbs: Aspect and Causal Structure. P.261
  5. ^ "The Tipuns... are certainly descended from emigrants, and I have not the least doubt but that the Amias are of similar origin; only of later date, and most probably from the Mejaco Simas [that is, Miyako-jima], a group of islands lying 110 miles to the North-east.... By all accounts the old Pilam savages, who merged into the Tipuns, were the first settlers on the plain; then came the Tipuns, and a long time afterwards the Amias. The Tipuns, for some time, acknowledged the Pilam Chief as supreme, but soon absorbed both the chieftainship and the people, in fact the only trace left of them now, is a few words peculiar to the Pilam village, one of which, makan (to eat), is pure Malay. The Amias submitted themselves to the jurisdiction of the Tipuns."
  6. ^ a b Li, Paul Jen-kuei. 2008. "Time perspective of Formosan Aborigines." In Sanchez-Mazas, Alicia ed. Past human migrations in East Asia: matching archaeology, linguistics and genetics. Taylor & Francis US.
  7. ^ Starosta, S. 1995. "A grammatical subgrouping of Formosan languages." In P. Li, Cheng-hwa Tsang, Ying-kuei Huang, Dah-an Ho, and Chiu-yu Tseng eds. Austronesian Studies Relating to Taiwan, pp. 683–726, Taipei: Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica.
  8. ^ "The position of Rukai is the most controversial: Tsuchida... treats it as more closely related to Tsouic languages, based on lexicostatistic evidence, while Ho... believes it to be one of the Paiwanic languages, i.e. part of my Southern group, as based on a comparison of fourteen grammatical features. In fact, Japanese anthropologists did not distinguish between Rukai, Paiwan and Puyuma in the early stage of their studies" (Li 2008: 216).
  9. ^ Ross, Malcolm. 2009. "Proto Austronesian verbal morphology: A reappraisal." In Alexander Adelaar and Andrew Pawley (eds.). Austronesian historical linguistics and culture history: a festschrift for Robert Blust. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics.
  10. ^ Chang, Henry Yungli. 2006. "Rethinking the Tsouic Subgroup Hypothesis: A Morphosyntactic Perspective." In Chang, H., Huang, L. M., Ho, D. (eds.). Streams converging into an ocean: Festschrift in honor of Professor Paul Jen-Kuei Li on his 70th birthday. Taipei: Institute of Linguistics, Academia Sinica.
  11. ^ The Sanskrit loanword "Ekasila" : "Eka" means 1, "Sila" means "pillar", "principle" appeared in Sukarno's speech
  12. ^ a b In Kedukan Bukit inscription the numeral tlu ratus appears as three hundred, tlu as three, in http://www.wordsense.eu/telu/ the word telu is referred to as three in Malay, although the use of telu is very rare.
  13. ^ The Sanskrit loanword "Trisila" : "Tri" means 3, "Sila" means "pillar", "principle" appeared in Sukarno's speech
  14. ^ The Sanskrit loanword: Pancasila is the 5 principles of sukarno explained here: Pancasila (politics), "Panca" means 5, "Sila" means "pillar", "principle".
  15. ^ Lapan is a known shortage of Delapan.
  16. ^ Siman Widyatmanta, Adiparwa. Vol. I dan II. Cetakan Ketiga. Yogyakarta: U.P. "Spring", 1968.
  17. ^ Zoetmulder, P.J., Kamus Jawa Kuno-Indonesia. Vol. I-II. Terjemahan Darusuprapto-Sumarti Suprayitno. Jakarta: PT. Gramedia Pustaka Utama, 1995.
  18. ^ [1] Javanese alphabet, pronunciation, and language (Aksara Jawa), http://www.omniglot.com/writing/javanese.htm
  19. ^ The Sanskrit loanword: "Panca" means 5, in the name of Siti Nurhaliza songs disc, "Pancawarna" which means: "5 colors".
  20. ^ [2]
  21. ^ Cook, Richard (1992). Peace Corps Marshall Islands: Marshallese Language Training Manual (PDF), pg. 22. Accessed August 27, 2007
  22. ^ Percy Chatterton, (1975). Say It In Motu: An instant introduction to the common language of Papua. Pacific Publications. ISBN 978-0-85807-025-7
  23. ^ In Kedukan Bukit inscription appears the numeral Tlu ratus as Three hundred, Tlu as Three, in http://www.wordsense.eu/telu/ the word Telu is referred as Three in Malay and Indonesian Language although the use of Telu is very rare.
  24. ^ s.v. kawan, Old Javanese-English Dictionary, P.J. Zoetmulder and Stuart Robson, 1982
  25. ^ s.v. hañar, Old Javanese-English Dictionary, P.J. Zoetmulder and Stuart Robson, 1982
  26. ^ s.v. kami, this could mean both first person singular and plural, Old Javanese-English Dictionary, P.J. Zoetmulder and Stuart Robson, 1982
  27. ^ a b c d e f g h i Javanese English Dictionary, Stuart Robson and Singgih Wibisono, 2002
  28. ^ From Spanish "galgo"
  29. ^ From Spanish "nuevo"
  30. ^ van Driem, George. 2005. Sino-Austronesian vs. Sino-Caucasian, Sino-Bodic vs. Sino-Tibetan, and Tibeto-Burman as default theory. Contemporary Issues in Nepalese Linguistics, pp. 285–338. http://www.eastling.org/paper/Driem.pdf (see page 304)
  31. ^ Benedict (1990), Lewin (1976), Matsumoto (1975), Miller (1967), Murayama (1976), Shibatani (1990).
  32. ^ Blevins, Juliette (2007), "A Long Lost Sister of Proto-Austronesian? Proto-Ongan, Mother of Jarawa and Onge of the Andaman Islands" (PDF), Oceanic Linguistics, 46 (1): 154–198, doi:10.1353/ol.2007.0015, archived from the original (PDF) on 2011-01-11 {{citation}}: Unknown parameter |deadurl= ignored (|url-status= suggested) (help)

References

Further reading

  • Bengtson, John D., The "Greater Austric" Hypothesis, Association for the Study of Language in Prehistory.
  • Blust, R. A. (1983). Lexical reconstruction and semantic reconstruction: the case of the Austronesian "house" words. Hawaii: R. Blust.
  • Cohen, E. M. K. (1999). Fundaments of Austronesian roots and etymology. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics. ISBN 0-85883-436-7
  • Marion, P., Liste Swadesh élargie de onze langues austronésiennes, éd. Carré de sucre, 2009
  • Pawley, A., & Ross, M. (1994). Austronesian terminologies: continuity and change. Canberra, Australia: Dept. of Linguistics, Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, The Australian National University. ISBN 0-85883-424-3
  • Sagart, Laurent, Roger Blench, and Alicia Sanchez-Nazas (Eds.) (2004). The peopling of East Asia: Putting Together Archaeology, Linguistics and Genetics. London: RoutledgeCurzon. ISBN 0-415-32242-1.
  • Tryon, D. T., & Tsuchida, S. (1995). Comparative Austronesian dictionary: an introduction to Austronesian studies. Trends in linguistics, 10. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. ISBN 3110127296
  • Wittmann, Henri (1972). "Le caractère génétiquement composite des changements phonétiques du malgache." Proceedings of the International Congress of Phonetic Sciences 7.807-10. La Haye: Mouton.
  • Wolff, John U., "Comparative Austronesian Dictionary. An Introduction to Austronesian Studies", Language, vol. 73, no. 1, pp. 145–56, Mar 1997, ISSN 0097-8507
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